Special Report: Cables show U.S. sizing up China's next leader Xi Jinping
Tom Jigme Wheat
regard because he gave the then young Dalai lama a watch. also Xi
disagreed with the CCP administration to use military force on the
democracy protestors in 1989.
http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/02/17/us-wiki-china-xi-idUSTRE71G5WH20110217?pageNumber=1
Special Report: Cables show U.S. sizing up China's next leader
By Paul Eckert
WASHINGTON | Thu Feb 17, 2011 1:29pm EST
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - What does the United States make of Xi
Jinping,
the man widely expected to take over from Hu Jintao late next year
and
lead China for the next five or 10 years?
An unpublished WikiLeaks batch of U.S. diplomatic cables portrays the
57-year-old Xi as untainted by corruption -- he is referred to as "Mr
Clean" -- and disdainful of China's nouveau riche and consumer
culture.
He is also depicted as an elitist who believes that the offspring of
Maoist revolutionaries are the rightful rulers of China. His father
was a major Communist leader who fought alongside Mao Zedong and
helped implement Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms.
On human rights, the cables leave the question open. They note that
Xi's father was critical of the military crackdown against Tiananmen
Square protesters in 1989 and that the Dalai Lama had "great
affection" for the elder Xi.
The cables, which Reuters obtained through a third party, trace Xi's
rapid rise from provincial official to national leader, covering a
period from October 2006 to February 2010. They are based on
conversations with numerous Chinese sources -- scholars, senior
journalists, businessmen, relatives or friends of senior officials
and
the occasional government official.
There are very few fly-on-the-wall accounts of meetings with Xi or
other top leaders, and none since he rose to national-level power in
October 2007. Perhaps the most fascinating aspect of this cache of
roughly 1,000 pages of cables is the window they provide into
official
U.S. efforts to size up Xi, the likely next leader of the world's
most
populous country, second largest economy and America's most important
-- and complicated -- bilateral relationship.
What emerges is not a coherent biography. Rather, the documents
contain granular details -- Xi likes Hollywood World War II movies
for
their "grand and truthful" tales of good versus evil, and wishes
Chinese films would promote such values -- that the diplomats offer
as
potential insights into his character.
Aside from basic biographical information and background included to
provide necessary context, this report relies solely on the content
of
the cables.
THE PRINCELING
Who is Xi Jinping?
He was born in 1953 as the middle child of Xi Zhongxun, a first
generation Chinese Communist revolutionary comrade of Mao Zedong and
Deng Xiaoping, who rose to deputy prime minister.
As party boss in the southern province of Guangdong from 1978-80, the
elder Xi (pronounced "she") implemented China's first experimental
"economic zone" in Shenzhen, a key element of reforms that have
propelled China from a dirt-poor land to an economic giant.
His status makes his son, in Chinese parlance, a "princeling": an
informal grouping of an estimated 200-300 descendants from top
Communist revolutionaries whose careers and fortunes are built
largely
on their family name.
Eventually, Xi's relatively liberal father fell victim to one of
Mao's
purges in the early 1960s. He was sent to the countryside and later
jailed. His son, like many youth in his generation, was also
"rusticated" -- sent down to the countryside -- for seven years. The
punishment included farm work.
He joined the Communist Party in 1974, while his father was still in
one of Mao's jails, and steadily rose through its ranks. Xi joined
the
People's Liberation Army and worked as a secretary to the then
defense
minister while on active duty at the powerful Central Military
Commission
Xi studied chemical engineering at Tsinghua University in Beijing
from
1975-9 and then served a long stint as a party official in poor rural
areas of Hebei, the northern province that surrounds Beijing.
From the mid-1980s, Xi then shifted to the fast-growing export
powerhouse provinces and cities on China's southeastern coast. In
quick succession he rose to the top of the government in Fujian, then
Zhejiang province, becoming Communist Party secretary there in 2002.
