'India at 75: Towards the Abyss?'

[Sukla Sen]

[The following is the text based on which the author delivered a talk as an invited speaker at a plenary session, on Jan. 29th, of the XLVI Indian Social Science Congress (Jan. 27 - 31), hosted by Bharathidasan University in Tiruchirappalli, Tamil Nadu.
The text is available at: SOCIAL SCIENCE ABSTRACTS, Volume XLVI, 2023, p. 69-81.]

India at 75

Towards the Abyss?
Sukla Sen

The Dawn(?) Arrives: The Journey Begins
I.
Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny; and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. [1]
II.
This stain-covered daybreak, this night-bitten dawn,
This is not that dawn of which there was expectation;
This is not that dawn with longing for which
The friends set out...
...
The hour of the deliverance of eye and heart has not arrived.
Come, come on, for that goal has still not arrived. [2]
At 75
I.
And night has come upon my land,
the carrion birds encircling
and prayers ascend on pyres lit,
the shadows fast descending… [3]
II.
In his famed 1947 poem Subh-e-Azadi (Freedom’s Dawn), Faiz Ahmed Faiz had bemoaned the fact that the end of British colonialism had turned out not to be “that clear dawn in quest of which those comrades set out” (translation by Victor Kiernan). Those were the terrible days of partition, with millions of people being displaced from the homes they had grown up at, perhaps over a million killed, and thousands of women abducted and raped. And yet Faiz was hopeful enough to end that poem with “Let us go on, our goal is not reached yet.” Seventy-five years after that, it is hard to find such hope in today’s subcontinent. In so many ways, the situation seems [even] more dire. [4]

The Beginning
At the very dawn of the hard fought freedom -- for which Indian people had been fighting on a mass scale for close to three decades by then[5], even though the demand would be formally codified by the principal outfit spearheading that struggle almost a decade thereafter[6] -- the very justifiable elation was, however, to a very considerable extent marred by the huge trauma of the Partition, that was very much a part of the "Independence" package. The Partition had meant humongous bestial brutalities -- on the western and eastern flanks of the country, in particular -- perpetrated and suffered by Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs[7].
Even if the first of the two poems quoted at the top had been penned specifically with the just born Pakistan (The Holy Land) in mind, in a (somewhat different) way, it was quite applicable to the situation on this side of the border as well. Nevertheless, the overwhelmingly dominant mood was one of (starry-eyed?) optimism--albeit tempered with a degree of caution. The intense interplay between optimism and caution was, in fact, captured so very aptly in the speech delivered by India's first Prime Minister in the Constituent Assembly close to the midnight of 14-15 August 1947 and this is how he would present the agenda before the nation in the coming days: That future [now ahead of us] is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we might fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today. The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity. The ambition of the greatest man of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. That may be beyond us but as long as there is tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.[2]

Two Major Challenges
The huge problem of mass poverty and ugly inequalities -- as referred to and boldly underlined by the Indian Prime Minister himself in his above-quoted speech -- at the end of exploitative and oppressive colonial rule, was well recognised and frankly talked of. So was the "communal" problem -- the ongoing Hindu-Muslim conflict. The latter showed no sign of disappearing even after the intensely traumatic Partition. Rather the "Father of the Nation" -- popularly known as "Mahatma (Great Soul) Gandhi" -- would be assassinated by a Hindu (or Hindutva) fanatic, virtually on the morrow of Independence -- on January 30 1948 -- while entering a public prayer meeting in the national capital that he was to lead, as a part of his regular routine[8, 9]. The whole country was shell-shocked.
What, however, was not so explicitly discussed that the latter problem, in particular, was not altogether a stand-alone problem. It was also very much a part of the broader project of "nation-building"--or nation constructing, to be more exact -- out of diverse and somewhat disparate -- in terms of ethnicity, language, religion, culture, caste and class -- peoples physically dispersed over a rather large expanse of landmass.
Mobilising all, or almost all, the ruled -- with common woes -- under one broad tent was, obviously, the most sensible way to effectively confront the oppressive colonial ruler. Henceforth, this unfinished project would have to be taken ahead without the glue of that epic anti-colonial struggle.

Constructing a New Nation: The Unfinished Task
Here, it bears pointing out that a nation -- or a nation-state, to be more specific -- calls for, at the very minimum, at least some degree of spontaneous emotional integration over and above a reasonably stable political administration and a unified market covering a more or less fixed geographical area -- or territory -- and its inhabitants.
The Indian "state" -- with clearly defined stable territory and an effective and unified administration to rule over it -- was brought into being, for the first time, by the British colonial rulers; the nascent Indian "nation" would take off from that launching pad, being assiduously stitched up by the anti-colonial "Indian nationalist" movement -- spearheaded by its leading elite informed with Western emancipatory ideas, rather paradoxically, brought in via the exploitative and oppressive colonial rule, out of loosely interconnected disparate and widely divergent elements in terms of ethnicity, language, culture, creed, caste, class etc.
As a scholar of some eminence has very aptly pointed out:
The Indian rashtra as a nation-state has only been in existence since the middle of the twentieth century. If you want to push that history a little further back by claiming that the Indian National Congress as an organised political body was the Indian rashtra in waiting, even that would not take you beyond the last decades of the nineteenth century. The Indian nation would still be a very modern entity.
But, you may ask, what about the great kingdoms and empires of the past? The empires of the Mauryas, the Guptas, the Delhi Sultanate, Vijayanagara, the Mughals, the Marathas – were they not great states? They certainly were. But they were empires, not nations [emphasis added]. The various parts of those states were held together by military force and tribute-paying arrangements. [10]

Mainstream "Indian nationalism", in order to construct a "nation"—“as a cultural entity lodged above all in consciousness striving to become a political fact”[11] -- it deserves to be noted, had invented a romanticised, glorious and harmonious past to take this project ahead. The "myth" would serve as the necessary glue, and also help -- in a big way -- to counter the calumny of "civilising mission"[12], or "The White Man's Burden"[13], propagated by the colonial White rulers.
Arguably the chief priest of Indian nationalism, the redoubtable Tagore, had imagined--his imagination being highly coloured with Upanishadic idioms, an inalienable part of his own cultural upbringing and heritage--"India" as the eternal--blissful and welcoming--confluence, over the ages, of diverse races, faiths, cultures etc.[14] Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, who had already once been the Congress President in 1923, in his presidential address[15], at Ramgarh, on being re-elected for the second time in (especially turbulent) 1940, would echo and expound on the same note. Jawaharlal Nehru, a foremost (and the brightest?) spokesperson, would, still later, further airbrush the myth--in his celebrated The Discovery (read: Invention) of India, and transit from the notion of "confluence" to that of "palimpsest"[16]--in a prosaic, though no less grand, style--shedding much of Tagore's spirituality infused idioms on the way. In terms of today's lingo, it was a small yet significant shift from the ideal of "melting pot" towards "salad bowl"[17] nationhood. So, re-imagination of the past--remote and not-so-remote--as inclusive and harmonious is a recurring and running theme in the "Indian nationalist" narrative as an integral part of the endeavour to forge out a likewise future.

