AntiWar
July 8, 2006
Condi's never-ending strong-arming
Dr. James Gordon Prather
Nuclear weapons
physicist
Former Nuclear bomb tester at Lawrence Livermore
Former
Technical director of nuclear bomb testings at Sandia
Former Chief scientist
of the U.S. Army
U.S. Navy veteran
One of the first things Condi Rice
did NOT do as secretary of state was to address the 2005 Review Conference
[1] of the Treaty on Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons [2].
She also didn't allow the conclusions and commitments made at the 2000 NPT
RevCon [3] to even be discussed, much less reaffirmed.
Instead, Condi sent Stephen Rademaker to inform the 2005 NPT conferees
thusly:
Britain, France and Germany, with our support,
are seeking to reach a diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear problem, a
solution that given the history of clandestine nuclear weapons work in that
country, must include permanent cessation of Iran's enrichment and reprocessing
efforts, as well as dismantlement of equipment and facilities related to such
activity.
Now, Mohamed ElBaradei, director-general of the International Atomic
Energy Agency (IAEA) and responsible for verifying to NPT signatories that no
source or special nuclear materials are used in furtherance of a military
purpose, had just reported, after more than two years of unprecedented highly
intrusive inspections, "I have seen no nuclear weapons program in Iran".
Hence, Condi was essentially charging that the IAEA is incompetent to
accomplish its NPT mission.
Condi, therefore, had given up on the NPT and was supporting efforts
outside the NPT to reach a "diplomatic" solution to the "Iranian nuclear
problem".
If possible.
What efforts were those?
Well, on November 15, 2004, Brit, French and German
ambassadors (with the support of Javier Solana, high representative of the
European Union) signed an agreement with the Iranian ambassador, now known as
the Paris Accord [4].
The Paris Accord negotiations – nominally – were to (a) provide
"objective guarantees" to the Brits-French-Germans that Iran's nuclear program
is "exclusively for peaceful purposes" and (b) provide equally "firm guarantees"
to the Iranians of EU technological and economic cooperation as well as "firm
commitments" on "security issues".
These negotiations involved only the Brits-French-Germans and
Iranians.
The Iranians offered to VOLUNTARILY suspend for the duration of the
negotiations "all enrichment related and reprocessing activities". Since those
activities were already subject to an IAEA full-scope Safeguards Agreement [5],
the IAEA was invited to "verify" the suspension.
The negotiations did not otherwise involve the IAEA Board or concern
them.
However, the primary mission of the IAEA is to facilitate the widest
possible transfer and subsequent peaceful use of nuclear technology.
If, therefore, the Brits-French-Germans were – with U.S. support –
seeking "permanent cessation of Iran's enrichment and reprocessing efforts, as
well as dismantlement of equipment and facilities related to such activity",
they were not negotiating in "good faith" under the terms of the Paris Accord or
the NPT or the IAEA Statute [6].
We now know – Stephen Rademaker knew at the time – that as a result of
Condi's arm-twisting, the Brits-French-Germans weren't negotiating in good
faith.
On March 23, 2005, Iran had offered a "confidential" package of "objective
guarantees" that included a voluntary "confinement" of Iran's nuclear programs,
to include:
a) forgoing the reprocessing of spent reactor fuel;
b) forgoing the production of plutonium;
c) producing only the low-enriched uranium required for Iran's power
reactors; and
d) the immediate conversion of all enriched uranium to fuel rods.
By any measure, the Iranian "confinement" offer was substantial.
Nevertheless, Condi did not allow the Brits-French-Germans to even acknowledge
the Iranian offer, much less accept it.
Hence, in August [7] the Iranians notified the IAEA they had broken off
the Paris Accord negotiations and intended to resume some of the Safeguarded
enrichment activities they had voluntarily suspended.
Condi then strong-armed the Brits-French-Germans into improperly
involving the IAEA Board in the mess they made. The IAEA Board then improperly
and illegally "required" Iran to resume negotiations with the
Brits-French-Germans.
