200 Days of Unjust Arrest: Free Akhil Gogoi, Bittu Sonowal, Dhaijya Konwar and Manas Konwar | Condemn State Repression on Democratic Activists in Assam
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Free Akhil Gogoi, Bittu Sonowal, Dhaijya Konwar and Manas Konwar
NAPM Condemns 200 Days of Unjust Arrest! Withdraw All Fake Charges
Uphold Right to Democratic Protest against Communal & Extractive Agenda of BJP!
29th June, 2020: As we mark 200 days of the absolutely unjust arrest of the mass leader of KMSS-Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti, Akhil Gogoi on draconian charges, National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) demands his immediate release and withdrawal of all ill-conceived charges foisted against him. We also demand the release of young leaders Bittu Sonowal, Dhaijya Konwar and Manas Konwar associated with KMSS and its sister organizations. We salute the spirit of these young people of Assam who are fearlessly fighting a communal and fascist regime, and its divisive laws, in the face of intense repression.
As is well-known, Akhil Gogoi was arrested on 12th Dec 2019, from Jorhat, sent to NIA custody for 10 days in Delhi, and taken back and lodged in Guwahati Central Jail since 26th Dec. KMSS Secretary Dhaijya Konwar and Bittu Sonowal, President of Chatra Mukti Sangram Samiti, a popular democratic student org in Assam, were arrested on 13th Dec and lodged in Guwahati Central Jail. On 7th Jan, both of them were tagged in the same fake UAPA case with Akhil Gogoi and are currently in NIA custody in Kamrup district. Manas Konwar was arrested on 13th Dec, released later and re-arrested from NIA Court, Guwahati towards the end of January, 2020 being slapped with similar charges under UAPA. Earlier, the NIA failed to file a charge sheet within the mandatory 90 days, which warranted Akhil's release but he was immediately arrested for other cases.
Akhil had secured bail in three other cases under Sivasagar PS, Dibrugarh PS and Guwahati Crime Branch, but to maintain his custody, frivolous charges are being pressed again, a recent one of 28th May where Akhil is charged of ‘torching a Circle office, a post office and a Bank in Chabua’ on 12th December. Such tactics have been going on, throughout these six months of incarceration, when the farce of ‘trial’ itself becomes the punishment! The gross abuse of the legal process and travesty of justice is all too obvious in these cases, as it is, in the state hounding of muslims and students in the ‘Delhi Riots investigation’ case or the Bhima Koregaon case, where 11 activists, some of them between 60-80 years are jailed, even in Covid-times !
The Government of Assam in cohorts with the Centre, has also tried its best to establish that Akhil and KMSS/SMSS leaders have had ‘Maoist links’ and were operating in Assam, ‘planning to wage a war against the nation’! The Govt and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) has so far not been able to produce any substantive evidence or prove any of the charges against the arrested leaders. Akhil now has 5 cases under NIA and the three other persons are yet to secure bail for cases under different police stations.
In the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, jail safety conditions have worsened and minimum liberties of prisoners are being sabotaged. Even with a prisoner in Guwahati Central Jail testing Covid positive, not much is being done by authorities, which looks like a deliberate attempt to severe the punishment of political prisoners. Akhil’s health has also been deteriorating. On 25th June, inmates of Guwahati prison staged a protest against the deplorable jail conditions during a pandemic and demanding release of Akhil Gogoi and his associates.
The Government, which was taken aback with the mass social dimension of the popular uprising against the blatantly communal Citizenship Amendment Act in Assam started targeting genuine voices and organisations who work on cross community lines, raise questions of federalism, state resources and against state repression, along with asking the State to address the migration question in a just and democratic manner.
The arrests of these activists is a brazen attack of the State on the Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti, Satra Mukti Sangram Samiti, Chah Shramik Mukti Sangram Samiti, Nari Mukti Sangram Samiti and all democratic organizations that question the State’s failures and genuinely seek to address complex questions of inequities. It is shameful that despite wide-spread protests and even international condemnation from the United Nations, the Government continues to jail these activists.
Akhil and KMSS have been a strong and popular voice against incautious and destructive large dams, extraction of resources and development projects which can foster damage to local population and ecology, opening of the many unlawful toll-gates to harass citizens and thereby are potential targets of a fascist Govt, especially when Assembly elections are approaching and all failures and loopholes of Government are in light for everyone to see.
KMSS has also been at the fore-front of many struggles, effectively using RTI and in defending rights of landless peasants, rural and urban poor with its grassroot activists, mobilizing masses against Governments who have given in to their own and corporate profits over the lives of indigenous and tribal people. Even during the Congress regime, Akhil was involved in exposing many scams and launched anti-corruption mass movements in Assam. NIA while conducting raids at his home, was looking for many of such files which name political leaders and business tycoons.
NAPM demands the immediate release of all Akhil Gogoi, Bittu Sonowal, Dhaijya Konwar and Manas Konwar and withdrawal of all false charges level against them. We call upon the Full Bench of the Guwahati High Court to immediately intervene in this case of gross delay and abuse of the legal process and free all the activists, unconditionally.
We stand in solidarity with the autonomous and democratic organizations and activists in Assam who protest against the communal & extractive agenda of BJP and other exploitative political entities, with a strong belief in constitutional values, peace and human rights.
We call upon the Government to put an end to this vicious episode of clamp-down and instead engage in a serious and meaningful dialogue with the people of the state to address some of the long-standing issues in an amicable way, upholding the rights of all sections, in particular the marginalized and disenfranchised communities.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Deavaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra; Pervin Jehangir.
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
Web : www.napm-india.org | napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
(इस पत्र का हिन्दी अनुवाद नीचे है )
4th July, 2020
To,
Chief Minister,
Govt. of Bihar
Sub: Immediate Purchase of Maize Crop by Govt. as per minimum support price (MSP) and disbursement of proceeds to farmers as well as payment of ‘loss differential’ between market price and MSP for previous season maize sale, as per PM-AASA.
Sir,
We the undersigned members of the National Alliance of People’s Movements, an all-india coalition of social movements are writing to you in solidarity with the demands of thousands of farmers in North Bihar and the Satyagraha of Kosi Nav Nirman Manch.
We would like to submit that maize farming has become a lifeline for farmers in many districts of North Bihar including Kosi and Seemanchal. But sadly, the government is not purchasing maize at the minimum support price (MSP), despite the fact that the Prime Minister's Annadata Aay Suraksha Abhiyan (PM-AASA) promises purchase of all coarse grains including wheat, paddy and cotton. The Covid-19 induced lockdown has resulted in the fall of maize-based industries and additional imports of maize have also led to a low market price for maize.
According to the Commission for Agriculture Costs and Prices (CACP), the minimum cost to produce 1 quintal of maize is Rs. 1,213/-. However, in reality, the cost of production of 1 quintal maize is much more than the present market price. In the last financial year, the market price per quintal for maize was between Rs 2,000 /- to Rs. 2,400/-, while this year, the price per quintal has dropped by nearly half to a mere Rs 900/- to 1,100/-.
This year, the farmers’ distress has doubled; firstly, the Covid induced lockdown hit even before the crop was ready. Secondly, the lack of storage facilities forced farmers to sell their crop at nearly quarter of the price, especially since the monsoon increases the threat of grains rotting. Due to the lockdown, many relatives who used to contribute to the household by migrating for work have returned. These contributing members have not only stopped earning, but are now also dependent on the farmer for support. Investing in maize is not cheap or easy and the maize farmer often has to take several loans from individuals and financial institutions.
In such a situation, it is the complete responsibility of the state government and central government to purchase maize at MSP and pay the farmers immediately. The central and state governments should jointly pay not only the minimum support price, but also the difference of market price to the farmers who have sold maize at abysmally low rates.
If the Central Government is calling for an ‘Atma-Nirbhar’ (self-sufficient) India, then it should ban the import of maize and save the farmers of the country from this deepening crisis. If the state intends to increase employment to the returning migrant workers and speed up industrialization, then it is crucial that the State buy, store, and increase the industries based on maize.
Many farmers organisations and other organisations have repeatedly written to you in this regard. In fact, Kosi Nav Nirman Manch (KNNM) even organised a four-day Satyagraha after which the local administration reportedly assured that they would forward the demands of farmers to you. However, the the sale hasn’t yet begun and the farmers have been left with no choice but to continue and intensify the struggle.
It is our earnest request that the purchase of maize at MSP be initiated at the earliest and that the proceeds from the sale reach the producer immediately.
We also urge your Govt to immediately pay farmers the difference in amount between the MSP and the very low market rates at which they sold their maize crop in the last season, as per PM-AASA.
Looking forward to an acknowledgement of our concerns, the demands of farmers and hoping you will do the needful at the earliest.
Thanking You,
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Deavaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra; Pervin Jehangir.