The "Hindu" and "Muslim" nationalists, in clear contrast, glorified--even more fancifully--specific segments of the past and harped on--both real and imaginary, perennial conflicts between the followers of the two broad contrasting streams of faith, while deliberately ignoring/obliterating aspects of comingling and confluence.
It is necessary to note, in these above two cases, the glorification was (i) significantly more unreal, (ii) only specific segments of the (pre-British) past were cherry-picked and, finally, (iii) they projected a picture of strife and disharmony--in the midst of imaginary glory--and not one of undisturbed tranquillity and harmony.

The glaring contrasts between "Indian nationalism" and "Hindu nationalism" are captured all too graphically in the mythification, by the former, of two Muslim dynastic rulers--viz. (understandably, a good-for-nothing) Siraj-ud-daula[18] and (rather remarkably endowed) Tipu Sultan--as two great "nationalist" heroes, fighting against the aggressive and expanding British imperialism in India.
"Hindu nationalism", on the other, visualises all "Muslim" rulers as villains and Tipu Sultan, in particular, a devil incarnate--standing next only to Aurangzeb, in terms of villainy[19].
In stark contrast, the battles of Plassey and Srirangapatna would come to figure as two great tragedies--the former one in particular, in the "Indian nationalist" lores--evoking strong emotions. The springing tiger--a logo reminding one of Tipu, would be adopted, by Subhas Bose[20], as his own--featured as the emblem on the tricolour shoulder-pieces on uniforms of the legendary Azad Hind Fauj that he was able to put together out of dispirited Indian soldiers of the British Indian army captured by the Japanese.
Somewhat similarly, Indian nationalist mythology converted the great rebellion of 1857 -- around half a century after the event – into (a/the) "war of independence", as, apart from other things, it also offered an excellent opportunity to peddle a grand narrative of Hindu-Muslim unity against the colonial ruler.[21]

The soothing and elevating narratives offered by, e.g., Tagore, Azad or Nehru contrast all too sharply with M A Jinnah's meticulously argued projection of the Indian social and cultural scenario – where Hindus and Muslims constitute two exclusive nations -- in his presidential address in 1940 in Lahore at the Muslim League conference[22]. But, Jinnah was only a part of a continuum. Before him, VD Savarkar-- the father of Hindu nationalism or Hindutva--had, in his own distinctive way, said essentially the same thing – albeit with a decidedly more raucous tone -- in his presidential address[23] at the 1937 conference of the Hindu Mahasbha. Long before that, back in 1888, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan had articulated the same set of ideas -- as viewed and developed from his own specific location[24]. But, even Sir Syed did not conjure it up out of thin air. The history of strife between the followers of Islam and what has come to be known as Hinduism is as old as the hills. "Mleccha"[25] and "Kafir"[26] -- meant to denote the (contemptible) "other" -- are both pre-modern terms. Then again, long before the advent of Islam, we had the stories of bloody contests between followers of Vedic and Buddhist religions[27]. To be sure, these eminences are, arguably, the only three most conspicuous and articulate advocates of Hindu-Muslim mistrust and hatred, in those days. By no means rare aberrations.

But, in parallel with strife, there was harmony as well. For instance, the intercourse between Islamic and Hindu cultural traditions did produce Urdu, Taj Mahal, Kathak (dance form), Khayal (music), Mughal/Rajput/Pahari paintings, various delectable fusion food items etc. etc. In the field of religion itself, the great Mughal ruler Akbar had -- even if unsuccessfully -- tried to introduce a new syncretic spiritual tradition: Dīn-i Ilāhi[28]. We also had Sant Kabir[29] and Guru Nanak[30].
So,  .

Before proceeding further, it is, however, necessary to flag that there obtained, nevertheless, some overlaps between "Indian nationalism" and the "Hindu nationalism", in particular, for a variety of reasons, just not in terms of ideas but organisational affiliations as well, which forced the Indian National Congress to finally close its doors to the members of the "communal" organisations -- viz. the Muslim League, the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS -- apparently, in 1934[31].

The Indian nationalist leaders were, however, quite acutely aware that "India" was, in actuality, "A Nation in Making"--a phrase popularised by one of the very earliest vanguards of "Indian nationalism" by using it as the caption of his own autobiography, back in 1925[32]. Subsequently--almost two decades thence, in a much similar vein, Gandhi would come to be anointed as the "Father of the Nation", by none other than his principal, and only credible, challenger from within the mainstream "Indian nationalist" currents, at a very tumultuous juncture of Indian history.[33] Gandhi himself had earlier dubbed Dadabhai Naoroji[34], a Parsi gentleman and, arguably, the tallest of the earliest "Indian nationalists" and one of the two--the other one being R C Dutt--best-known proponents[35] of the "Drain Theory"-- an elaborate and cogently argued economic critique of the exploitative colonial rule -- that marked a tectonic shift from the earlier, in 1857, huge outburst of visceral native anger, anchored primarily in race, religion and the sense of humiliation at the hands of the alien rulers, as the "Father of the Nation".

Even on the morrow of Independence -- marred, and considerably undermined, by the humongous bestial violence -- brought in by the nightmarish "Partition" that came as a part of the package, perpetrated and suffered by followers of all the three major religions involved -- the project would be looked upon as a "work in progress", to be taken ahead by the freshly minted independent Indian state. Hence the heavy insistence on a highly centralised state -- to counter the possible, or rather likely, centrifugal forces that would come to be generated in the coming days.
That, at least partly, explains the in-built penchant for a coercive state apparatus[36, 37]--more coercive than usual--and also a degree of distaste for linguistic states[38, 39] in conspicuous disregard of the high "democratic" ideals espoused and strident advocacy for linguistic states by the "Indian nationalist" movement.

The Bumpy Ride
Power will go to the hands of rascals, rogues, freebooters; all Indian leaders will be of low calibre & men of straw. They will have sweet tongues and silly hearts. They will fight amongst themselves for power and India will be lost in political squabbles. A day would come when even air and water would be taxed in India.
That quote is often attributed to Winston Churchill -- perhaps only wrongly.[40]

Never mind whether it was Churchill or whoever. In the event, India did decidedly better.
Life Expectancy at birth, which stood at a miserable 34 years in 1950 has risen to 69 in 2020. [41]
Total literacy and female literacy have risen from 18.3% and 8.9% respectively in 1951 to 74.4 and 65.8 in 2018.[42]
Infant Mortality Rate stands reduced from 146 per 1,000 live births in 1951 to 30 in 2019.[42]
Food grain production from 50.8 million tonnes in 1950-51 has risen to 314.5 million tonnes in 1920-21. Far more phenomenally have risen milk and egg productions.[42]
The number of doctors from just over 61,000 to over 13 lakh currently.[42]
Total population from 357 million in 1950 has risen to 1.417 billion -- roughly four times.[43]. The population growth rate from 2.21% in 1951 has fallen to 0.68% in 2022.
India is the sixth country in terms of number of satellites in space.[44].
The Human Development Index (HDI) score has gone up from 0.429 in 1990 to 0.645 in 2019. However, the HDI ranking (globally) has dropped from 114 to 131 over the same period.[45].
India is now the fifth largest economy in the world[46] and will get to host the G20—a grouping of the largest twenty economies--meet in September 2023 as its chair[47].
As the HDI suggests and testifies that the actual performance in terms of these indicative parameters -- somewhat randomly chosen -- is broadly mixed. But, definitely not something like that had been anticipated in the quote cited above.