In 2007, he was named party secretary in Shanghai, sent in to mop up
after his predecessor was jailed and disgraced in a massive scandal
over misuse of the city's social security funds. After a short stint
in Shanghai, in the fall of 2007, Xi was elevated to the Standing
Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party Central,
ranking 6th on the elite nine-member group that rules China.
He was appointed China's vice-president in March 2008. In October
2010, he added an important political title seen as a strong
indication that he will succeed Hu: Vice Chairman of the Communist
Party's Central Military Commission.
CABLES SKETCH CHINA'S SYSTEM
Hu Jintao and Xi come off as competent and honest in comments by
Chinese business, media and academic sources quoted in the cables.
"Hu was untouchable from the corruption standpoint in that he, his
wife, his son and his daughter were all clean," the diplomats quoted
a
Chinese executive of a U.S. investment bank as saying.
Xi was likewise referred to as "Mr Clean," having refused a 100,000
renminbi ($15,180) bribe offer during his time working in Fujian
province's port city of Xiamen, site of brazen smuggling scandals in
the late 1990s.
"Xi has no need to risk taking bribes given the amount of money his
wife, a famous singer, pulls in," said the investment banker. Xi's
48-
year-old wife, Peng Liyuan, sings syrupy folk songs with a People's
Liberation Army troupe.
In contrast to Xi, several retired senior leaders do not fare well in
the cables.
The investment banker "noted that the base rate to purchase
influence"
with one powerful elder was around 500,000 renminbi ($76,000
dollars),
while it cost only 50,000 renminbi for influence with a retired
minister of lower rank.
The men in question were associates of Hu's predecessor and party
chief and state president, Jiang Zemin. Although retired and in his
80s, Jiang's meddling and maneuvering to protect or promote his
family
and followers -- and Hu's efforts to rein in Jiang's influence -- are
a theme of many 2006-7 cables.
In revenge for the sacking on corruption charges of Shanghai Party
Secretary Chen Liangyu, Jiang's people tried to set up a minister
regarded as a Hu protege with a woman but he refused the advances,
said the investment banker. (Another source said the minister did
have
a relationship with the woman in question.)
Jiang's allies then tried get that woman to seduce the minister's son
and arranged a transfer of 500,000 renminbi ($76,000) into the son's
bank account. "By the time the son realized that there was a large
sum
of money of unknown origins in his account, the matter had already
been turned over to the Minister of public Security for
investigation," read the cable.
They then forced the minister to resign as the price for closing his
son's case, said the investment banker.
Relations at the party's top echelon are "akin to those in the
executive suite of a large corporation, as determined by the
interplay
of powerful interests, or as shaped by competition between
princelings
with family ties to party elders and 'shopkeepers' who have risen
through the ranks of the Party," said a cable from July 2009, citing
conversations with a source with family connections to senior
leaders.
Shopkeepers is a derogatory term the offspring of revolutionary
leaders use to describe those without elite party family backgrounds,
a fellow princeling who befriended Xi as a teenager told diplomats.
"While my father was bleeding and dying for China, your father was
selling shoelaces," the friend, who now lives outside China, quoted
one of his peers as saying.
A senior Chinese journalist likened Hu to chairman of the board or
CEO
of a big company, where some issues are put to a vote, and others are
discussed until consensus is reached. "Hu Jintao holds the most
stock,
so his views carry the greatest weight," said the journalist.
The party "should be viewed primarily as a collection of interest
groups" with "no reform wing," a second well-connected journalist
told
the U.S. diplomats in December 2009. "China's top leadership had
carved up China's economic pie, creating an ossified system in which
vested interests drove decision-making and impeded reform as leaders
maneuvered to ensure that those interests were not threatened," a
diplomat wrote in a synthesis of the journalists' views.
Retired, and in some cases active, leaders and their families had
taken firm control of sectors such as electric power, oil, banking,
real estate and precious gems and they opposed media openness,
fearing
the scrutiny this might bring to their activities, it said.
"The central feature of leadership politics was the need to protect
oneself and one's family from attack after leaving office," said the
cable.