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
Copy to:
1. Chief Secretary, Govt. of Bihar.
2. Minister of Co-operatives, Govt. of Bihar.
3. Minister of Agriculture, Govt. of Bihar.
4. Principal Secretary, Dept of Co-operatives, Govt. of Bihar.
5. Principal Secretary, Dept of Agriculture, Govt. of Bihar.
6. Prime Minister’s Office (PMO), Govt of India.
7. Minister of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, Govt of India.
8. Secretary, Dept. of Agriculture and Co-operatives, Ministry of Agriculture and Farmers Welfare, Govt of India.
4 जुलाई, 2020
सेवा में,
मुख्यमंत्री,
बिहार
विषय: न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) पर मक्के की सरकारी खरीद कर, उसका भुगतान अविलम्ब शुरू कराने, पी.एम-आशा के तहत किसानों के घाटे की भरपाई “भावान्तर” दिलाने के सम्बन्ध में।
महाशय,
हम अधोहस्ताक्षरकर्ता जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय के सदस्य है, जो देश भर के सामाजिक आंदोलनों का एक राष्ट्रीय गठबंधन है | उत्तर बिहार के हजारों किसानों की मांगों और कोसी नव निर्माण मंच के सत्याग्रह के साथ एकजुटता प्रकट करते हुए, हम आपको लिख रहे है।
उपरोक्त विषय के सम्बन्ध में निवेदन हैं कि बिहार के कोशी और सीमांचल सहित उत्तर बिहार के अनेक जिलों में मक्के की खेती किसानों की जीवनरेखा (लाईफ-लाईन) बन गयी है| मगर बड़े ही दुःख के साथ कहना पड़ रहा है कि सरकार द्वारा न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) पर मक्के की सरकारी खरीदी नही हो रही है जबकि प्रधानमन्त्री अन्नदाता आय सुरक्षा अभियान (पी.एम-आसा) के तहत गेहूं, धान, कपास सहित सभी मोटे अनाजों की खरीद कराने की बात है| कोविड-19 संकट के कारण हुए लॉकडाउन के असर से मक्का आधारित उद्योगों में आयी गिरावट, बाहरी आयात से मक्के का बाजार भाव बहुत ही कम है|
कमीशन फॉर एग्रीकल्चर कास्ट एंड प्राइसेज (CACP) भी मानता हैं कि 1क्विंटल मक्का तैयार करने में न्यूनतम लागत 1,213 रूपये आता है पर वास्तव में इससे ज्यादा लागत आती है| अभी का बाजार भाव लागत मूल्य से भी बहुत कम है| पिछले वर्ष बाजार भाव में 2,000 से 2,400 प्रति क्विंटल था, पर इस वर्ष 900 से 1,100 तक है अर्थात पिछले वर्ष का लगभग आधा है| इस वर्ष किसानों को दोहरी मार झेलनी पड़ रही है - फसल तैयार होने से पहले आयी आपदाओं से फसल कम हुई तो मानसून में हो रही वर्षा होने पर, भंडारण के समुचित अभाव में औने-पौने दाम में इसे बेचने पर विवश है। वर्षा से मक्का के सड़ने का खतरा भी बढ़ गया है|
लाक डाउन के बाद किसानों के अनेक परिजन जो बाहर से कुछ कमाकर गृहस्थी में सहयोग देते थे, वे भी घर आ गये हैं जिनके खर्च की व्यस्था किसान को ही करनी हैं| मक्का फसल तैयार करने में किसान उधार और वित्तीय संस्थाओं से कर्ज लेकर इसमें लगाते हैं। इस विषम परिस्थिति में राज्य और केन्द्र सरकार का पूर्ण दायित्व है कि मक्के का न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) पर सरकारी खरीद करे और उसका तत्काल भुगतान हो| कम बाजार भाव पर जिन किसानों ने मक्का बेचा है, उन किसानों को न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य और बाजार भाव के अंतर “भावान्तर की राशि” केन्द्र और राज्य सरकार मिलकर करे|
केन्द्र सरकार जो ‘आत्मनिर्भर भारत’ की बात कर रही है, तो मक्के के आयात पर पूर्ण प्रतिबन्ध लगाये जिससे देश के किसानों को भारी संकट से बचाया जा सके| कोविड-19 संकट में राज्य में आये मजदूरों को रोजगार देने और औद्योगीकरण को यदि तेज करना है तो मक्का जैसे कृषि उत्पादों की खरीद, भंडारण और उस पर आधारित उद्योगों को बढ़ावा देना अभी की जरूरत है|
इन मुद्दों पर किसान संगठन और अन्य कई संगठनों ने आपको अनेक बार आवेदन दिए हैं, यहाँ तक कि मधेपुरा में कोशी नव निर्माण मंच की अगुवाई में 4 दिनों तक सत्याग्रह भी हुआ। स्थनीय प्रशासन द्वारा आपको मांग-पत्र भेजा भी गया होगा, पर अभी तक खरीदी शुरू नही हुई है| किसान फिर से सत्याग्रह और आन्दोलन करने पर विवश हो रहे हैं|
ऐसे में आपसे निवेदन हैं कि मक्का की सरकारी खरीदारी न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य (MSP) पर जल्द शुरू कराते हुए उसके तुरंत भुगतान की व्यवस्था कराएं और अब तक जो मक्का औने-पौने दाम पर बिक चुका हैं, उसके बाजार भाव और न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य के भावान्तर का भुगतान कराया जाय|
आशा है कि आप हमारी चिंताओं और किसानों की मांगों को स्वीकार करते हुए, त्वरित कार्यवाही करेंगे
धन्यवाद,
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय के सलाहकार, संयोजन और समन्वय मण्डल की और से.. (हस्ताक्षर कर्ताओं का नाम ऊपर)
प्रति :
1. मुख्य सचिव, बिहार सरकार
2. सहकारिता मंत्री, बिहार सरकार
3. कॄषि मंत्री, बिहार सरकार
4. प्रधान सचिव, सहकारिता विभाग बिहार सरकार
5. प्रधान सचिव, कृषि विभाग बिहार सरकार
6. प्रधानमंत्री कार्यालय, भारत सरकार
7. मंत्री, कृषि एवं किसान कल्याण, भारत सरकार
8. सचिव, कृषि एवं सहकारिता विभाग, कृषि मंत्रालय और किसान कल्याण विभाग, भारत सरकार
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Roll Back Problematic Amendments to the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016
Resist Attempts to Weaken Penal Provisions that hold entities accountable for violation of RPWD Act.
Put Rights of Marginalized Citizens Before ‘Business Sentiments’
Stop the Patronizing ‘Divyang Politics’! Ensure Accessibility as a Fundamental Right!
5th July, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is outraged at the spree of pernicious changes that the current dispensation is bringing forth to various laws to undermine the hard-won rights of citizens. Even as we deal with Covid and lockdown, we have witnessed problematic provisions being introduced through ‘proposed amendments’ to environment, labour, electricity, transgender rights and many other laws.
As part of its ‘Post-Covid Economy Revival Strategy’, the Central Govt has now hurriedly come up with a proposal to amend the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016, (RPwD), a legislation that has a painful history of decades of struggle by lakhs of persons with disabilities across the country. Notably, while the Act itself has not been effectively implemented in the past 4 years, the Government seeks to dilute its provisions since it is ‘impacting business sentiments’ and investments from both domestic and foreign investors! Thus, far from creating an enabling and empowering environment required under the Act, the Modi Govt. is launching a veiled attack on the one of the most marginalised and neglected sections of our society.
We express
our outright condemnation of the current move to weaken the penal provisions of
the RPwD Act that actually ensures accountability towards the other enabling aspects
of the law. It is most unfortunate that the Union Social Justice and
Empowerment Ministry (MoSJE), which is charged with the responsibility to
strengthen the rights of the marginalized communities has been spear heading some
of these retrograde changes! After pushing the deeply objectionable Draft Rules
for the ‘Rights of Transgender Persons Act’ during lockdown, the Ministry has
now, through the Department of Empowerment of Persons with Disabilities,
embarked on this process of amending the RPwD Act!
The proposal put out by the Ministry a couple of days back expresses the need for “De-criminalizing Minor Offences for Improvising Business Sentiment and unclogging Court Processes” and thereby adversely strike at the core of the Act itself. The proposed amendment aims to debilitate the penalty clauses under Sections 89, 92 (a) and 93 of the RPwD Act by making certain offenses ‘compoundable’. The law, as it exists provides for the following penalties:
a) Sec 89: Any person who contravenes any of the provisions of the RPwD Act or Rules, shall for first contravention be punishable with fine upto Rs. 10,000/- and for any subsequent contravention with fine not be less than Rs. 50,000/- and upto Rs. 5 lakhs.
b) Sec 92 (a): Whoever intentionally insults or intimidates with intent to humiliate a person with disability in any place within public view shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than six months but which may extend to five years and with fine.
c) Sec 93: Whoever, fails to produce any documents or information required as per RPwD shall be punishable with fine upto Rs. 25,000/- in respect of each offence, and in case of continued failure or refusal, with further fine upto Rs. 1,000/- per for each day, of continued failure.
The proposed amendment seeks to introduce a new Sec 95-A which provides that any offence under Sec 89, 92 (a) and 93 may either before or after the institution of proceedings, be ‘compounded’ by the Chief Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities or the State Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities with the consent of the aggrieved person with disability, by such amount and in such manner as the Central Government may, by notification, specify in this behalf. Where an offence has been compounded, the offender, if in custody, shall be discharged and any proceeding in respect of such offence, shall be dropped.
Activists working on the disability front for long, opine that penal provisions for contravening the provisions of a law enabling a marginalized section must be seen not as an ‘impediment’, but as necessary for robust compliance, leading to an inclusive and equitable society. Diluting these penalties, is akin to legitimizing offensive behaviour against persons with disabilities and making public and work spaces more unsafe and inaccessible for them. The provision against humiliation is already quite restricted, in that, it can be invoked only if such an act happens in a public space. To compromise even on that, is a complete affront on the dignity of lakhs of disabled people.
Be it noted that, for over two decades, the absence of effective penal provisions was one of the reasons for non-implementation of various provisions in the (now repealed) Persons with Disabilities Act, 1995. Further, in the absence of adequate and credible data available with the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) regarding actual number of cases registered under the said provisions of RPwD Act and penalties imposed, these amendments are completely preposterous.