However, the trajectory of its electoral democracy -- broadly following the Westminster model, albeit with some vital creative improvisations[48] -- with universal adult suffrage, adopted from virtually the day one, over the years is, arguably, even more significant. The adoption and launch of the system in a land beset with widespread poverty, illiteracy, strong religious prejudices and rigid caste hierarchy was, evidently a herculean task. The novelty of "democracy" on Indian soil was perhaps best captured in a popular adage in those early days: "Pandit Nehru (the Prime Minister) and his domestic help both have a single vote each!" Yet it was accomplished with remarkable aplomb.[49, 50]
Despite various protest movements -- some violent[51, 52] -- including quite a few over the issue of formation of linguistic states, during the first two decades, electoral politics in India was defined by overwhelming dominance by the Congress Party[53]. During this period the Socialist Parties and the CPI were the main parliamentary opposition. The BJS -- the precursor of the BJP -- would, however, overtake them in 1967.
With the emergence of the middle castes and, subsequently, the Dalits -- as autonomous forces -- since the mid-sixties, arguably under the impact of land reforms including Zamindari abolition, and provisions for job and educational reservations for the Dalits, led to significant splits away from the Congress. The gradual transmutation of the Indian "middle class" -- under the impact of economic development -- also played a very significant role[54]. Things started turning more and more turbulent. While the agitations around the demands for linguistic states had largely abated by the mid-sixties -- having peaked a decade earlier, agitations on the basis of economic, and linked political, demands kept on gathering momentum. The late sixties also saw the rise of non-parliamentary Left and armed uprisings led by them[55].
To cut a long story much shorter, the gathering momentum of anti-government agitations -- being brought to a head by Jayaprakash Narayan under the banner of "Total Revolution"[56] -- when got topped up with a verdict of the Allahabad High Court nullifying Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's election, earlier in 1971, as a member of the parliament and disqualifying her to hold any elected office for six years[57], the cornered Prime Minister responded, almost instantaneously. In an utterly stunning move Emergency was declared and thereby fundamental rights were suspended, political activities suppressed, civil liberties curbed and the press censored [58, 59, 60]. A large number of top opposition political leaders and leading activists were arrested [61]. Such was the shock and awe, there was hardly any public protest within the country. For a while, it looked like that "democracy" in the country stood finally extinguished[62]. With all her opponents appearing completely vanquished, Indira Gandhi, however, once again in a surprising move, on January 18 1977, announced general election in the coming March[63, 64] and the Emergency actually ended completely on March 21 1977[65].

The Emergency, by all means, constituted a watershed moment in the history of India. At one level, it was a break--a pause, to be more accurate--in "democracy", lasting over a period of close to nineteen months. At another, with the massive defeat of Mrs. Gandhi in the following poll, it paved the way for an opposition party -- which, for all practical purpose, was a coalition of several parties -- to take over the reins at the Centre from the Congress, for the first time. That, in a way, opened up a new chapter in the evolution and maturing of Indian democracy. Equally noteworthy is the fact that broadly -- though not exactly -- the same combination of forces had fought Mrs. Gandhi's Congress in 1971 general election--under the tag ‘Grand Alliance’--and had been considered largely right-wing and also authoritarian. Yet this time, during its rather short tenure before eventually falling apart, it did rather commendably act in favour of putting "democracy" on a stronger footing than earlier. That showed up how the same political outfit, at times, may play different roles with a change in the circumstances. Not that they were permanently changed. Nonetheless the shift was significant.
Looked at another way, the Emergency--by suspending "democracy"--disabused us of the notion that Indian "democracy" had been all along a sham. It became quite evident that, despite serious flaws and shortcomings, it was for real and "democracy" matters even in our day-to-day lives. As a rebound, it triggered a process of strengthening of "democracy". 
Post-Emergency, despite various ups and downs, and some serious aberrations -- in the state of Jammu & Kashmir and the North East, in particular -- democratic institutions and traditions kept getting entrenched and strengthened. Two developments merit special mention. One was in 1994. The Supreme Court, in what has come to be popularly known as the Bommai judgement, virtually put an end to the arbitrary dismissal of State governments by the Centre under Article 356 by spelling out several restrictions[66, 67]. It did very significantly strengthen the federal element in the Indian state structure. The second one was in 2005 by way of legislation by the parliament of the Right to Information Act[68]. It did enormously enhance a citizen's capability to extract information from the state and its various wings.
This process would broadly continue till 2014 May -- despite some reversals from 1998 to 2004.

The Journey Downhill
In May 2014, Narenndra Modi -- the then Chief Minister of Gujarat -- got ensconced in the chair of the Prime Minister of India[69]. It was in 2002, large-scale Hindu-Muslim violence had erupted in Gujarat under his watch. Muslims were in a very big way affected[70]. His role had attracted a lot of adverse criticism[71]. The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) strongly castigated[72]. The Supreme Court, during the hearing of a case, had compared him with Emperor Nero[73]. The US administration, being prodded by numerous human rights groups and individuals, would cancel his visa in order to block his planned visit to that country[74]. Even the then Prime Minister, from his own party, would publicly advise him to observe Raj Dharma -- i.e. to conduct himself in a way worthy of a (righteous) ruler[75]. Mr. Modi, however, never apologised. Rather in 2013[76], he would virtually inaugurate his campaign for the 2014 poll, by comparing the Muslim victims of that carnage with puppies crushed under a car wheel[77].
So, what was coming was not altogether unknown. As regards anticipation, quite revealing is an observation -- on May 19 2014 -- made in an English language tabloid from China -- an affiliate of the People's Daily -- as a part of a highly laudatory welcoming gesture to the incoming new leader of India: The opposition to the BJP hold this view [that "his political career has been stained with his authoritarian rule in Gujarat and actions during the 2002 riots" and, therefore, he "will alienate minorities and fuel confrontation as an "autocrat" after he assumes the office”] out of the need for partisan competition, while as for Western critics, their attack on Modi is out of ideological concerns, because Modi's governance style and philosophy are very close to Chinese practices.[78]

Modi 1.0, however, started somewhat cautiously with beef banning[79, 80] and lynching of Muslims spiking sharply[81]. Then followed the disastrous demonetisation[82] and the outrageous Rafale scam[83]. Still later would come the infamous Bhima-Koregaon case in which a number of human rights defenders would be thrown behind the bars -- allegedly on fanciful[84] and fabricated charges[85]. These are, to be sure, only some rather randomly chosen illustrative instances from a much longer list of such similar acts.