"Ever since the 1989 Tiananmen protests and the 1991 collapse of the
Soviet Union, a number of party elders have been pushing to place
their progeny atop the party, believing that only their own offspring
can be trusted to run the party," a diplomat wrote in a cable after
conversations with a party think tank scholar.
Hu, a "shopkeeper" in the view of princelings, has run into
resistance
in trying to rebalance growth from the fast-growing coasts to the
poorer inland provinces under his otherwise uncontroversial policy
platform, formally called the Scientific Development Concept.
The most important factor frustrating Hu is "the power of retired
cadres and their princeling sons and daughters, many of whom have
become China's vested interests, controlling major sectors of the
economy and opposing the SDC, particularly its notion of
redistributing wealth to more backward areas," said the party think
tank scholar.
AMBITION, CONNECTIONS, HUMILITY
The friend who knew Xi as a teenager was quoted by U.S. diplomats as
describing Xi as "extremely pragmatic and a realist, driven not by
ideology but by a combination of ambition and self-protection."
The friend, who shared Xi's background as the son of revolutionary
leaders but moved abroad, said Xi had his "eye on the prize" from the
very beginning and mapped out a career plan very early in his life.
The network and reputation of Xi's father gave Xi broad support in
the
party. The misfortunes Mao's 1966-76 Cultural Revolution visited upon
Xi's family did not alter his career choice or direction, the friend
said, noting that Xi joined the party in 1974 while his father was
still in prison.
Xi was exceptionally ambitious and, with "promotion to the center in
mind from day one," chose to start his Party career in hardscrabble
Hebei province as a calculated move to get experience in the Chinese
countryside and broaden connections.
The friend told the U.S. diplomats that while many of Xi's peers
became alienated from the Party as a result of the Cultural
Revolution
and mainly sought to enjoy life -- women, drinking, films -- Xi did
none of those things.
"Unlike many youth who 'made up for lost time by having fun' after
the
Cultural Revolution, Xi 'chose to survive by becoming redder than
red,'" the friend was quoted as saying.
Believing in the Party system as a way to survive, Xi studied Marxism
and joined one of the worker-soldier-peasant revolutionary committees
that sprung up during the Cultural Revolution.
Xi was of only average intelligence, and women thought Xi was boring.
He could not discuss movies and did not drink, the friend said. While
taciturn and hard to read, Xi could be outwardly friendly and was
thought of as a "good guy" who knew the answers to everyone's
questions and always took care of people, said the friend.
"Contacts say almost everyone 'likes' Xi Jinping because unlike many
other princelings, he is not 'arrogant' and instead is low-key,
humble
and self-effacing," said a November 2007 cable.
FROM COASTAL PROVINCES TO SHANGHAI
After launching his career in the hinterlands of northern China, Xi
moved to the southeastern coastal province of Fujian, across a narrow
waterway from Taiwan.
Like Guangdong province where his father worked, Fujian was the site
of early experiments with special economic zones and foreign
investment and has been a big driver of China's export-led growth. Xi
served 17 years in Fujian, rising to the rank of governor.
The WikiLeaks cables mention Xi's time in Fujian only in passing,
noting that the province had a sister-state relationship to Oregon in
the United States and trips there accounted for two of Xi's four
visits to the United States.
A Communist Party source told U.S. diplomats that Xi was "good on
religion" in Fujian without elaborating and that Xi's father had some
responsibility for religious affairs during his long career.
The friend who knew Xi as a teenager said Xi's time in Fujian meant
that he had deep knowledge of Taiwan -- the self-governing island
that
China claims as sovereign territory and to whom the U.S. sells
weapon,
which is a major irritant in Sino-American ties. But another source
in
2008 said Xi's expertise was limited to Taiwan-China business issues.
Xi's next post, Communist Party secretary of Zhejiang Province from
2002-7, put him in charge of another economic hotbed and export
powerhouse coastal region.
The prominent role of the private sector and entrepreneurs in
Zhejiang
made it attractive to the United States and fostered close relations.
Xi visited Zhejiang's U.S. sister-state, New Jersey, one cable noted.