It is also understood that while initially the ‘invitation’ to submit comments on these proposed amendments was extended towards end-June, only to 7 organizations mostly in Delhi, the Ministry, responding to criticism, subsequently put up the proposal on its website two days back, ‘seeking public feedback’. However, the deadline ‘to furnish comments’ by 10th July (mere 10 days) is woefully inadequate! Concerns have been expressed that the State Disability Commissioners have not even been informed or taken into confidence about this move. The proposal is also in an inaccessible format of communication i.e. not inclusive of all official and other diverse languages, display of text, Braille, tactile communication, large print, accessible multimedia, written, audio, video, visual displays, sign language, plain-language, human-reader, augmentative and alternative modes and accessible information and communication technology.
Sadly, the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 (RPwD) Act itself has never been effectively implemented as per the United Nations Convention on Rights of Persons with Disabilities, 2006. RPwD Act is a stated commitment of Govt. of India under international law that the provisions of the UN Convention (which it ratified in Oct, 2007) would be complied with in letter and spirit. However, many aspects of the Act including accessibility in all government buildings, full and effective participation and inclusion in society etc, ensuring adequate budgets and setting up the necessary monitoring infrastructure are far from implemented.
‘Ease of doing Business’ should not mean a vile negation of the hard-won rights and dignity of the marginalized. Instead of being a democracy of, by and for the people, the current regime is pushing India to become a land of, by and for corporates and big businesses! By amendments to Sec 89, 92(a) and 93, the Govt. is attempting to take away the limited teeth of the RPwD Act to ensure its compliance. This move is also in violation of the fundamental right to dignity, equality, non-discrimination, free movement and right to life of persons with disabilities under Articles 14,15,19 & 21 of the Constitution.
The Union Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation, in a Report of 2018 indicates that persons with disabilities constitute at least at 2.2 percent of our population, which is a huge number. The Govt. cannot bring in amendments in such a cavalier manner that would affect almost 2.68 crore people. If, all the patronizing rhetoric of 'Divyang' and Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas aur Sabka Vishwas', ends up leaving the disability community more marginalized, it only exposes the utter callousness of this regime.
National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) unequivocally opposes these amendments and calls upon the Govt. of India to listen to the experiences and concerns of disability community and immediately roll back these changes that will have an adverse impact on their well-being.
We demand that no changes to the RPwD Act, 2016 must be made in violation of the UN Convention on RPwD and without wide-ranging, inclusive and accessible consultations with the disability community and its allies, at large. Instead, the 2016 Act must be implemented, as per the framework of the UN Convention.
We stand in solidarity with all persons with disabilities, disability rights organisations and activists in their legitimate struggle against the proposal to dilute and nullify the penal provisions contained in the Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016.
We call upon all supportive political parties, state governments and other socio-political organizations and unions to take a stand against these highly violative amendments and amplify the voices of the persons with disabilities.
For any further details, contact: Ph: 7337478993, 9869984803 or E-mail:
napm...@gmail.com
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Deavaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra; Pervin Jehangir.
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD), Dipa Sinha,Shivangi Agarwal
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
For
Urgent Attention: Review of Cost-Benefits of
Proposed Semi High-Speed Train Project
8th July, 2020
To,
Mr. Pinarayi Vijayan,
Chief Minister,
Government of Kerala
Sub: Urgent Need for Review of the Cost-Benefits of Proposed Semi High Speed Train Project and Decision in the interest of the ecology, economy and people’s livelihoods.
Sir,
At the outset, which wish to convey our appreciation for the methodical and diligent way in which your administration, with the able leadership of T. Shailaja in the Health Ministry has been handling the unprecedented Covid-19 crisis. We noticed that on many occasions, such as during the floods of 2018 & 2019, the Shabarimalai issue and now during Covid, the State has taken on challenges, with some progressive stands, despite non co-operation from the Centre. We also acknowledge the importance of initiatives like ‘Kerala Dialogue Conversations’ that the state has recently launched.
We have, however, been disturbed by the ‘developmental approach’ of the state, which we still hope will be and has to be different from the other mainstream parties of the country. The post-flood ‘reconstruction’, threat to Western Ghats by reckless construction projects, the massive widening of NH-66, unabated black sand mining in Alappad, the sudden revival of destructive Athirappilly Project and now the Semi High Speed Train Project, all raise very serious questions about the commitment of the government towards environmental protection and people’s livelihoods – both of which are part of a sustainable development framework. We have been bringing various concerns to your notice through multiple ways and expect a rational stand from you in this regard as well.
This particular communication is with regard to the Semi High-Speed Train Corridor also known as Silver Line Project from Kasargod (north) to Thiruvananthapuram (south), proposed to be constructed at an estimated cost of INR 67,000 crores. We are given to understand that the Kerala Rail Development Corporation Limited (KRDCL), a Joint Venture Company under the Government of Kerala and Ministry of Railways, Govt of India, has proposed a 532 kms long track for connecting the two ends of the state. While 3,000 acres of land are to be acquired for the tracks and an additional 2,500 acres would be taken for ‘development’ of smart cities and other commercial establishments near the proposed 10 stations, the actual and full extent of land being frozen for the project is not yet known. While sanction for the project itself is awaited from centre, there is information that land acquisition process has already begun!
Although the state government maintains that ‘only 6,395 families will have to be evicted’, Mr. E Sreedharan (the key architect of Delhi Metro) estimates that at least 20,000 families, which means at least around 80,000 persons, will be displaced by the project. The past experience of a small number of 326 families evicted for the Vallarpadam Container berth, a decade back, shows that even as on date only 76 families have been resettled, while the remaining 250 families are yet to be rehabilitated. Hence the ‘displacement and rehabilitation of almost 80,000 people for the current project should be minimized at all costs and at best, avoided.
It is learnt that about 132 km of paddy fields would be utilised for the rail project. Filling up of a large extent of paddy fields is likely to hinder the free flow and percolation of water, affecting the water table, leading to drought-like conditions. Multiple scientific studies have confirmed the fact that wetlands act as one of the main sources for ground water recharge. Hence filling up of wet lands in the guise of ‘development’ could prove detrimental, in the long run. Since high boundary walls would have to be raised on both sides of the entire 532 kms track, except at urban areas, KRDCL has stated that around 1,000 RoB / Under bridges would be constructed at every 500 mts. This means, one would have to travel at least one km to crossover the track and there is no guarantee that adequate number of RoBs all across would be built. People of the state are already apprehensive about flyovers, with the experience of Palarivattom flyover fresh in memory.
Construction of underpass / over bridges in water logged / marshy areas or near rivers could lead to them being flooded, even with a small down pour. The alignment passes through Trichur, Ernakulam, Kottyam and Pathanamthitta Districts that had faced 25 ft of flooding during the last two floods. The high boundary walls on both sides could affect the rescue operations in the event of future floods. These walls would also make agricultural practice with tractors, tillers and harvesting machines difficult in the many paddy fields in the stretch! Erection of these high boundary walls over 532 kms would mean literally divide the entire state of Kerala into two! Ironically, a similar proposal by the previous government was (rightly) torpedoed by the Opposition for the very same reasons, but is now walking the same path, while in power!
It is reported that of the entire project cost of Rs.67,000, upto 10 % would be borne each by the Centre and State while the remaining 80 % would be raised through loans from domestic and foreign institutions (especially Japan), indicating that it would eventually be a huge debt on the citizens of the state. Some independent estimates indicate the eventual project cost could shoot upto Rs. 1 lakh crore. Even as the Railway Board has only sanctioned the survey and not the full DPR, it is reported that during your (CM’s) visit to Japan, you had submitted the ‘feasibility report’ and other allied papers before the Board of Directors of JICA for availing loan of INR 55,000/- crores. Questions have also been raised as to why much of the equipment including rolling stock has to be imported from Japan, when India itself exports rolling stock to South Africa and many other countries.
KRDCL has not yet furnished specific details about the expected number of passengers the train service would cater to. Since the Project is being built with tax payers money, KRDCL has an obligation to substantiate its claims with facts and figures to clear the apprehensions about its feasibility. The proposals for 10 smart cities, with real estate and other commercial establishments, in the vicinity, for which tender has already been floated, allegedly even without proper sanctions from various Government agencies is a matter of deep concern. Would such a project, at such high costs, be really helpful to the broader and common sections of the society or only be of some use to select businesses and professional classes merits more thought.
Activists in the state claim that the Sabari Rail Project which required only 3% of the cost of the estimate of the Semi High Speed Train Project is now abandoned after spending around INR 253 crores. Another similar project which was mooted in 2011 was also abandoned in 2018 after spending 30 crores and the company itself was dissolved! When one smart city floated by the previous Govt with much fan-fare could not progress much even after a decade, the idea of developing 10 smart cities adjacent to the 10 stations, by KRDCL, a new entity, is quite preposterous.
The expected timeline for completion of the Semi High Speed Project is 2035, by which time, there would be drastic changes on the transport front already. The Railways has already started operating various trains at 160 to 200 kms / per hour in certain sections. Nizamuddin - Jhansi Gatiman Express runs with a maximum speed of 160 kmph currently. Such type of trains will be operated in many sectors including Kerala. It is understood that, by then, the speed per hour on the National Highways, which is already permitted at 90 kms/ph would increase substantially. Hence a project proposing 180 to 200 kms per hour in 2035 would be obsolete, by the time it is operational.