The real horror story, as anticipated, would, however, start unfolding only post May 2019, under Modi 2.0, when the regime would be back to power with a much larger majority[86].
Even this time, given the track record of the regime, the shape of things to come was not totally unanticipated. It would perhaps not be completely out of place to cite -- at some length -- what this writer did anticipate:
Taking off from that basic proposition [as enunciated above], the new regime is likely to have two major focal points on the "political" front:
I. Dismantling of all opposition - both party and non-party.
Towards that, dislodging, maybe even dismissal, of, at least a few, opposition-run state governments.
ED, IT, CBI raids on opposition politicians; also, in some cases, buying out.
Tightening the screw, in a myriad ways – including enhanced digital surveillance, also as regards the civil society organisations and dissenting individuals.
II. Sharply spiking communal polarisation by way of (phased?) nationwide roll-out of the NRC, also scrapping of Art. 370 (and Art. 35A) and putting to good use the Mandir-Masjid issue(s), as per the demands of the situation.
Other expected developments are:
(i) Further intensification of non-state physical violence.
(ii) Mega sale of PSUs.
(iii) “Economic reforms”.
(iv) Stepped up trashing of environmental norms and safeguards.
(v) Tightening the grip over the education infrastructure and institutions.
(vi) Further defanging of watchdog institutions.
(vii) More repressive laws, if felt necessary.
While the actual (detailed) work plan will evolve and be calibrated, based on the perceived ground situations, and be punctuated with some measures to project a “people-friendly” image – to confuse and divide the potential opposition, there is little scope that the general direction would be anything significantly different from the one sketched out above.
It would no longer be business as usual, not even by the standards of the last five years [emphasis in original].[86]
That was on June 15th 2019.

Instead of examining how the realities on the ground have since then actually panned out against each of the items listed above -- as in case of the treatment of the Modi 1.0 -- only a few illustrative examples would be discussed below -- for the sake of brevity.

This phase would, in the event, virtually be launched with the virtual scrapping of the Article 370, stripping the state of J&K not only of its (residual) autonomy but also of its statehood altogether and splitting it into two[87]. In the teeth of horrified outrage expressed by (only) a section of the non-BJP parties[88] -- including the Congress. This was duly backed up with a prolonged brutal lockdown in the Valley -- accompanied with large-scale arrests, stifling of the local media and other coercive measures[89].

Yet another example which merits special mention is in the domain of economy. Over the eight years of Modi premiership his buddy--since his Gujarat days as the Chief Minister— entrepreneur Gautam Adani's wealth rose from US$ 7 (or 8?) Billion in 2014 to 148 Billion on September 20 2022. Thus the net worth has skyrocketed to 20 times over a period of 8 years! For a comparison, with the second most favoured captain of Indian industry: Mukesh Ambani's net worth of 18.60 billion US$ in 2014 has risen to 88.8 billion US$ (as on September 20 2022), i.e. just a tad over 4.75 times (as against 20 in case of Adani over the same time period). Over roughly the same period Indian GDP has risen from $2.1 trillion to $2.66 trillion -- just around 1.25 times![90] To further illustrate, in 2014, Gautam Adani was ranked as the 11th richest Indian[91] and in 2022 he leapfrogs to the very top, leaving the second quite a distance behind[92]. And how it happened? Here is just one glimpse: It’s Official: This Document Reveals Modi’s Role in Pushing Adani Deal with Sri Lanka | Saahil Murli[93]. A graphic, and vivid, real time illustration of what crony capitalism is about. To be sure, it is a symbiotic relationship. The flow of favours is far from unidirectional. In 2014, Modi had been crisscrossing the country conducting his poll campaign in planes provided by Adani[94]. In 2022, Adani acquires the last pocket of (limited) resistance from within the mainstream electronic media -- the NDTV -- as a return favour to his mentor and he is fairly brash about it too.
Adani said he saw his push into media, including the NDTV purchase, as a “responsibility” rather than a business opportunity.
...
“Independence means if government has done something wrong, you say it’s wrong,” Adani said. “But at the same time, you should have courage when the government is doing the right thing every day. You have to also say that.”[95]

The third, and the final, one pertains to how was the completion of 75 years by "India" actually celebrated by the regime?
The Prime Minister of India, in his customary Independence Day morning speech from the Red Fort in Delhi, loftily appealed to Indians: I have one request for every Indian. Can we change the mentality towards our women in everyday life. Pride of Nari Shakti will play a vital role in fulfilling the dreams of India. Respect for women is an important pillar for India's growth. We need to support our Nari Shakti.[96] And later the very same day: All the eleven convicts sentenced to life imprisonment in the 2002 post-Godhra Bilkis Bano [multiple] gang rape [and mass murder] case on Monday walked out of the Godhra sub-jail after the Gujarat government allowed their release under its remission policy, an official said.[97, 98]
Not only they were released by the BJP-run state government with due nod from the Union Home ministry despite objections[99] by the concerned trial judge and the CBI--the  agency that had investigated the crimes--but they would -- on release -- be also felicitated in public as if they had done something heroic[100]. It has also now come to light that these convicts, during their prison terms, were repeatedly granted temporary release[101] on one pretext or the other. And contrary to the claim of "good behaviour" -- a cited ground for premature release -- at least one of the convicts had been charged with assaulting a woman while on temporary release[102].

Thus Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav (Grand and Divine Celebration of Independence) was actually executed on the ground by granting premature release to eleven convicted for gangrapes and mass murder -- with scant regard for propriety -- while the Prime Minister, on that occasion, preached, from public podium, respect for "dignity of women". That, arguably, best encapsulates the dual strategy of the current regime. And is, perhaps, most emblematic of the state of the nation today. What a stark contrast from the uplifting lyrical speech of the first Prime Minister 75 years ago!

Epilogue: A Ray of Hope?
Just a week after the highly outrageous premature release of the gang of eleven, convicted of heinous and blood curdling crimes, in Gujarat, about 2,000 kms away, from the southernmost tip of India -- Kanyakumari, also a famous pilgrim centre -- a "Yatra", or foot march, would be launched under the banner of "Bharat Jodo" -- Unite India (with love) -- by a former President of the main opposition party -- Indian National Congress.
The "Yatra" -- which evokes memories of Gautam Buddha, Adi Shankaracharya, Guru Nanak or Sri Chaitanya[103] undertaking long treks, in distant past, in search of enlightenment and MK Gandhi, more recently in 1930, in his endeavour to mobilise Indians against the British colonial rule[104] -- is scheduled to cover 3,570 kms over a period of five months traversing through 12 states[105]. The Yatra, as per its sponsors, "is to unite the people of the country and to raise public awareness on the misgovernance of the present Union Government and the BJP" and also flag "issues like unemployment, price rise, social hatredness[sic], centralisation of power, loss of freedom of media, weakening of democratic institutions and so on"[103].
In the event, the "Yatra" -- shot with a carnivalesque spirit -- is receiving massive support, which is, seemingly, growing even stronger by the day.[106, 107]

The Congress or even Rahul Gandhi -- the masthead of the "Yatra" -- is quite unlikely though to attempt any radical restructuring of the Indian society in a positive way. The maximum that one should expect is the restoration of the pre-2014 situation -- with a few critical improvements. In order to accomplish even that, the Congress itself will, however, have to transform itself from the natural party of governance to an effective fighting outfit. Much easier said than done. In the past, a somewhat similar promise had at least once been held out with the dramatic nationalisation of private banks and abolition of privy purses. But, in a while, that spirit would fizzle out. Subsequently, a few years down the line, the same Indira Gandhi would impose anti-democratic and utterly oppressive Emergency, which, till very recently, was considered as by far the darkest period in the life of Independent India.
For a comparison, the current regime is trying to fundamentally restructure India -- stripping it of all vestiges of substantive democracy and pluralism. On a permanent basis -- not for a temporary period and driven by a transient impulse arising out of some personal craving to stick to the chair -- with the goal of "Hindu Rashtra" in mind, the precise contours of which would keep being worked out in the process of the journey very much underway. And instead of a single sledgehammer blow, it is being done in calibrated incremental doses.