The township of Zeguo in Zhejiang's Wenling city in 2005 introduced
China's first experiment in deliberative polling, allowing selected
citizens to weigh in through questionnaires and briefings on the
funding of infrastructure projects.
Xi applauded this experiment during a visit that year, the cables
reported.
A scholar at another Chinese think tank told U.S. diplomats in June
2006 that this experiment, limited though it was, indicated
"princeling Xi was not as conservative as some paint him, but was
actually reform-minded."
But another scholar in the same cable disagreed, saying by the time
Xi
was aware of the experiments they had "already proven successful and
Xi had little alternative but to put his stamp of approval on them."
Embassy analysis in an October 2007 cable struck an optimistic tone
about Xi's reformist qualities. Xi was "attentive to social security
challenges, political reform and efforts to fight corruption," it
said.
When Xi was party chief in Zhejiang, he told then U.S. Ambassador
Clark Randt that he had urged the central government to maintain fast
growth on the coast, so that increasing tax revenues could be used to
develop poorer inland provinces.
"We are rich, but we cannot be unkind to the west ... as long as the
cake gets bigger, we all get richer," the cable quoted Xi as saying.
But Xi told Randt in a March 2007 dinner at Randt's residence in
Beijing that he was opposed to efforts by Beijing to raise above the
current 50 percent the level of fiscal revenue Zhejiang was required
to send to the central government.
After a huge pension fund and stock manipulation scandals brought
down
the party leadership in Shanghai, implicating more than 50 officials,
Hu had offered that commercial hub's party secretary position to
several senior people including Xi, but they declined. Xi ended up
taking the job briefly.
Nobody really wanted the post because of the career dangers involved
in uprooting former President Jiang's Shanghai faction, sources told
the diplomats.
A well-connected businessman in Shanghai said the city's scandal
investigation was halted before it reached the highest levels and "it
was increasingly clear to him that with the exception of Hu Jintao
who
remained incorrupt -- all senior Chinese leaders could be bought for
the right price."
A professor in eastern China told U.S. diplomats Hu promoted some
princelings, including Xi, in order to maintain good relations with
party elders, whose role in politics was diminishing but who retained
political influence.
A January 2007 cable quoted a local government researcher in Shanghai
describing Xi as "very conservative like Hu" in ways that could
affect
the political atmosphere in the city.
By the time of an April 2007 cable, however, Xi was being described
as
"moderate to conservative" politically and embassy sources said he
had
a calming effect on Shanghai's politics.
Xi opened Shanghai's Party Congress in May 2007 to diplomats "for the
first time in the collective memory of the Shanghai consular corps"
and broadcast the session on local television in what a U.S. diplomat
said appeared to be an effort at greater transparency.
VIEWS THE UNITED STATES
U.S. diplomats' account of a September 29 meeting in Beijing between
Xi and Deputy Secretary of State James Steinberg recorded Xi as
describing the United States and China as "not competitors but rather
partners in cooperation."
He expressed a positive view of the United States and its people that
dated back to his first visit to the country, an agriculture-related
tour of Iowa in 1985, and he stressed the importance of people-to-
people exchanges in building ties.
"Xi said he arrived with many questions, and after visiting small
towns and spending time with local families, he had departed with an
objective understanding of the United States," said the cable. "Xi
remarked that he had been surprised that the peoples of the U.S. and
China shared so many common interests," it added.
At a March 2007 dinner at Ambassador Randt's residence, Xi discussed
his affection for Hollywood movies, the cable said. It mentioned
"Saving Private Ryan" and "The Departed" as films Xi was particularly
fond of, and quoted Xi as saying he was looking forward to seeing
"Flags of Our Fathers."
"Xi said he particularly likes Hollywood movies about World War II
and
hopes Hollywood will continue to make them," said a cable on that
dinner. "Hollywood makes those moves well, and such Hollywood movies
are grand and truthful," the notes on the meeting said.
"Americans have a clear outlook on values and clearly demarcate
between good and evil," Xi told the ambassador's party. In contrast,
Xi said he found some recent popular Chinese movies "confusing" and
too focused on palace intrigues or vulgar kung fu. He chastised
unnamed Chinese directors saying some of them "neglect values they
should promote."