The Central Govt has also recently ordered the doubling of the Ernakulam-Kayamkulam via Alleppey railway sector and sanctioned INR 1500 crores for the project. After completion of the doubling of the remaining Ettumannor to Chingavanam sector in Ernakulam- Kayamkulam track and on completion of the doubling of the track via Alleppey, there would be no necessity for a separate line, spending around INR 67,000 - 1,00,000 crore and displacing 80,000 - 1,00,000 people of the state. The possibility of ‘employment generation’ by the Project is also very limited. Going by the experience of the Kochi Metro, except for manual labour work during the limited construction period, that too for migrant workers, there are not many avenues of work likely to be created.
While the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) of the Semi High Speed Project is stated to have been done, there are serious allegations that the EIA has not happened in a fool-proof manner, with adequate information to and consultation with the affected people. This is a serious breach of mandatory legal requirements. The track proposed is through landslide and avalanche prone areas and the environmental risks should not be underplayed.
It is anticipated that it could take approximately 5 years to overcome the recession due to the Corona pandemic in the state. When people all over the world including in Kerala are struggling due to the pandemic, such a massive investment of tens of thousands of crores and eviction of upto 1,00,000 people for the project, without adequate discussion with all the elected representatives, including MLAs, MPs and local leaders, consent of the concerned villages and without a rational cost-benefit analysis, environmental and financial feasibility assessment is most unfortunate and unfair.
We appeal to you to immediately review the costs and benefits of the Project, by taking on board opinions and views of all concerned sections in the states and in particular the people of the villages / areas who would stand to potentially be displaced.
We look forward to an acknowledgment of these concerns and a reasoned policy decision, in the interest of the people, ecology and economy of Kerala.
Thanking you,
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Post-Facto ‘Clearance’ of 16 years of Illegal Coal Mining in Dehing Patkai
and Fresh Approval for Mining by NBWL is an Environmental Travesty!
Settle Forest Rights before Notifying Dehing Patkai Sanctuary as National Park
A Complete Ban on Extractive Mining Needed to Protect the Region
12th July, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements expresses deep concern over the series of destructive and extractive projects being taken up in the bio-diverse rich regions of the North-Eastern states that jeopardize the interests of wildlife and humans alike. ‘Dehing Patkai’ in Upper Assam became a flash point of resistance last month after the recent “recommendation for approval” by the National Board of Wild Life (NBWL), to allow open cast mining by Coal India Limited in about 98.59 hectares of land in the Saleki Reserve Forest (Digboi), which is a part of the Dehing Patkai Elephant Reserve. However, what has missed much of public discourse is the fact that the NBWL clearly over-looked existing scientific and official evidence of long-standing unlawful mining in the area and went ahead to ‘legalize’ the mining in a ‘post-facto mode’!
Dehing Patkai, famously known as ‘Amazon of the East’ is the largest rainforest in India, home to many endangered species and is believed to be the last remaining contiguous patch of rainforest area in the Upper Assam region, extending upto the Deomali elephant reserve in Arunachal Pradesh. The Govt of Assam declared 111.19 sq. km area of the rainforest as ‘Dehing Patkai Wildlife Sanctuary’ on 13th June, 2004, along with 17 other forest reserves. According to the Forest Department of Assam, there are 46 species of mammals, 71 species of reptiles, 290 species of wild birds, 276 species of butterflies, 70 species of fish, 70 species of dragonflies,101 species of orchids and thousands of other insects found in the sanctuary. Located on the southern bank of Brahmaputra, Dehing Patkai is also home to a large number of Asiatic elephants. Thousands of trees belonging to 61 rare species like Hollang, Mekai, Dhuna, Udiyam, Nahar, Samkothal, Bheer, Hollock, Elephant-apple, Fig etc keep the rainforest pristine.
Information furnished under RTI confirms allegations by the local people and environmental activists that coal mining in the area has been going on for long, even in the absence of ‘formal clearances’ and renewals. The 30-year lease permit issued in 1973 to North Eastern Coalfields (NEC), a Coal India subsidiary, for conducting mining on an area of four-square miles in a part of the Dehing Patkai sanctuary, expired in 2003. However, NEC continued with the illegal mining for almost a decade and approached the Govt of Assam only in 2012 for fresh lease! Between 2003 and 2019, the NEC mined land measuring 57 hectares without clearance, in the broken area. NEC also mined in portions of the unbroken area of 41.59 ha. These details are confirmed by a Site Inspection Report of the Shillong Regional Office MoEF & CC, submitted to the Ministry on 25th Nov, 2019. The Report states that NEC continued mining without obtaining a lease renewal and forest clearance over 73.2 ha (of the 98.59 ha for which conditional clearance has now been granted).
It is indeed extremely unfortunate and questionable that the Standing Committee of NBWL chaired by the Environment Minister himself granted ‘approval’ while blatantly ignoring the irregularities and unlawful mining which was pointed out by the Assam Forest Department, the Shillong Regional Office of MoEF and even the Expert Committee constituted in 2014, in the wake of concerns expressed by the Assam State WildLife Board. Despite the site inspection report of MoEF stating that illegal mining was carried out on the ‘unbroken’ land as well, NBWL failed to take note of this and instead categorised the entire 41 ha as ‘unbroken’! Going by media reports quoting the State Forest Minister (ET, 5th June), it is also interesting to note how the Report of the first Expert Committee constituted by SWLB in July 2015 was superseded by another Expert Committee constituted by NBWL, which submitted its Report in Oct 2019. The present clearance of NBWL appears to be based on the Report of the subsequent Expert committee constituted by the NBWL itself.
The NBWL’s conditional clearance issued in April mandates that NEC must furnish a ‘site-specific mine reclamation plan’ in consultation with Assam Forest Department for the already broken up forest area and a ‘feasibility report’ for exploring underground mining in the remaining area. Experience from coal fields across India indicates that the ‘restoration to the original state’ is next to impossible. It is, therefore, quite likely that the ‘State-II’ clearance could be granted based on whatever plan is submitted by NEC. We feel that such unlawful mining and post-facto ‘clearance’ of illegality is a blatant disregard of people’s rights, in particular of the indigenous communities and also furthers the extractive and destructive ‘development model’ that jeopardizes the ecosystem. MoEF & CC which ought to be at the forefront of conservation is sadly becoming the gateway of ecological destruction and loot!
NAPM is of the view that while NEC ‘officially suspended’ all mining operations in the Tirap Colliery since 3rd June, 2020 following massive protests, it must be held fully accountable for the 16 years of unlawful mining. In addition to the Rs. 43.25 crores penalty imposed by the Assam Forest Dept. on the CIL, an FIR against officials of NEC, CIL and MoEF, holding authority, who permitted / oversaw / ignored the unlawful mining operations must be registered under appropriate provisions of law and stringent action taken. Accountability must also be fixed for alleged unlawful mining in the Tikak Open Cast mine, situated in the Saleki Reserve Forest, where mining has been suspended since October, 2019 as per directives of the State Forest Department.
We are aware that multiple PILs are pending consideration before the Guwahati High Court, alleging gross violations of environmental laws and procedures including Assam Forest Regulation Act, 1891; Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972; the National Wildlife Actions Plan (2002-2016) and Centrally Sponsored Scheme, 2009 and seeking a ban on the coal mining. We hope the Court which has admitted these PILs and also taken suo moto cognizance of the serious issue, calling for reply affidavits by mid-July will fix legal accountability of all state and central agencies, including project, clearing and monitoring authorities. The Court must also objectively consider the plea to direct competent authorities to declare the entire rainforest as a heritage site, in terms of Section 37 of the Biological Diversity Act, 2002.
Activists in Assam also fear that unbridled mining in the Dehing Patkai forest region would severely affect the livelihoods and cultures of numerous ethnic groups like Tai Phake, Khamyang, Khampti, Singpho, Nocte, Ahom, Koibarta, Moran and Motok, tea-tribes, Burmese and Nepali speaking people. Therefore, while the recent decision of the Assam Govt to upgrade the Dehing Patkai Wildlife Sanctuary to a National Park is welcome, this would hold value only if all destructive coal mining in the area is stopped forthwith. Besides, the Govt. must settle all pending claims of people living in these forests as per the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972 and Forest Rights Act, 2006, before issuing any formal notification for the National Park. The ‘upgradation’, should not mean a denial of the lawful land, forest and habitat rights of individuals and communities living in the forests since generations.
· Considering the ecologically-sensitive nature of the Dehing-Patkai Forest Reserve we call upon the MoEF & CC and the NBWL to immediately revoke the post-facto ‘conditional clearance’ granted for coal mining in the region. We also call upon MoEF to fix legal accountability of all authorities responsible for the unlawful mining between 2003-2020.
· Govt. of Assam must settle all forest rights and claims as per FRA, 2006 before upgrading Dehing Patkai to the status of National Park. We demand a complete halt to extractive mining in the region in violation of the environmental laws of the land. In doing so, the livelihood concerns and rights of the indigenous communities as well as coal workers with NEC must be duly considered and they must be consulted.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Deavaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra; Pervin Jehangir.
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD), Dipa Sinha
For any further details, please e-mail: napm...@gmail.com===============================================
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Araria Arrests: Imprisonment of gang-rape survivor and
2 social activists supporting her is arbitrary and reprehensible!
Appeal to Higher Judiciary to immediately intervene, quash case and
release all 3 persons, jailed in Covid times !
17th July, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is extremely distressed and shocked to know that a young survivor of gang-rape and two other young activists of a social organization and NAPM affiliate, JJSS in Araria Dist. (Bihar) who were assisting the survivor in Court were arrested by the police on 10th July and sent to jail on the Orders of a Magistrate ! It is almost a week since the survivor and the activists, Kalyani and Tanmay have been lodged at the Dalsinghsarai Jail in Samastipur district, in Covid-times! This, even as four of the five alleged rapists have not been apprehended! As the state remains in lockdown, the situation of those arrested remains precarious.