A return to even the status quo ante would open up space – which is right now shrinking at an alarming rate -- for various social and political movements to meaningfully operate and agitate for changes. Moreover, the process of rebound itself will entail a motion in the direction of higher and still higher level of democratisation of the polity and society. That would offer a scope to the democratic forces to try to push the process further ahead. 

Keeping in mind how the post-Emergency resistance had been organised -- with the Janata Party, with all the past baggage of its constituents, at its head -- in the immediate wake of the last parliamentary poll, this commentator had envisaged:
What could offer at least some chance to avert such a predicament [as enunciated above] is a broad front/fronts: consisting of political parties, as many as possible - including their associated mass organisations, and non-party civil society organisations - based on the common agenda of saving democracy/democratic rights and unity of the country. Backed, actively, by right-minded, otherwise diffused, individuals. On top of the, ongoing and to be taken up, myriad specific issue-based struggles, by various constituents in their own ways – unitedly or independently.[86]

Though a period of rather fruitless three years has elapsed since, the Bharat Jodo Yatra, with its somewhat fluid structure, has--in a way very much of its own--apparently been able to arouse large sections of ordinary Indians.
Given, especially, the degree of degeneration of the watchdog institutions[108] including the media, the task on hand remains, undoubtedly, too tough.
Yet, the Yatra has caused a chink in the walls of despair continually closing in on us. A ray of hope -- even if only a ray -- has arrived.