The Iranians refused.
Condi then strong-armed the IAEA Board into improperly and illegally
seeking to involve the UN Security Council (UNSC) in the Iran-Board
confrontation. Contrary to what you have been told, the Security Council
essentially "remanded" the "Iranian dossier" to the IAEA Board.
That is, the Security Council refused to accept jurisdiction (which is
what the IAEA Board should have done).
Now, Condi has strong-armed the Russians, Chinese and the
Brits-French-Germans into sending EU High Representative Solana to make a
"confidential" offer to Iran to return to the negotiating table.
As the Brits-French-Germans-Russians-Chinese and Iranians must know,
Condi has no intention of allowing good-faith negotiations this time, either. If
she had, the "confidential" offer to negotiate would essentially restate the
terms of the Paris Accord.
And the starting point for the negotiations would be careful
consideration by Condi and the Brits-French-Germans-Russians-Chinese of the
March 23, 2005, offer by the Iranians.
Notes:
-------
[1] 2005 Review Conference (7th RevCon) - Final
Draft
[3] NPT disarmament provisions: "13
practical steps" toward TOTAL GLOBAL nuclear disarmament
The 13 Practical
Steps for the implementation of "Article VI" adopted by the 2000 NPT Review
Conference (6th RevCon) to nuclear disarmament. In light of the rules of treaty
interpretation set forth in Articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention on the
Law of Treaties, the Practical Steps lay down criteria, principles, and measures
for compliance with Article VI. They constitute subsequent agreement and
practice authoritatively applying and interpreting Article VI. Accordingly, to
implement the Practical Steps is to move towards complete fulfillment of the
legal obligations set forth in Article VI. To fail to do so in essential
respects is to demonstrate a lack of good faith and to breach the Article VI
obligations.
Bush has often said he wants to "STRENGTHEN" the NPT.
Obviously, that is a big LIE. In fact, there had been entirely too much
"strengthening" of the NPT at the Sixth Review Conference (Sixth RevCon),
held six years ago (2000), to suit Bush. The final report of the Sixth
RevCon (http://www.basicint.org/nuclear/NPT/2000revcon/finaltext.htm) began by reaffirming the recommendations contained in the final report
of the Fifth Revcon (http://www.reachingcriticalwill.org/legal/npt/1995dec.html). But it took delegates to the Seventh RevCon (http://www.un.org/events/npt2005) two weeks to
even agree on an agenda because Bush "REFUSED" to allow the final report of the
"Sixth RevCon" to even be discussed (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/13_steps), much less
be reaffirmed. Among other things, the Sixth RevCon Report affirmed: "An
unequivocal undertaking by the nuclear-weapon states to accomplish the total
elimination of their nuclear arsenals leading to nuclear disarmament to which
all states parties are committed under Article VI". Disarm? "The importance and
urgency of signatures and ratifications, without delay and without conditions
and in accordance with constitutional processes, to achieve the early entry into
force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty" (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CTBT). Ratify the
CTBT? "The Sixth Conference reaffirms that IAEA is the competent authority
responsible for verifying and assuring … compliance with its safeguards
agreements … with a view to preventing diversion of nuclear energy from peaceful
uses to nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.… It is the
conviction of the Conference that nothing should be done to undermine the
authority of IAEA in this regard". Don't challenge the authority of the IAEA?
"The Sixth Conference notes the reaffirmation by the nuclear-weapon states of
their commitment to the United Nations Security Council resolution 984 in 1995
(http://www.un.org/Docs/scres/1995/scres95.htm) on
security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon states parties to the Treaty on the
Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons". Give assurances to IRAN that we won't
attack them with nuclear weapons? You've got to be kidding. Bush would never
agree to do any of those things, now required of us by the
NPT.
[4] Paris Accord (November 26, 2004)
Communication received from the Permanent Representatives
of France, Germany, United Kingdom and Iran concerning the agreement signed in
Paris on 15 November 2004.