The incident is in the context of activists associated with JJSS providing support to the survivor, who was subject to gang-rape by five men in the first week of July. Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan, a registered trade union has been organizing thousands of workers in the districts of North Bihar and has been intervening on various matters of social importance in the state. Reportedly, the arrests of the three persons was directed in the midst of the court proceedings, when the survivor recording and signing her statement u/s 164 (1) of Cr.P.C, apparently felt agitated and triggered, wanting the supportive activists to be by her side.
The level of pain and trauma a gang-rape survivor who has been made to recount her horrid experience multiple times experiences, needs no emphasis. Her ‘insistence’ on wanting the activist-care givers by her side during the trial can in no way be perceived as ‘unusual’ or ‘disruptive’! However, far from empathizing with her fragile state of mind and being considerate towards her plea, it is understood that the learned Magistrate took her demeanour as an expression of ‘lack of faith in the Court itself’ and directed criminal and contempt proceedings against her and also the activists who tried to explain her situation, remanding all of them to judicial custody !
It is indeed a cruel irony that instead of promptly acting on the original FIR 59/2020 (the gang-rape case), FIR No. 61/2020 was filed by the same Araria Mahila Thana and charges of criminal conspiracy, obstruction of duty and insulting the judicial officer etc have been foisted against the survivor and activists. (Sections 353,188, 228, 120-B of IPC and Contempt of Courts Act). Needless to state, this arrest and jailing of a 22-year-old survivor is likely to have an adverse impact not just on her physical and mental health, but also her faith in the justice system itself! All these developments reveal an absolute lack of sensitivity by the ‘vanguards’ of the criminal justice system, who are expected and mandated to display a sense of utmost responsibility in such matters.
It is also learnt that before being sent to prison, no Covid test was conducted on the survivor, despite she being subject to gang-rape by several strangers, risking her health! Besides, it is also extremely deplorable that the survivor’s details, including her parents’ name and full address was disclosed in the local press, which, not surprisingly, ‘sensationalized’ the news! Shockingly, some journalists also had ‘access’ to confidential case documents which were in the possession of the Court! All of this has clearly compounded the vulnerability of the survivor and the social pressure on her!
Given the very particular circumstances, the incident has attracted nation-wide outrage with hundreds of well-known advocates, almost 7,000 women’s rights activists and concerned citizens and many organizations writing to the Hon’ble Chief Justice of Patna High Court to take immediate cognizance, ensure justice in the matter and institute specific measures for friendly and non-hostile environment in rape and sexual assault cases, in adherence with the recommendations of the Justice Verma Commission. Pointing out the harshness and disproportionate nature of action in the Araria case, the letter by the advocates states that ‘contempt’ cannot lie in a magistrate’s court and non-bailable charges could not have been pressed, even if the survivor ‘insisted’ that the 164 statement be read out to her by care-givers and not court officers.
In their letter to the Chief Justice, feminist groups have rightly pointed out that regardless of the judicial enquiry and trial being in-camera or not, Justice Verma Commission Report requires the state to provide "support services for shelter, social workers, counsellors mental health professional, lawyers" and has clearly recognised the need for presence of members of women's organisations or others supporting the survivor, for moral support.
What troubles us is not just the increasing cases of sexual violence against women, trans, queer-identifies persons, but also the disturbing patterns in the criminal justice system, failing to address these issues in a responsible and non-hostile way, despite decades of feminist struggles to make the ‘system’ more sensitive to the hardships, vulnerabilities and needs of sexual violence survivors. While significant strides have been made, leading to some enabling laws, recommendations by Jst. Verma Commission and some good judicial pronouncements by various High Courts and the Supreme Court, ground-situation indicates that a lot more needs to be done to translate the spirit of these provisions and safeguards on paper, into reality.
The ‘Araria case’, once again, raises many fundamental questions about the role of the police, judiciary, media, the support framework for survivors and their caregivers etc and the need to bring back survivor-specific empathy at the heart of the ‘proceedings’ and ‘procedure’! We are of the considered option that the higher judiciary has an obligation to intervene immediately to undo the harm of this dangerous precedent and ensure present and future survivors receive full support and are not further traumatized and criminalized. The ‘issue’ here is as much about the need for judicial accountability, as it is about a system supportive to those who face gendered violence.
NAPM strongly condemns the institutional harassment and arbitrary jailing of the sexual violence survivor and two young activists. We:
· CALL UPON all justice-loving social and political organizations and activists across the country to express solidarity with the survivor and the two saathis of JJSS and demand their immediate release, especially in Covid times and withdrawal of all charges foisted.
· APPEAL to the higher judiciary in the state to intervene immediately in this case with empathy and fairness, but also issue state-specific guidelines to ensure that there is a friendly and non-hostile environment in respect of rape and sexual assault cases, in adherence with the recommendations of the Justice Verma Commission.
· DEMAND fair, fast and dignified judicial process for the survivor, bringing the guilty to book.
· CONDEMN attempts by sections of the media in disclosing the details of the survivor and demand action against them, as per law.
· EXPRESS solidarity with Jan Jagaran Shakti Sangathan, a responsible autonomous people’s trade union working on issues of livelihoods and social justice and condemn any attempts by vested interests to de-legitimize the work of the Sangathan.
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Kashmir Caged: One Year Since Arbitrary
Abrogation of Article 370
NAPM Stands with the Resistance of the People of Jammu & Kashmir:
Struggle to End Oppression, Militarization & Corporate Loot must continue
5th August, 2020 marks the first anniversary of the abrogation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which took away the political autonomy of the only Muslim majority state in the country, severely jeopardized the future of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, and struck a massive blow to Indian federalism. While the government is busy claiming the ‘positive impact’ of the move in terms of ‘success in the war on terror’, ‘development of the state and integration with India’, the reality is quite different.
The step last year was marked by an unprecedented communication blockade, huge increase in militarization and surveillance, curbs on the media, and arrest of political leaders & human rights activists. The combined effect of these was a severe downturn in economic activity, leading to untold hardships for the people of the valley. Once the pandemic started, the additional lockdown meant inadequate access to medical facilities and covid-related information, which in turn complicated the already existing mental health issues caused by the enforced isolation. Far from facilitating ‘integration’, the move has alienated Kashmiris from India more than ever.
Article 370 is a constitutional recognition of the conditions mentioned in the Instrument of Accession that the ruler of Kashmir signed with the Government of India in 1948. The Schedule appended to the Instrument of Accession gave the Indian Parliament power to legislate for Jammu and Kashmir on only defence, external affairs and communications. Kashmir is not the only state for which there have been special provisions put in place either during the early years of the republic or later. Under Article 371-A, Nagaland has a special status, and no Act of Parliament is automatically extended to Nagaland unless its legislative assembly so decides in matters of the religious or social practices of the Nagas, Naga customary law and practices, ownership and transfer of land and its resources. BJP’s tampering with special provisions specific to regions is integral to the Hindutva project of one nation, one religion, one culture.
Concerning Jammu and Kashmir, Article 370 had been tampered with right from its inception, in both letter and spirit. By the Presidential Order of 1954, almost the entire Indian Constitution (including most constitutional amendments) was extended to Jammu and Kashmir. Ninety-four out of 97 entries of the Union List applied to Jammu and Kashmir even before the abrogation last year. Politically, there is a long history of betrayal of the Kashmiri people by successive Indian governments. The plebiscite promised at the time of accession was never held, and the Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah was imprisoned for 11 years.
Democratically elected governments in Kashmir have been dismissed and elections rigged to put in place pro-India governments. Once the repeated betrayals led to the rise of militancy, Kashmir has faced brutal military oppression – rapes, murders, disappearances and constant surveillance. The mass rape at Kunan Poshpora, the hanging of Afzal Guru to satisfy the “collective conscience” of India for the 2001 Parliament attack (despite only circumstantial evidence of his involvement), and the pellet gun attacks in the first term of the Narendra Modi government, are blots on the India-Kashmir relationship. Despite these betrayals, Article 370 helped to retain the fragile historical specificity of the relationship.
While mainstream Indian academia and even sections of civil society have not adequately stood up for the rights of the Kashmiri people, the media and the culture industry have objectified Kashmiris and misrepresented the India-Kashmir equation. The courts have often betrayed the Kashmiris too. The abrogation of Article 370 was blatantly unconstitutional. 370 could not have been deleted without the consent of the Kashmiri people. Yet, Indian courts have failed to strike it down. At present, 23 petitions challenging the abrogation are pending in the Supreme Court. Over the last one year, petitions have challenged the constitutionality of the restrictive orders suspending internet, tele-communications and movement. While Indian courts have accepted that bars on free speech and movement would violate fundamental rights, these bars have not been struck down!
Jammu and Kashmir, alongside Ladakh, now stare at an uncertain future, and so does India. The revocation of Article 35-A alongside Article 370 threatens to open Kashmir up to large scale land acquisition by the Indian Army and by big corporates in the name of ‘security’ and ‘development’, thereby undoing the historic land reforms of 1950, which helped retain the socio-economic indicators of J&K higher than many other states in India. The isolation, restriction, surveillance and state repression show no signs of ending.
The suspension of the political rights of the people of Ladakh is also unacceptable. As far as India is concerned, not only is the move a blow to the federal imagination, it also threatens to de-stabilize the geo-politics of the region and the whole of South Asia in turn. Alienation of a whole people in a region which is ridden with border conflicts does not bode well for the future of India’s much-emphasized “national security” concerns.
