Thanks Mark -- splendid article, which brings me back to those days in Durham.
And thanks Tom. The discussion of race in the US these days is so fraught (with anti-racist whites tending to be very judgmental -- and ineffective) that it is wonderful to have a figure and leader like Ann Atwater brought to public attention. Part of this, as you say, is the importance of emphasizing the complexity of the European American (aka "white") folks in Durham in those years.
This goes to a crucial theme it would be good to discuss on the list serve. Ann, whom I met when I was working for OB, always struck me as a remarkable embodiment of the black church belief in forgiveness, redemption, and transformation. This tradition proved fertile ground for the world-historic philosophy of nonviolence as it became integrated into the American south (as Gandhi put it, it might well be American blacks who would bring the philosophy and practice of nonviolence to the world).
Though we didn't talk about the connections in the support work for Local 77, I could see the philosophy of nonviolence in action which I was learning in the 1960s from MLK, Bayard Rustin, Dorothy Cotton and others in the movement. They stressed the dignity, discipline required not to hate adversaries. This was exemplified by Oliver Harvey, Hattie Williams and others in the organizing campaign.
Nonviolence, nourished by the black church tradition, was a politics, as Karuna Mantena shows in an essay ("The Theory and Practice of Nonviolent Politics") in the new collection edited by Tommie Shelby and Brandon Terry, To Shape a New World: Essays on the Political Philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr. just out at the end of last year from Harvard Press. The Local 77 folks didn't talk about nonviolence either -- or at least I don't remember any explicit conversation with them about nonviolence. But I could see the same ideas in their actions which I was learning in the SCLC citizenship schools where we taught nonviolence -- don't humiliate your adversaries; understand where they come from; separate the sin from the sinner; recognize that most everyone can be redeemed if one looks for the potential for good rather than blast them. "Uplift the personality of the segregator as well as the segregated" was MLK's constant theme.
I brought this philosophy to Edgemont working for Operation Breakthrough, from 1966 to 1972, organizing ACT, a poor "white" organization (I discussed a lot with folks that "white" was a word invented by the big shots to keep people divided. We had material on Scottish Americans settlement in the Piedmont in our paper, The Action). We had many conversations about the importance of making common cause with blacks.
There were amazing leaders in Edgemont like Bessie and Doug Hicks, who had always battled racism and argued with KKK leaders -- Bessie saved my ass when I began organizing and the KKK was going around telling people I worked for Operation Breakthrough. I think I met Ellis at Duke while we were organizing Friends of Local 77 but I can't remember. I am certain he had conversations and arguments with people like Bessie and Doug in Edgemont.
So there is a background story that needs to be part of the narrative of this movie. It is tied to a different politics that the world needs more than ever.
Nonviolence is finally beginning to get attention (it's driven me crazy for forty years that the depth of contributions to political philosophy and practical politics of the movement leaders like MLK and others has been ignored, both in academia and in the general narrative about the movement).
In addition to Mantena's essay in the King collection I want to bring to attention Danielle Allen's piece, "Integration, Freedom, and Affirmation of Life." Allen is a brilliant young African American political philosopher at Harvard, with a practical bent. In her essay in the collection, she shows how nonviolence goes far beyond conventional progressive emphasis on ending oppressive conditions, ideologies, and relationships ("negative liberty" in the theoretical tradition) to focus on how we can live together in a flourishing community ("positive liberty," as theorists put it).
She gives detailed attention, using examples from Harvard, to how a nonviolent political approach can change the strategy and language about micro- aggressions on college campuses.
the power of nonviolent politics elsewhere is not hard to see. I gave a talk on this topic and its relevant to democratic change in professional systems generally, at Wisconsin Campus Compact last Friday in Milwaukee - Campus COmpact is a group of colleges working on civic engagement. People were very engaged.
I'm eager to start this conversation in the Vigil network. Although it wasn't very explicit, we were all educated as students by the nonviolence of the movement. And it is more important than ever.
Harry