Notes and References:
1. Ref.: Jawaharlal Nehru, Tryst with Destiny Address to the Constituent Assembly of India in New Delhi, delivered 14 August 1947, at <https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jawaharlalnehrutrystwithdestiny.htm>.
2.Ref.: Faiz Ahmed Faiz, translated by V.G. Kiernan, Freedom's Dawn (August 1947), at <https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/freedoms-dawn-august-1947/212904/>.
3. Ref.: Nandini Sen Mehra, For the land of my birth India..., May 5 2021, at <https://www.hindusforhumanrights.org/en/blog/for-the-land-of-my-birth-india-by-nandini-sen-mehra>.
4. M V Ramana, in India at 75, August 15 2022, at <https://pen.org/india-at-75-contributors-n-r/#MVRamana>.
5. “The [non-cooperation] movement marked the transition of Indian nationalism from a middle-class to a mass basis."
Ref.: noncooperation movement: Indian history at <https://www.britannica.com/event/noncooperation-movement>.
6. "The Indian National Congress, on 19 December 1929, passed the historic‘ Purna Swaraj’ – (total independence) resolution – at its Lahore session. A public declaration was made on 26 January 1930 – a day which the Congress Party urged Indians to celebrate as ‘Independence Day’."
Ref.: <https://www.constitutionofindia.net/historical_constitutions/declaration_of_purna_swaraj__indian_national_congress__1930__26th%20January%201930>.
7. Ref., e.g.: <https://www.partitionmuseum.org/partition-of-india/>.
8. Ref.: January 30, 1948: The last day of Mahatma Gandhi's life, Jan 30 2018, at <https://www.timesnownews.com/india/article/new-delhi-mahatma-gandhi-mohandas-karamchand-gandhi-assassination-nathuram-godse-hindu-mahasabha-independence-struggle-partition-india-pakistan/193884>.
9. Ref.: <https://archive.nytimes.com/learning.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/01/30/jan-30-1948-mahatma-gandhi-assassinated/>.
10. Ref.: Partha Chatterjee on why no one, not even Indians, can claim to be part of an ancient nation, Aug 232021, at <https://scroll.in/article/1003389/partha-chatterjee-on-why-no-one-not-even-indians-can-claim-to-be-part-of-an-ancient-nation>.
11. Ref.: Achin Vanaik, Marxism and Nationalism, 21 January 2018, at <https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/3578-marxism-and-nationalism>. A very remarkable piece – dealing exhaustively with various notions of ‘nation” and “nationalism”.
12. Ref.: Carey A. Watt, Introduction: The Relevance and Complexity of Civilizing Missions c. 1800–2010, 05 March2012, at <https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/civilizing-missions-in-colonial-and-postcolonial-south-asia/introduction/15B1055E5108F4F68163AE96DF9118FA>.
13. Ref.: Rudyard Kipling, The White Man's Burden Summary & Analysis, at <https://www.litcharts.com/poetry/rudyard-kipling/the-white-man-s-burden>.
14. Tagore had imagined the eternal India – in his poem Bharat Tirtha (The Indian Pilgrimage) as a welcoming confluence of diverse cultures, rejecting none.
Ref.: Monish R. Chatterjee, Rabindranath Tagore: Sadhaka of Universal Man, Baul of Infinite Songs, at <https://academic.udayton.edu/monishchatterjee/tagore/sadhaka.html>.
15. Ref.: Abul Kalam Azad, Presidential Address to the Fifty-Third Session of the Indian National Congress: Ramgarh, 1940, at <http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00litlinks/txt_azad_congress_1940.html>.
16. Ref.: Vikas Pathak, How Jawaharlal Nehru Understood India’s Past, November 14 2021, at <https://www.outlookindia.com/website/story/india-news-how-jawaharlal-nehru-understood-indias-past/400945>.
17. Ref.: Salad bowl (cultural idea) at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salad_bowl_%28cultural_idea%29>.
18. Ref.: Syed Mehdi Momin, Siraj Ud Daula really a great hero?, December 9 2019, at  <https://m.theindependentbd.com/post/227164>.
19. Ref.:  FE Online, Tipu Sultan Jayanti celebrations: What is the controversy?, November 10, 2017, at <https://www.financialexpress.com/india-news/tipu-sultan-jayanti-celebrations-what-is-the-controversy/927333/>.
20. Ref.: Sugata Bose, Don't Let the Spurious Cult of Netaji Sideline His Message of an Inclusive India, September 26 2015, at <https://thewire.in/history/dont-let-the-spurious-cult-of-netaji-sideline-his-message-of-an-inclusive-india>.
21. Ref.: Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, The Indian War of Independence of 1857, 1909, at <http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/digital/collections/cul/texts/ldpd_6260651_000/>.
And: The Indian War of Independence (book) at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Indian_War_of_Independence_(book)>.
The original Marathi version had been penned in 1907. It appears that this is the first-time the rebellion was dubbed as "war of independence" -- "in response to celebrations in Great Britain of the 50th anniversary of the Indian Rebellion of 1857". Prior to that, it had been either "mutiny" or "rebellion".
22. "[[23]] It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders; and it is a dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve a common nationality; and this misconception of one Indian nation has gone far beyond the limits and is the cause of more of our troubles and will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise our notions in time. The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, and literature[s]. They neither intermarry nor interdine together, and indeed they belong to two different civilisations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects [=perspectives?] on life, and of life, are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Mussalmans derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics, their heroes are different, and different episode[s]. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other, and likewise their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent, and final. destruction of any fabric that may be so built up for the government of such a state."
Ref.: Presidential address by Muhammad Ali Jinnah to the Muslim League: Lahore, 1940 at <http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00islamlinks/txt_jinnah_lahore_1940.htm>.
23. "As it is, there are two antagonistic nations living side by side in India several infantile politicians commit the serious mistake in supposing that India is already welded into a harmonious nation, or that it could be welded thus for the mere wish to do so... Let us bravely face unpleasant facts as they are. India cannot be assumed today to be a Unitarian[sic] and homogeneous nation, but on the contrary there are two nations in the main; the Hindus and the Moslems, in India."
Ref.: V D Savarkar  P. 13-14, Hindu Rashtra Darshan, at <https://savarkar.org/en/pdfs/hindu-rashtra-darshan-en-v002.pdf>.
24. "{7}  ...Now, suppose that all English, and the whole English army, were to leave India, taking with them all their cannon and their splendid weapons and everything, then who would be rulers of India? Is it possible that under these circumstances two nations — the Mahomedans and the Hindus — could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power? Most certainly not. It is necessary that one of them should conquer the other and thrust it down... This thing — who, after the departure of the English, would be conquerors — would rest on the will of God. But until one nation had conquered the other and made it obedient, peace could not reign in the land. This conclusion is based on proofs so absolute that no one can deny it."
Ref.: SPEECH OF SIR SYED AHMED AT MEERUT [1888] at <http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00islamlinks/txt_sir_sayyid_meerut_1888.html>.
25. Ref.: Mleccha at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mleccha>.
26. Ref.: Kafir at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kafir>.
27. Ref.: Buddhist shrines were 'massively destroyed' by Brahmanical rulers: Historian DN Jha, June 22 2018, at <https://www.counterview.net/2018/06/buddhist-shrines-massively-destroyed-by.html>.
28. Ref.: Dīn-i Ilāhī: Indian religion at <https://www.britannica.com/topic/Din-i-Ilahi>.
29. Ref.: Kabir at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kabir>.
30. Ref.: Guru Nanak at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guru_Nanak>.
31. "Alarmed by the motivation of both Hindu and Muslim sectarian groups to use Congress cadres for their own disruptive purposes, the All India Congress Committee passed a resolution in 1934 which prohibited members of the Congress party from becoming members of the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha and the Muslim league."
Ref.: Pavan Kulkarni, History Shows How Patriotic the RSS Really Is, 8 2018, at <https://thewire.in/history/rss-hindutva-nationalism>.
As regards the rather complex relationship between "Indian" nationalism  and its "Hindu" challenger, here is this reviewer's own attempt, in the past, to grapple with: Indian Nationalism, Hindutva and the Bomb, September 28 2003, at <http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article10225>.