National Alliance of Peoples’ Movements salutes the resilience and resistance of the people of Jammu and Kashmir and stands in unflinching solidarity with them.
We unequivocally condemn the moves of the current dispensation which has brutally eroded the political autonomy and long-standing aspirations of the people of the region.
We urge the Government of India and the country’s institutions including the higher judiciary to work towards restoring the special status of J&K, de-militarize the region and fulfil the old promises made by the Indian State to the Kashmiri people.
The true litmus test of India’s democracy, (or the lack of it), in many ways, lies in our respecting the democratic rights of the people of Jammu & Kashmir.
We call upon the citizens of this country to reflect on the history of brutality and betrayal in the region and stand with the people of the valley towards a peaceful and just future for them.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Monument of Violations: ‘Ayodhya-Ram
Mandir Inauguration’:
A Frontal Attack on our Constitutional Democracy Led by the Prime Minister
Resist the ‘Hindu Rashtra’ Project of Lies, Hatred and Violence
Perpetrators of the Criminal Demolition of Babri Masjid must be held legally accountable
5th Aug, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) expresses deep anguish at the initiation of the construction of the Ram Temple at Ayodhya, through the Bhumi Pujan ceremony which culminated in the laying of the foundation stone today. The participation of none less than the Prime Minister, the Uttar Pradesh administration and its Chief Minister in the ceremony, even though these offices are constitutionally mandated to remain secular, is yet another blow against our constitutional principles.
The significance of the ‘day’ is not lost on anyone. 5th August marks the first anniversary of the revocation of Article 370 which dismembered India’s only muslim majority state, Jammu and Kashmir, snatching away its political autonomy. Under such circumstances, the laying of the foundation stone on 5th August carries a deep symbolic meaning, marking yet another step in our country’s rapid drift towards a ‘Hindu Rashtra.’ At present, there is a petition pending in the Supreme Court that asks for the removal of the words “socialist” and “secular” from our constitution!
The present moment marks the culmination of a violent process through which a mosque has been forcibly converted into a temple through a combination of street violence, mass mobilization and manufactured histories, and with the complicity of the police and courts as well as that of so-called secular political parties. Last year’s judgement by the Apex Court awarded the entire disputed structure to the “Hindu party” based on dubious logic. The civil case was abstracted from the criminal case and the violence and disruption that lay behind the “Hindu” claim were completely overlooked, rather legitimized!
The Supreme Court, despite noting that namaz was offered at the ‘disputed site’ until 1949, accepting that idols of Ram were sneaked into the masjid that year, that the masjid was unlawfully demolished in 1992 and that it was not built by razing down any temple, did not hold the violators accountable and rather rewarded them by offering ‘disputed land’ to build the temple! The blatantly biased judgement came in the wake of a series of judgements (notably, Ismail Farooqui judgement of 1994 and the Allahabad High Court judgement of 2010) and administrative moves (most importantly, silently enabling the demolition of the mosque in 1992) which have progressively weakened the “Muslim” case.
The Supreme Court judgement of 2019 not only accepts the problematic logic of previous judgements, but also legitimizes the Hindutva narrative of ‘civilizational conflict’ between Hindus and Muslims and the distortions of history have been central to the Ram Mandir demand. Indeed, the courts and the administration have repeatedly betrayed the secular cause and constitutional principles over the years.
The Hindu Rashtra is all around us today. The spectacular inauguration of the Ram Mandir becomes a governmental priority despite crucial problems such as the hunger, health and economic crisis and the glaring life and livelihood challenges, especially in the flood-ravaged eastern and North Eastern states. The mass gathering held today despite the Covid-19 pandemic conditions, in the presence of a sexagenarian PM is hailed as an act of ‘national pride’ while gatherings like the one organized by the Tablighi Jamaat are selectively called out by Hindutva politicians and their crony media for perpetuating “corona-jihad”!
Diyas and thaalis are being used to fight the Covid virus while little is being done to strengthen the crumbling public health system. The New Education Policy talks of ‘Indianisation’ even as the public sector in education is further weakened and the perpetuation of socio-economic inequalities in and through education are not acknowledged as burning issues. Sector after sector is being privatized, electricity to environmental to labour laws weakened, entire coal blocks in adivasi heart lands opened up to private auctions and the nation literally put up on sale by the self-acclaimed patriots in power! The ‘Hindu Rashtra’ is thus not only sectarian but deeply anti-people in multiple ways.
The fight against the fascist and corporate Hindu Rashtra cannot be waged without seeking justice for the evils perpetuated in its name, including the conversion of the Babri Masjid into a Ram Mandir through lies, manipulation and violence. The fight gets even tougher, given the complicity and betrayal of the courts, administrations, large sections of the media and the so-called secular political parties, whose ‘masks’ are rapidly and repeatedly falling off!
We observe 5th August as Day of National Protest, a day of unforgivable breach of democratic and constitutional principles and rights by the highest offices and institutions that are mandated to uphold these values.
We resolve to stand with the overwhelming number of common people, strengthen their cultures of co-existence, fight for the real needs of the poor, working and marginalized people – jobs, livelihood, dignity, security of life and work – and not allow religion to be misused to fuel sectarian strife, to distract us from peoples’ pressing issues and to destroy our secular fabric and constitutional democracy.
We will continue to democratically resist, challenge and question the powers that be on all forms of biases, legal distortions, normalization of Hindutva hate, violence and toxic efforts to erase the historical memory of fascist politics.
Napm India
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वयNational Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Democratic Questioning of Judicial Accountability is not 'Contempt'
NAPM expresses Solidarity with Adv Prashant Bhushan on the initiation of Criminal Contempt Proceedings against him
8th Aug, 2020: National Alliance of Peoples’ Movements (NAPM) expresses its concern at the initiation of contempt proceedings against human rights activist and advocate Mr. Prashant Bhushan, by the Supreme Court of India (SC), in respect of two of his tweets. The tweets are worth restating, if only to remind ourselves about the absurdity and unfairness of the criminal proceedings against Mr. Bhushan.
· On 27th June, he had tweeted that the SC’s role and that of four former CJIs in aiding the destruction of democracy in the past 6 years will be taken note of by historians in the future.
· On 29th June, he posted a photo of CJI SA Bobde, sitting on a Harley-Davidson motorcycle, which reportedly belonged to the son of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader, Sonba Musale. Bhushan said that the CJI was riding a motorcycle without a helmet or mask, when he was keeping the SC shut, due to the coronavirus pandemic, denying justice to millions.
Far from being ‘contemptuous of the court’, these tweets point to key issues plaguing the judiciary at present. In his affidavit filed in the wake of the initiation of the proceedings, Mr. Bhushan said that the tweet reflects his impression about the manner and functioning of the SC in the past 10 years and especially about the failure of the last four CJIs to check executive high-handedness. The ‘motorcycle tweet’, which Mr. Bhushan has partly taken back, referred to judicial insensitivity towards peoples’ needs and regrettable levels of proximity between the judiciary and the government. Public criticism of specific judges does not lower the court’s prestige or authority, just like public criticism of a Chief Minister or a Prime Minister does not lower the prestige of his office or of the Government of India. It is an integral part of democratic debate and dialogue that keeps institutions accountable to the We the People.
As movements representing diverse sections of the struggling and marginalized peoples of India, we do think that Mr. Bhushan’s concerns about the disappointing and disturbing role of the higher judiciary in the past many years is important, valid and relevant to all our everyday issues. In the last few years, serious questions have been raised about the reluctance of the Supreme Court to play its constitutionally mandated role as a checking influence on governmental excesses and violations of fundamental rights of people by the state.
Most recently, the Supreme Court’s reluctance to intervene in a timely manner to avert the migrant workers crisis during the poorly planned and callously executed lockdown came under intense public scrutiny. The Court finally did intervene and pass some helpful orders, but it was quite late in the day and lakhs of workers suffered immensely during this period. In contrast both the Bombay High Court and the Supreme Court were quick to come to the rescue of Arnab Goswami, the blatantly pro-establishment journalist, who is known widely to peddle of hatred and fake news and granted him interim bail in the FIRs filed against him for biased coverage of the Palghar lynching case and of incidents involving migrant workers outside the Bandra station.
Concerns have also been raised regarding the decision of the court to not restart physical hearings, even in a limited manner, despite passage of five months since the onset of the Covid pandemic. During virtual hearings, we have heard multiple instances of the Court not unmuting mics of lawyers like Mr. Bhushan, when they had to make key oral submissions! The regrettable Ayodhya judgement of 2019, the court’s prevarication regarding the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) as well as the arbitrary abrogation of Article 370, striking down 100 % reservation for adivasi teachers in scheduled areas, all show that the Court indeed is letting democracy and constitutional principles down, time and again.
These questions and concerns have been raised by all sections of society – media, academics, civil society organisations, members of the legal fraternity and even by sitting and retired judges of the Supreme Court itself. As Mr. Bhushan himself pointed out in his recent affidavit, Justice DY Chandrachud, while delivering the 15th PD Desai Memorial Lecture in the Gujarat High Court on 15th February, 2020, had expressed his anguish at the way dissent is being labelled as ‘anti-national’. The attack on Mr. Bhushan is part of a wider pattern of throttling dissent and public criticism of institutions, and of political vendetta against human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and activists.