During a February 2009 visit to Mexico, Xi caused a ruckus with an
undiplomatic outburst in remarks to a group of overseas Chinese.
"There are some well-fed foreigners with nothing to do, who point to
China and make unnecessary accusations," Xi was quoted as saying by
Hong Kong newspapers in a report that was censored within China.
"First, China does not export revolution; second, we don't export
hunger and poverty; and third, we don't make waves with you. What
else
can you say about us?" Xi said.
A cable on that episode by a U.S. diplomat in Mexico called the
remarks "undiplomatic and unexpected" but assessed them as reflecting
Xi's lack of maturity and not any policy view. Chinese media sources
suggested to diplomats in Beijing that Xi's statement was
"calculated"
and targeted China's domestic audience, the cable said.
The friend who grew up with Xi told diplomats that he had "no
ambition" to "confront" the United States and was generally favorably
disposed to the country. After a 1987 visit to Washington, the friend
noted, "although Xi was not particularly impressed by the United
States, he had nothing bad to say about it either," read a November
2009 cable.
Xi's older sister Xi An'an resided in Canada and his younger brother,
Xi Yuanping, had moved to Hong Kong, while his ex-wife Ke Xiaoming,
the daughter of China's 1978-83 ambassador to London, lived in
Britain, said the friend. He believed these personal experiences made
Xi "very familiar with the West."
IS XI A REFORMER?
Xi's career was spent largely in provinces known for economic
openness, trade and rapid wealth creation, and in the case of
Zhejiang, some modest tinkering with political reform at local
levels.
Xi's late father's legacy of reform and open-mindedness as an ally of
liberal 1980s party chief Hu Yaobang has also boosted the image of Xi
and raised hopes in many quarters that he might be more liberal than
the man he will one day replace.
The professor from eastern China "described Xi's father as the most
'open-minded' leader under Deng Xiaoping" because he opposed actions
taken by Deng to fire Hu and other party liberals in the late 1980s,
wrote a U.S. diplomat. The elder Xi was also critical of the decision
to use military force against the 1989 pro-democracy movement at
Tiananmen, the record shows.
"Because of those stances by the elder Xi, many party liberals and
intellectuals are favorably disposed toward Xi Jinping," said the
professor.
One cable notes that Chinese bloggers, who at times faced heavy
censorship, placed hope in Xi as more forward-thinking and practical
than Hu, who has overseen a tightening of controls on the Internet.
A February 2010 cable, based on the views of a dissident writer,
quotes him as saying that "the Dalai Lama still had great affection
for Xi's late father ... and continued to cherish a watch Xi gave him
in the 1950s."
The friend who grew up with Xi describes him in his Fujian days as
fascinated by Buddhist mysticism and qigong breathing exercises, but
says it was not clear if Xi was religious or just looking for ways to
maintain his health.
Summarizing some less flattering views of Xi's performance, several
Shanghai scholars are quoted in a mid-2007 cable as saying Xi's
accomplishments in Zhejiang and Shanghai were the result of "doing
nothing" and trying "not to mess things up" in those thriving
regions.
Describing Xi's elevation to the Politburo Standing Committee, the
investment banker said "Xi is very bland -- the most colorless of the
candidates -- and was therefore the easiest compromise."
Other informants also insist that Xi's upbringing among the ruling
elite is the best indicator of his attitudes. "Party elders were
primarily concerned with having someone 'conservative' like Xi in
place who will not threaten their 'vested interests,'" said the
journalist with family ties to the leadership.
Our contact is convinced that Xi has a genuine sense of
'entitlement,'
believing that members of his generation are the 'legitimate heirs'
to
the evolutionary achievements of their parents and therefore 'deserve
to rule China,'" said a long November 2009 cable summarizing two
years
of conversations with the friend who was close to Xi during their
youth.
"Xi also does not care at all about money and is not corrupt," reads
that cable, adding that the source "wryly noted" that Xi could afford
to be incorruptible "given that he was born with a silver spoon in
his
mouth."