32. Ref.: Sir Surendranath Banerjea, A Nation in Making: Being the Reminiscences of Fifty Years of Public Life, at <https://books.google.co.in/books/about/A_Nation_in_Making.html?id=uBgBkAEACAAJ>.
33. "In his radio address, while launching attacks on the British forces, it was Subhas Chandra Bose who called Mahatma Gandhi the father of the nation. In his last radio address from Burma in 1944 that Subhas Chandra Bose said, "Father of our Nation! In this holy war for India's liberation, we ask for your blessings and good wishes.""
Ref.: Prabhash K Dutta, Subhas Chandra Bose, Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru: Admirers or adversaries? A myth buster, January 23 2020, at <https://www.indiatoday.in/news-analysis/story/subhas-chandra-bose-mahatma-gandhi-nehru-admirers-or-adversaries-myth-buster-1639417-2020-01-23>. Also: <https://archive.org/stream/selectedspeeches00subh/selectedspeeches00subh_djvu.txt>.
34. Ref.: Vishnu Makhijani, Gandhi had dubbed Dadabhai Naoroji Father of the Nation, July 25 2020, at <https://www.thehansindia.com/hans/opinion/news-analysis/gandhi-had-dubbed-dadabhai-naoroji-father-of-the-nation-635553>.
35. Ref.: The Drain: Meaning, Causes, and Consequence | Indian Economy at <https://www.economicsdiscussion.net/indian-economy/the-drain-meaning-causes-and-consequence-indian-economy/19014>.
36. Ref.: Jasir Aftab, Preventive Detention Laws in India: A tool for executive tyranny?, at <https://theleaflet.in/preventive-detention-laws-in-india-a-tool-for-executive-tyranny/>.
37. Ref.: Ritendra Gaur, Preventive Detention and Constitution of India, February 26 2021,at <https://www.lawcolumn.in/preventive-detention-and-constitution-of-india/#History_of_preventive_detention_laws_in_India>.
38. Ref.: Shoaib Daniyal, History lesson for Amit Shah: India’s decision to create linguistic states ensured unity – not Hindi: A national language is a threat to Indian unity., Sep 17, 2019, at <https://scroll.in/article/937433/history-lesson-for-amit-shah-indias-decision-to-create-linguistic-states-ensured-unity-not-hindi>.
39. Ref.: States Reorganisation Commission at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/States_Reorganisation_Commission>.
40. Ref.: Richard M. Langworth, “Rascals, etc….”: Churchill & India, 22 July 2017, at <https://richardlangworth.com/indiarascals>.
41. Life expectancy (from birth) in India from 1800 to 2020 at <https://www.statista.com/statistics/1041383/life-expectancy-india-all-time/>.
42. Ref.: In 20 charts: India's journey since Independence, August 15 2022, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/in-charts-indias-journey-since-independence/articleshow/93573389.cms>.
43. Ref.: India Population 1950-2022 at <https://www.macrotrends.net/countries/IND/india/population>.
44. Ref.: Katharina Buchholz, The Countries with the Most Satellites in Space, July 14 2020, at <https://www.statista.com/chart/17107/countries-with-the-most-satellites-in-space/>.
45. Ref.: India - Human Development Index - HDI  at <https://countryeconomy.com/hdi/india>.
46. Ref.: Vivek Kaul, India is the World’s Fifth-Largest Economy, But..., September 7 2022, at <https://www.livemint.com/mint-top-newsletter/easynomics07092022.html>.
47. "India will take over after twice swapping the presidency of the G20, first with Italy in 2021 and then with Indonesia in 2022."
Ref.: India to host G20 leaders’ summit in September next year, September 13 2022,  at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/india-to-host-g20-summit-in-september-2023-101663048292685.html>.
48. Ref.: Tripurdaman Singh, How India’s founding fathers built an ‘Eastminster-style’ democracy, January 22, 2022, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/voices/how-indias-founding-fathers-built-an-eastminster-style-democracy>. Also: Debayan Roy, Our Constitution a feminist document; Universal Adult Franchise empowered women, marginalised: CJI DY Chandrachud, December 2 2022, at <https://www.barandbench.com/news/our-constitution-a-feminist-document-universal-adult-franchise-empowered-women-marginalised-cjidychandrachud>.
49. Ref.: India's First General Election (1951-52) at <https://artsandculture.google.com/story/india-39-s-first-general-election-1951-52/-wUhbZOT11a1RA>.
50. Ref.: Ornit Shani, The First Indian Election: Inclusion, Independence and the Making of ‘We, The People’, February 18 2022, at <https://thewire.in/history/the-first-indian-election-inclusion-independence-and-the-making-of-we-the-people>.
51. Ref.: Rohan D Mathews, The Telengana Movement: Peasant Protests in India, 1946-51, July 1 2011, at <https://www.ritimo.org/The-Telengana-Movement-Peasant-Protests-in-India-1946-51>.
52. "Ranadive was the general secretary of CPI 1948-1950. During that period the party was engaged in revolutionary uprisings, such as the Telangana armed struggle. In 1950 Ranadive was deposed, and denounced by the party as a "left adventurist"."
Ref.: B. T. Ranadive at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._T._Ranadive>.
53. "The evolution of parties and party system in India after Independence may be viewed broadly as consisting of four phases, with each phase having its genesis in the earlier one and flowing into the next one: period of Congress consolidation and dominance (1952-67); consolidation of opposition parties and emergence of multi-party system (1967-89); period of flux (1989-98); shaping of coalitional party system (1998-2004).) and the Table 2, in particular."
Ref.: K.C. Suri, P.16, Political Parties in India WPS1 Lokniti at <https://archive.org/stream/selectedspeeches00subh/selectedspeeches00subh_djvu.txt>.
54. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Indian Nationalism, Hindutva and the Bomb, September 28 2003, at <https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article10225>.
55. Ref.: Team Frontline, 1967: Naxalbari movement, Nov 13 2022, at <https://frontline.thehindu.com/politics/india-at-75-epochal-moments-1967-naxalbari-movement/article65721597.ece>.
56. Ref.: Bangalore Mirror Bureau, The Idea of ‘Total Revolution’, October 16 2015, at <https://bangaloremirror.indiatimes.com/opinion/views/the-idea-of-total-revolution/articleshow/49422574.cms>.
57. Ref.: Indira Nehru Gandhi vs Shri Raj Narain & Anr on 7 November, 1975 at <https://indiankanoon.org/doc/936707/>.
58. Ref.: June 25: On this day in 1975, Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency. What remains of its legacy?, June 25 2021, at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/june-25-on-this-day-in-1975-indira-gandhi-imposed-the-emergency-what-remains-of-its-legacy-101624589306289.html>.
59. Ref.: Vignettes from the Emergency, June 26 2015, at <https://nwmindia.org/features/vignettes-from-the-emergency-1/>.
60. Ref.: The Midnight Drama: Declaration of the Emergency: An insider’s account of one of the most turbulent times in Indian history., January 3 2015, at <https://www.thehindu.com/books/literary-review/excerpt-from-the-dramatic-decade-the-indira-gandhi-years/article6748577.ece>.
61. Ref.: Eric Pace, MANY OPPONENTS OF MRS. GANDHI ARRESTED IN INDIA, June 26 1975, at <https://www.nytimes.com/1975/06/26/archives/many-opponents-of-mrs-gandhi-arrested-in-india-narayan-and-desai.html>.
62. Ref.: William Borders, Not Everyone Has Settled Into Mrs. Gandhi's Continuing ‘Temporary State of Emergency’, January 9 1977, at <https://www.nytimes.com/1977/01/09/archives/not-everyone-has-settled-into-mrs-gandhis-continuing-temporary.html>.
63. Ref.: Ravi Visvesvaraya Sharada Prasad, Why Did Indira Gandhi Call for Elections in January 1977?, January 23 2022, at <https://openthemagazine.com/special/indira-gandhi-call-elections-january-1977>.
64. Ref.: Christophe Jaffrelot, Pratinav Anil, Lifting the Emergency: What Return to Democracy?, April 2021, at <https://academic.oup.com/book/39299/chapter-abstract/338894301>.
65. Ref.: Team LHI, The Emergency: The Undoing of Indira Gandhi, July 29 2022, at <https://www.livehistoryindia.com/story/eras/emergency-the-undoing-of-indira-gandhi>.
66. Ref.: S.R. Bommai vs Union Of India on 11 March, 1994 at <https://indiankanoon.org/doc/60799/>.
67. Ref.: Shivani Deshmukh, What was the Bommai Judgement? at <https://fiftytwo.in/blog/what-was-the-bommai-judgement/>.
68. Ref.: Right to Information Act, 2005 at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right_to_Information_Act,_2005>.
69. Ref.: Modi takes oath as PM, with 24 Cabinet and 21 Ministers of State at <https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/story/narendra-modi-prime-minister-of-india-swearing-in-ceremony-cabinet-ministers-194543-2014-05-26>.
70. Ref.: Britta Ohm, Public against Democracy: the case of the Gujarat Pogrom 2002, October 2 2012, at <https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/openindia/public-against-democracy-case-of-gujarat-pogrom-2002>.
71. Ref.: Compounding Injustice: The Government's Failure to Redress Massacres in Gujarat, June 30 2003, at <https://www.hrw.org/report/2003/06/30/compounding-injustice/governments-failure-redress-massacres-gujarat>.