Mr. Bhushan belongs to the rare category of legal persons who has, over decades, worked tirelessly for the independence of the judiciary, irrespective of which party is in power. He has been a relentless crusader for the rights of the weakest sections of our society and has spent his career in pro bono legal service to those who do not have ready access to justice. He has fought cases at the Apex Court on issues ranging from environmental protection, human rights, civil liberties, corruption in high places and has been an outspoken champion for judicial accountability and reforms, especially in the higher judiciary.
In other words, he is a true champion of judicial independence, justice and democracy. Perhaps that is the reason these tweets from him are perceived as a ‘threat’ to the authoritarian, anti-people regime and its allies, and has invited a spirit of political vendetta. So much so that, an older case against him where he was questioned for an interview in 2009, in which he said that at least half of the 16 former Chief Justices of the Supreme Court were corrupt, has been pulled out of cold storage. The attack on Mr. Bhushan also adds to the disturbing trend of citizens being targeted for their social media activity. Not so long ago (in 2019), journalist Prashant Kanojia and others were taken into custody for posting/sharing videos deemed to be ‘defamatory’ towards Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Citizens’ remarks on social media become targets even as trolls trained by BJP’s IT-Cell on a mass scale continue to spread hatred on social media.
The Contempt of Courts Act, like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) and sedition, belongs to a list of laws that have been up for scrutiny, for their role in throttling free speech and consistently being subject to arbitrary use by powers-that-be. An amendment in 2006 strengthened the position of the accused persons under this law but in 2010, Justice DV Shylendra Kumar of Karnataka High Court alleged that “judges in superior courts (namely, the Supreme Court and High Courts) routinely misuse the power to punish for contempt of court more to cover up their own misdeeds than to uphold the majesty of law.” The Law Commission in 2018 said there is no need to amend the contempt of court law in its report to the government. In response to the application of the contempt law on Mr. Bhushan, he, alongside journalist N. Ram and former central minister Arun Shourie have lodged a petition challenging the constitutionality of the law itself.
· NAPM stands in unflinching solidarity with Adv. Prashant Bhushan and strongly condemns the misuse of the contempt of court law for throttling dissent.
· We appreciate his tenacity in refusing to back down, in the face of intense judicial and public pressure and for openly calling into question the role of the higher judiciary and its torch-bearers for actively and passively overseeing numerous executive excesses, constitutional violations and inactions on issues of public importance, one of the starkest recent reminders being the role of the SC as a mute spectator during the targeted communal violence in North-east Delhi in February / March 2020.
· We call upon the mass movements, trade unions, people’s organizations and citizens to rise up to the challenges of our times and hold all institutions, including the judiciary, accountable to constitutional principles and highest values of democracy, fairness and independence.
न्यायिक जवाबदेही पर लोकतांत्रिक सवाल ‘अवमानना’ नहीं है !
आधिवक्ता प्रशांत भूषण के खिलाफ आपराधिक अवमानना मुकदमे की कार्यवाही पर
NAPM उनके साथ एकजुटता व्यक्त करता है
8 अगस्त, 2020: मानवाधिकार कार्यकर्ता और अधिवक्ता श्री प्रशांत भूषण द्वारा किये गए दो ‘ट्वीट्स’ के सम्बन्ध में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय (SC) ने उनके ख़िलाफ़ अवमानना की कार्यवाही शुरू की है, जिस पर NAPM अपनी चिंता व्यक्त करता है। ये ट्वीट्स दोबारा ग़ौर करने योग्य हैं, यह समझने के लिए कि श्री भूषण के ख़िलाफ़ की जा रही यह कार्यवाही कितनी अनुचित और अजीब है।
· 27 जून को उन्होंने ट्वीट किया कि पिछले 6 वर्षों में लोकतंत्र के विनाश में जिस तरह सर्वोच्च न्यायलय (SC) और चार पूर्व मुख्य न्यायाधीशों (CJI) की भूमिका रही है, उसे भविष्य में इतिहासकारों द्वारा अंकित किया जाएगा।
· 29 जून को उन्होंने मुख्य-न्यायाधीश बोबडे की एक तस्वीर पोस्ट की जिसमें वे एक हार्ले-डेविडसन बाइक पर सवार हैं, जो कथित तौर पर भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) के नेता, सोनबा मुसले के बेटे के नाम पर दर्ज है। भूषण ने इस फोटो के बारे में लिखा कि CJI बिना हेलमेट या मास्क पहने इस बाइक पर सवार हैं, जबकि उन्होंने कोरोना महामारी के नाम पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट बंद रखा और तमाम लोगों को न्याय से वंचित।
ये ट्वीट 'अदालत की अवमानना' नहीं बल्कि वर्तमान में न्यायपालिका की दुर्दशा का कारण बन रहे प्रमुख मुद्दों की ओर इशारा करते हैं।कार्यवाही शुरू होने के मद्देनजर दायर किए गए अपने हलफनामे में श्री भूषण ने कहा कि यह ट्वीट पिछले 10 वर्षों में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के तौर-तरीकों और कामकाज के बारे में बनी उनकी धारणा को दर्शाते हैं, खासतौर से जिस तरह पिछले चार CJI ने कार्यपालिका (एक्सेक्यूटिव) को मनमाने ढंग से काम करने दिया है। ‘मोटरसाइकिल वाला ट्वीट,’ जिसे भूषण ने आंशिक रूप से वापस ले लिया है, ने लोगों की ज़रूरतों पर न्यायिक असंवेदनशीलता, और सरकार और न्यायपालिका के बीच बनती खतरनाक निकटता को रेखांकित किया है। विशिष्ट न्यायाधीशों की सार्वजनिक आलोचना करना अदालत की प्रतिष्ठा या अधिकार पर प्रहार करना नहीं है, जैसे किसी मुख्यमंत्री या प्रधानमंत्री की सार्वजनिक आलोचना उनके कार्यक्षेत्र या भारत सरकार की प्रतिष्ठा को कम नहीं करती है। यह लोकतांत्रिक बहस और संवाद का एक अभिन्न हिस्सा है जो तमाम संस्थानों को 'हम भारत के लोग' के प्रति जवाबदेह रखता है।
भारत के संघर्षशील और पीड़ित लोगों के विभिन्न वर्गों का प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाले आंदोलनों के रूप में, हम समझते हैं कि पिछले कुछ वर्षों में उच्च न्यायालयों की निराशाजनक भूमिका पर श्री भूषण के सवाल व चिंता जायज़, महत्वपूर्ण व प्रासंगिक हैं। पिछले कुछ सालों में, सरकार द्वारा लोगों के मौलिक अधिकारों के हनन व शोषण पर सवाल उठाने में अपनी संवैधानिक ज़िम्मेदारी के बावजूद, सुप्रीम कोर्ट की अनिच्छा पर गंभीर प्रश्न उठे हैं। हाल के समय में, बेहद ख़राब ढंग से सोचे व लागू किये गए लॉकडाउन के बीच प्रवासी मज़दूरों को जैसा संकट झेलना पड़ा, उसमें सुप्रीम कोर्ट के समय से हस्तक्षेप न करने की चौतरफा आलोचना हुई। न्यायालय ने हालांकि अंत में हस्तक्षेप किया और कुछ ज़रूरी आदेश पारित किए, लेकिन यह कदम बहुत देर से उठाए गए और लाखों श्रमिकों को इस दौरान बहुत नुकसान झेलना पड़ा। इसके विपरीत, बॉम्बे हाईकोर्ट और सुप्रीम कोर्ट दोनों बेहद जल्दी अर्णब गोस्वामी के बचाव में आए, जिन्हे कथित रूप से हमेशा सरकार पक्ष के पत्रकार, घृणा और नकली समाचारों को फैलाने के लिए जाना जाता है | पालघर के ‘लिंचिंग मामले’ के पक्षपाती कवरेज और बांद्रा स्टेशन के बाहर प्रवासी श्रमिकों की घटना के संदभ में अर्नब के खिलाफ दायर प्राथमिकी (FIR) में अर्नब को न्यायालयों द्वारा त्वरित अंतरिम जमानत दी गई |
कोविद महामारी की शुरुआत के बाद से पांच महीने बीतने के बावजूद, अदालतों के सीमित रूप से भी 'फिज़िकल सुनवाई' शुरू नहीं करने के फैसले को लेकर भी चिंता व्यक्त की गयी है। ‘वर्चुअल सुनवाइयों’ के दौरान हमें कई ऐसे उदहारण देखने को मिले जहाँ श्री भूषण जैसे अधिवक्ताओं के माइक 'ऑन' ही नहीं किये गए, जबकि उन्हें महत्वपूर्ण मौखिक वक्तव्य रखने थे। अयोध्या मसले पर 2019 का खेदजनक फैसला, नागरिकता संशोधन क़ानून (CAA) और अनुच्छेद 370 में मनमाने बदलाव पर अदालत का रुख, अनुसूचित क्षेत्रों में आदिवासी शिक्षकों के लिए 100% आरक्षण को निरस्त करना, आदि ऐसे फैसले रहे, जिनसे आभास होता है कि कोर्ट वास्तव में लोकतंत्र और संवैधानिक सिद्धांतों की लगातार उपेक्षा कर रहे हैं।
इन सवालों को समाज के सभी वर्गों - मीडिया, शिक्षाविदों, नागरिक समाज संगठनों, कानूनी पेशे से जुड़े लोगों और यहाँ तक कि स्वयं सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के पीठासीन और सेवानिवृत्त न्यायाधीशों ने भी उठाया है। जैसा कि भूषण ने अपने हालिया हलफनामे में बताया है, जस्टिस डी.वाई चंद्रचूड़ ने 15 फरवरी, 2020 को गुजरात हाईकोर्ट में 15वें पी.डी देसाई मेमोरियल लेक्चर के दौरान किसी भी असहमति को 'देश-द्रोह' करार देने की मानसिकता पर अपनी पीड़ा व्यक्त की। प्रशांत भूषण पर इस तरह का हमला उस व्यापक ‘पैटर्न’ का हिस्सा है, जिसके तहत संस्थाओं के प्रति सार्वजनिक असंतोष और आलोचना को दबाया जा रहा है, और मानवाधिकार संरक्षकों, वकीलों, पत्रकारों और कार्यकर्ताओं के खिलाफ राजनीतिक प्रतिशोध लिया जा रहा है।