The friend maintains, however, that "Xi knows how very corrupt China
is and is repulsed by the all-encompassing commercialization of
Chinese society, with its attendant nouveau riche, official
corruption, loss of values, dignity and self-respect, and such 'moral
evils' as drugs and prostitution," says the cable.
When Xi takes the helm of the party, he might "aggressively attempt
to
address those evils, perhaps at the expense of the new moneyed
class,"
the friend speculates.
(Additional reporting by Mark Hosenball, Andrew Quinn, Phil Stewart
and Susan Cornwell; editing by Jim Impoco and Claudia Parsons)
thomaswheat1975
Anti-DabianchenVirus
being a homosexual?
I asked you to prove your accusation that I advocate the overthrow of
American democracy and that I am "just a loud mouth with a one inch
rice dick", and instead you accused me of being a bigot. Into which
ear have the voices been shouting this to you? You did confess that
you always hear voices, didn't you?
Tom Jigme Wheat
wrote:
you are a ccp sychophant and lack all credibility. Why dont you fist
yourself.
DP
wrote:
> Interesting article. The dalai lama held Xi Jinping's father in high
> regard because he gave the then young Dalai lama a watch. also Xi
> disagreed with the CCP administration to use military force on the
> democracy protestors in 1989.
>
>
> read more »
Anti-DabianchenVirus
So, you like fisting yourself huh? I bet you do, homo punk, so I'll
let you keep it for yourself.
I asked you to prove your accusation that I advocate the overthrow of
American democracy and that I am "just a loud mouth with a one inch
rice dick", but instead you accused me of being a bigot. Is this your
usage of "the nuances of american language"? Homo punk? Or can't you
prove it because you were lying, as always?
Tom Jigme Wheat
wrote:
I know you advocate one party rule because you glorify the CCP in your
posts. If you lived in china you would want to file for amnesty so you
could come here. NO one pays attention to you accept your
sychophant's. You must be a pedophile because you have a one inch dick
and no woman would fuck you. You are also incapable of intellectual
debate since your post has nothing to do with the news article. That's
your pattern. I've seen your posts, Your just the running bitch dog
troll of a dying usenet. You must be a pedophile since you have a one
inch rice dick.
Anti-DabianchenVirus
I have repeatedly asked you to show everyone in these newsgroups the
post where I had supposedly advocated the overthrow of American
democracy. Why haven't you done so? Because you lied! I never
advocated the overthrow of democracy anywhere - in fact I support
democracy in the USA, but I am against the Western-style democracy in
China, because the two countries have different traditions, history,
and socio-economic conditions. You, trailer-trash homo punk, wouldn't
understand any of that, because all you do is surf the net for porn,
and are preoccupied with your own tiny dick!
Tom Jigme Wheat
Since when is the right to vote for your leaders freedom of expression
and peacable assembly not a universal right. You practice cultural
relativism by saying that these rights are not to be universaly
applied. China adopted communism a western invention so why couldn't
they adopt democracy as well. The reason they don't is so they cant
vote out the corrupt incompetent leaders in power. By setting
socioeconomic prerequisites for democracy is to imply that the chinese
people are too stupid for democracy. This is a red herring fallacy
that reinforces the corrupt status quo. You should not have such a
eurocentric view of your own people.
>You, trailer-trash homo punk, wouldn't
> understand any of that, because all you do is surf the net for porn,
> and are preoccupied with your own tiny dick!- Hide quoted text -
>
> - Show quoted text -
Anti-DabianchenVirus
LOL! Never got much of an education, did you, trailer-trash homo punk?
Since when have the Chinese people in China got to listen to
provocateurs the likes of you to determine what they should or should
not do? My "own people"? Now, who might they be? I have told you time
and time again that I was born and raised in the USA - I am an
American - but you are too dumb to even understand that, shit head!
It's a dead-ringer that anyone who touts "democracy" in China is a
China-hater who wants to see China plunged into civil war and be
totally destroyed.