72. Ref.: NHRC indicts Modi govt, June 1 2002, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/nhrc-indicts-modi-govt/articleshow/11610955.cms>.
73. Ref.: Modi modern-day Nero: SC, April 12 2004, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/modi-modern-day-nero-sc/articleshow/612448.cms>.
74. Ref.: Vijay Prashad, NO ENTRY FOR MODI, Apr 08, 2005, at <https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/article30204200.ece>.
75. Ref.: The Lallantop, Gujarat Riots के बाद Atal Bihari Vajpayee ने Narendra Modi को ये सलाह दी थी at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xDzugJ1WiNo>.
76. Ref.: Narendra Modi walking out of Karan Thapar Interview at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tAGAYL8dtic>.
77. Ref.: 'Decisive' words: Kutte ka Baccha - Modi's analogy splits open riot wounds, July 13 2013, at <https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/decisive-words-kutte-ka-bachcha-modis-analogy-splits-open-riot-wounds/cid/279383>.
78. Ref.: Liu Zongyi, Modi ready to do business with China, May 19 2014, at <http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/861112.shtml>.
79. Ref.: Meenakshi Sharma, Rajendra Jadhav, Spreading beef bans hit Indian farmers, traders - and lions, March 23 2015, at <https://www.reuters.com/article/india-beef-idINL3N0WI4M720150323>.
80. Ref.: Centre bans sale of cows for slaughter at animal markets, restricts cattle trade, July 19 2017, at <https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/centre-bans-cow-slaughter-across-india-cows-can-be-sold-only-to-farmers/story-8sFXJxiNmZ8eD6NXDgbvnL.html>.
81. Ref.: Sandipan Baksi and Aravindhan Nagarajan, Mob lynchings in India: A look at data and the story behind the numbers, July 4 2017, at <https://www.newslaundry.com/2017/07/04/mob-lynchings-in-india-a-look-at-data-and-the-story-behind-the-numbers>.
82. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Demonetisation: One Year After: Towards a Synoptic View, November 25 2017, at <https://drive.google.com/file/d/1sHKo5K9JUCwy2tzz1GKl_NC-23jUX6cJ7qDvjCK4OxE/view>.
83. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Rafale Controversy: Supreme Court Judgement: Amongst Worst Ever?, December 16 2018, at <https://docs.google.com/document/d/e/2PACX-1vT-NSOUZ3zob3gXrbNu_LGYx9KeWWf_YcnjlkArJmE76ub_194tUPSTNVkiucV8Eeb20T-07d8J1Q6b/pub>.
84. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Twist in the Tale: Maharashtra Police Press Conference on August 31 on Nationwide Raids and Arrests Three Days Earlier, September 4 2018, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/MAgFWN0kTEM/m/BieqpWoSDwAJ>.
85. Ref.: Niha Masih and Joanna Slate, Further evidence in case against Indian activists accused of terrorism was planted, new report says, April 20 2021, at <https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/04/20/india-bhima-koregaon-activists-report/>.
86. Ref.: Sukla Sen, 2019 Parliamentary Poll: Outcome: Drivers: Consequences: An Exploration, June 15 2019, at <https://docs.google.com/document/d/e/2PACX-1vSX4J7wt12TDUlBKNQ_x1AiIPFvYKiNay001ceKe6qrZD9kAy_8sdtYNE25Jbwk0A/pub>. May also look up: Sukla Sen, "India" vs. BJP: Three Shots: Over the years ('98 - '19): One long, one middle, one close-up, April 27 2022, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/yaZSCLTlZqs/m/epPE7xt2AAAJ>.
87. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Kashmir: Constitutional Coup: A Selection of Responses and Analyses, August 7 2019, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/DOqPnFoVsxk/m/ZA8b5zaDFAAJ>.
88. Ref.: Article 370 revoked: Which political parties supported the bill, which opposed it, August 6 2019, at <https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/jammu-and-kashmir-article-370-revoked-political-parties-support-oppose-1577561-2019-08-05>.
89. Ref.: 2019–2021 Jammu and Kashmir lockdown at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019%E2%80%932021_Jammu_and_Kashmir_lockdown>.
90. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Narendra Modi and Gautam Adani: A Love Affair Extraordinary?, September 21 2022, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/h2HGrKnclpk/m/0i9cIwXUCQAJ>.
91. Ref.: India Rich List 2014 at <https://www.forbesindia.com/lists/india-rich-list-2014/1483/all>.
92. Ref.: Top 10 richest persons in India in 2022, November 23 2022, at <https://www.businessinsider.in/india/news/top-10-richest-persons-in-india-in-2022/articleshow/90729324.cms>.
93. <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LieXtkf23ZU>.
94. Ref.: Ananya Sengupta, Modi flies into brand cloud, May 24 2014, at <https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/modi-flies-into-brand-cloud/cid/182148>.
95. Ref.: Asia’s richest man Gautam Adani reveals global media ambitions, November 25 2022, at <https://www.ft.com/content/d6c5ffa0-0b9b-436f-8c8b-ef4170bedfe3>. Also look up: Vanita Kohli-Khandekar, What does Gautam Adani's partial takeover of NDTV mean for television news?, December 2 2022, at <https://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/what-does-gautam-adani-s-partial-takeover-of-ndtv-mean-for-television-news-122120200992_1.html>.
96. Ref.: PM Modi urges all to respect women, support Nari Shakti in I-Day speech, August 15 2022, at <https://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/pm-modi-urges-all-to-respect-women-support-nari-shakti-in-i-day-speech-122081500268_1.html>.
97. Ref.: Bilkis Bano case: All 11 life imprisonment convicts released under Gujarat government’s remission policy, August 15 2022, at <https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/nation/bilkis-bano-case-all-11-life-imprisonment-convicts-released-under-gujarat-governments-remission-policy-422249>.
98. "Bilkis, her mother, and three other women were raped and brutally assaulted. Of the 17-member group of Muslims from Radhikpur village, eight were found dead, six were missing. Only Bilkis, a man, and a three-year-old survived the attack."
Ref.: Who is Bilkis Bano, who was gangraped during the 2002 Gujarat riots?, November 30 2022, at <https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-bilkis-bano-gangraped-2002-gujarat-riots-8093937>.
99. Ref.: Centre cleared release of Bilkis case convicts, CBI & court opposed: Gujarat, October 18 2022, at <https://indianexpress.com/article/india/bilkis-bano-case-govt-approves-premature-release-of-11-life-term-convicts-gujarat-8214503/>.
100. Ref.: Jyoti Punwani, Bilkis Bano convicts felicitated: Why are we surprised?, August 19 2022, at <https://www.deccanherald.com/opinion/bilkis-bano-convicts-felicitated-why-are-we-surprised-1137467.html>.
101. Ref.: Aditi Raja and Sohini Ghosh, Convicts in Bilkis Bano case came out on frequent parole as witnesses cited threats, August 22 2022, at <https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/convicts-in-bilkis-bano-case-came-out-on-frequent-parole-as-witnesses-cited-threats-8103826>.
102. Ref.: Sohini Ghosh, Gujarat: Bilkis Bano convict accused of outraging modesty while out on parole, October 20 2022 at <https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/ahmedabad/bilkis-bano-case-convictst-accused-of-outraging-modestly-imprisonment-tenure-8217608>.
103. Ref.: Lalit Mohan Mishra, Bharat Jodo Yatra in tune with aspirations of masses, October 22 2022, at <https://www.dailypioneer.com/2022/state-editions/bharat-jodo-yatra-in-tune-with-aspirations-of-masses.html>.
104. Ref.: Salt March at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salt_March>.
105. Ref.: Bharat Jodo Yatra at <https://www.bharatjodoyatra.in/>.
106. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Bharat Jodo Yatra: The Maharashtra Leg: Some Glimpses, November 21, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/aTT_FkxcBO4/m/WCtOcb4oAwAJ>.
107. Ref.: Sukla Sen, Bharat Jodo Yatra: Enters Indore: Heart of Hindi Heartland?, November 28, at <https://groups.google.com/g/greenyouth/c/KiAMRizBnDs/m/ALUqnbuQCQAJ>.
108. Here is a just a faint glimpse via an oblique hint provided by the new Chief Justice of India himself: Deepankar Malviya, District Judges Reluctant To Grant Bail Due To Fear Of Being Targeted : CJI DY Chandrachud, November 20, at <https://www.livelaw.in/top-stories/district-judges-reluctant-to-grant-bail-due-to-fear-of-being-targeted-cji-dy-chandrachud-214568>.
In this context, even more instructive is the case of Ashok Lavasa, a former member of the all-too-important Election Commission. First he was sidelined within the Commission for dissenting against views taken by the other two members favouring the ruling BJP during the 2019 parliamentary poll. Then his kith and kin would be targeted by the IT and ED. Finally, he, who was due to take over as the CEC in another nine months or so -- would be given offer of a foreign assignment to make him move out rather quietly.
Ref.: Election Commissioner Ashok Lavasa, Known for Dissent in EC, May Leave Early for ADB Job, July 15 2020, at <https://thewire.in/politics/election-commissioner-ashok-lavasa-known-for-dissent-in-ec-may-leave-early-for-adb-job>.

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Peace Is Doable