What's the matter, homo punk? Why can't you support your own
allegations?
On the 17th of February, you accused me of advocating the overthrow of
American democracy, and "just a loud mouth with a one inch rice dick":
http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.tibet/msg/3535c4db40a0115c?hl=en
I have since then asked you to prove it and you haven't. Why? Because
you are a pathological LIAR!
Tom Jigme Wheat
that's just an excuse that you and the CCP use to insulate yourselves
from demands from the people for political reform and an end to
corruption. If democracy is so destabilizing than why does it work
just fine in India, another large country and also in Japan, south
korea, and Taiwan. Face it the CCP knows that if its rule was put to a
vote they would be voted out of office like the communists in russia.
>
> What's the matter, homo punk? Why can't you support your own
> allegations?
>
> On the 17th of February, you accused me of advocating the overthrow of
> American democracy, and "just a loud mouth with a one inch rice dick":
>
> http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.tibet/msg/3535c4db40a011...
Anti-DabianchenVirus
On the 17th of February, 2011, you accused me of advocating the
overthrow of American democracy, and "just a loud mouth with a one
inch rice dick":
http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.tibet/msg/3535c4db40a0115c?hl=en
I have since then asked you to prove it and you couldn't. All you
could do was beat around the bush and assume:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/555a9caec9d9e24b?hl=en
making further accusations: "that makes you a foreign agent of the CCP
in my book. If your here on a visa it will be soon revoked":
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/f7d716c7958c0743?hl=en
, knowing full-well That I am an American and that I support the
American democracy in the USA:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/8e211f9563fe6443?hl=en
.
On the 5th of March, 2011, you finally admitted:
"I cant prove that you want to see america overthrown"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/eca9ae060e064bc3?hl=en
You couldn't even answer someone else's post directed specifically to
you:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/0f1189f2e8d25e9c?hl=en
What's the matter? Find find the answer in Wikipedia, trailer-trash
homo punk?
When confronted again, all you could say was "go suck up to your
racist friend house nigger"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/4da8eea9e620ae9e?hl=en
You yourself have thus proven that you are a LIAR!
Quod erat demonstrandum.
Tom Jigme Wheat
name one instnance when you have supported the US position on a given
topic. all you guys do is talk shit about the US and refuse to look at
what your government does to its people. I know you would be happy if
the US was overthrown and representitive democracy replaced by one
party mob rule.
>
> What's the matter, homo punk? Why can't you support your own
> allegations?
>
> On the 17th of February, you accused me of advocating the overthrow of
> American democracy, and "just a loud mouth with a one inch rice dick":
>
> http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.tibet/msg/3535c4db40a011...
Anti-DabianchenVirus
and infantile insults at people who don't share your ignorant views.
That is why you needed consolation from an alien "mystic" who promises
a better life than the miserable one you are living.
Proof that you are a LIAR, Tom Jigme Wheat:
On the 17th of February, 2011, you accused me of advocating the
overthrow of American democracy, and "just a loud mouth with a one
inch rice dick":
http://groups.google.com/group/talk.politics.tibet/msg/3535c4db40a0115c?hl=en
I have since then asked you to prove it and you couldn't. All you
could do was beat around the bush and assume:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/555a9caec9d9e24b?hl=en
making further accusations: "that makes you a foreign agent of the CCP
in my book. If your here on a visa it will be soon revoked":
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/f7d716c7958c0743?hl=en
, knowing full-well That I am an American and that I support the
American democracy in the USA:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/8e211f9563fe6443?hl=en
.
On the 5th of March, 2011, you finally admitted:
"I cant prove that you want to see america overthrown"
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/eca9ae060e064bc3?hl=en
You couldn't even answer someone else's post directed specifically to
you:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/0f1189f2e8d25e9c?hl=en
What's the matter? Find find the answer in Wikipedia, trailer-trash
homo punk?
You are so dumb that you didn't even know the United States has
different time zones:
http://groups.google.com/group/soc.culture.china/msg/9353ea9cd1e264ba?hl=en