श्री भूषण कानूनी व्यक्तित्वों की उस दुर्लभ श्रेणी में हैं, जिन्होंने किसी भी पार्टी के सत्ता में होने के बावजूद दशकों से न्यायपालिका की स्वायत्ता और स्वतंत्रता के लिए अथक परिश्रम किया है। वे हमारे समाज के सबसे कमज़ोर वर्गों के अधिकारों के लिए निरंतर लड़ने वाली आवाज़ रहे हैं, और उन तबकों तक निःशुल्क क़ानूनी सेवा पहुँचाते रहे हैं, जिनके लिए न्याय पाना आसान नहीं होता। उन्होंने सर्वोच्च न्यायालय में पर्यावरण संरक्षण, मानव अधिकार, नागरिक स्वतंत्रता, उच्च संस्थानों में भ्रष्टाचार आदि को लेकर तमाम केस लड़े हैं और न्यायिक जवाबदेही और सुधारों, ख़ासकर उच्च न्यायालयों में, के लिए मुखर रूप से काम करते रहे हैं।
यह कहना गलत नहीं होगा कि वह न्यायिक स्वतंत्रता, न्याय और लोकतंत्र के सच्चे सिपाही हैं। शायद यही कारण है कि उनके ट्वीट्स सत्तावादी और जन-विरोधी सरकार और उसके सहयोगियों को खतरे की तरह मालूम हो रहे हैं और उन्होंने राजनीतिक प्रतिशोध की भावना को आमंत्रित किया है। यहाँ तक कि उनके ख़िलाफ़ एक पुराना मामला, जिसमें उनसे 2009 में एक साक्षात्कार के बाबत पूछताछ की गई थी, जिसमें उन्होंने कहा था कि सुप्रीम कोर्ट के 16 पूर्व मुख्य न्यायाधीशों में से कम से कम आधे भ्रष्ट थे, को भी पुनर्जीवित कर दिया गया है। श्री भूषण पर यह कार्यवाही उस परेशान करने वाली कड़ी का हिस्सा है जिसके तहत नागरिकों को उनकी सोशल मीडिया गतिविधियों के लिए निशाना बनाया जा रहा है। ज़्यादा समय नहीं हुआ है जब पत्रकार प्रशांत कनौजिया और कुछ अन्य लोगों को ऐसे फोटो व वीडियो शेयर करने के लिए हिरासत में लिया गया जो कथित रूप से उत्तर प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री योगी आदित्यनाथ के प्रति 'अपमानजनक' थे। सोशल मीडिया पर नागरिक अपनी टिप्पणियों के लिए निशाने पर आ रहे हैं, जबकि भाजपा के IT सेल द्वारा तैयार किये गए ट्रोल लगातार सोशल मीडिया पर नफ़रत फ़ैलाने में तत्पर हैं।
न्यायालय की अवमानना का अधिनियम, गैर-क़ानूनी गतिविधियाँ (रोक थाम) विधेयक (UAPA) और राजद्रोह क़ानून की ही तरह उन क़ानूनों की सूची में आता है जिनपर अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता का हनन करने और मनमाने ढंग से इस्तमाल किये जाने को लेकर प्रायः चर्चा होती रही है। 2006 में एक संशोधन ने इस कानून के तहत आरोपित व्यक्तियों की स्थिति को मज़बूत किया। 2010 में कर्नाटक उच्च न्यायालय के न्यायमूर्ति डी वी शिलेंद्र कुमार ने आरोप लगाया कि "श्रेष्ठ न्यायालयों (अर्थात् सर्वोच्च न्यायालय और उच्च न्यायालयों) में न्यायाधीश नियमित रूप से अदालत की अवमानना के लिए दंडित करने की शक्ति का दुरुपयोग करते हैं, जिसमें कानून की महिमा को बनाए रखने की मंशा से अधिक स्वयं के कुकर्मों को ढंकने की मंशा शामिल होती है।" 2018 में विधि आयोग द्वारा सरकार को सौंपी गयी रिपोर्ट में कहा गया कि अदालत की अवमानना के कानून में संशोधन करने की आवश्यकता नहीं है। श्री भूषण पर अवमानना कार्यवाही शुरू किये जाने के जवाब में उन्होंने संपादक एन.राम और पूर्व केंद्रीय मंत्री अरुण शौरी के साथ एक याचिका दायर की है, जिसमें इस कानून की संवैधानिकता को ही चुनौती दी गई है।
· NAPM एडवोकेट प्रशांत भूषण के साथ पूरी तरह से एकजुटता व्यक्त करता है और अवमानना कानून का असहमति को कुचलने के लिए इस्तेमाल किये जाने की कड़ी निंदा करता है।
· गहन न्यायिक और सार्वजनिक दबाव के बीच भी न झुकने और न्याय व्यवस्था की जवाबदेही पर सार्वजनिक रूप से प्रश्न उठाने के लिए हम प्रशांत जी की सराहना करते हैं। खासकर ऐसे समय में जब उच्च न्यायालयों को कार्य पालिका (एक्सेक्यूटिव) की तमाम ज़्यादतियों को नज़र अंदाज़ करते देखा जा सकता है, महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दों पर संवैधानिक उल्लंघन और निष्क्रियता देखी जा रही है, जिसका सबसे बड़ा उदहारण था सुप्रीम कोर्ट का उत्तर-पूर्वीय दिल्ली में फरवरी/मार्च में हुई सुनियोजित ‘सांप्रदायिक हिंसा’ पर मूक दर्शक बने रहना।
· हम जन आंदोलनों, ट्रेड यूनियनों, नागरिक संगठनों और नागरिकों का हमारे समय की चुनौतियों के ख़िलाफ़ आवाज़ उठाने के लिए, और न्यायिक संस्थाओं सहित सभी संस्थानों की संवैधानिक व जनतांत्रिक मूल्यों, निष्पक्षता और स्वतंत्रता के सिद्धांतों पर जवाबदेही तय करने का आह्वान करते हैं।
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan & Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napmsec...@gmail.com
--
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
(हिन्दी पत्र के लिए नीचे देखें )
13th Aug, 2020
To,
The Hon’ble Minister,
Ministry of Home Affairs,
Government of India,
New Delhi
Sub: Unrepresentative nature of the Committee to Reform the Criminal Law and flawed process for carrying out Criminal Law Reform - Reg
Sir,
We, representatives of people’s movements and organizations from around the country for peace, justice and equity, wish to share our deep concerns about the proposed reform of Criminal Law and the constitution of the Committee set-up to carry out this task.
Working amongst some of the most marginalized people in remote areas, we have interfaced with criminal law in its various manifestations, and recognize that it is an outdated relic of colonial powers. We welcome an attempt to reform India’s criminal law to reflect the democratic aspirations of India’s population; however, we are greatly disturbed by the hasty and opaque manner in which the current reforms are being carried out, and strongly urge you to immediately abandon this process and if at all required, undertake a more transparent, consultative and representative approach, at a later time, after the pandemic crisis is addressed fully.
We highlight some of our concerns below about the manner in which the three most important Acts under the Indian Constitution – The Indian Penal Code (IPC), The Code of Criminal Procedure (Cr.PC) and The Evidence Act (IEA) – are sought to be “reformed” -
1. Composition of the Committee: In particular, we are concerned that the Committee entrusted with the important task of submitting a report on the proposed criminal law reform lacks diversity. Comprised of 5 men, primarily from the privileged classes of Indian society, and housed within the elite National Law University of Delhi, it does not inspire confidence in us that it can truly reflect the multiplicity of concerns regarding criminal law experienced by different marginalized groups. Surely, the stated intent of ‘Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas’ must also mean diversity is ensured in a crucial Committee such as this.
Besides having people from different genders, castes, regions, religions, ethnicities and minority populations, the Committee should also consist of people with recognized and wide-ranging experience in different aspects of criminal law – including lawyers and judges drawn from different district courts, high courts and the Supreme Court.
2. Timing of Reform in the Middle of a Pandemic: We are alarmed that such vital law reforms, requiring careful and widespread deliberation, are taking place at a time when the country is reeling under the impact of a global pandemic. We are puzzled that the notice constituting the Committee was issued on 4th May, 2020, when the entire country was experiencing an unprecedented lockdown, and all resources were directed to the most urgent of tasks at hand. Since then, our courts have been barely functional, regular hearings continue to be suspended in most of them, and virtual hearings are being conducted only in those cases with established and perceived urgency.
We question, therefore, the timing of this notice and the motivation to conduct a review of the three most important laws in our judicial system, which have a jurisprudence of over 150 years, at a time when our legal system is working in emergency mode. It also needs to be highlighted that thousands of lawyers themselves are going through a livelihood crisis in the current situation.
3. Unseemly Haste in Law Reform: We are greatly distressed at the hastiness and hurried nature of the proposed Criminal Law Reform. We fail to understand why the Committee is tasked with overhauling three major laws and over 150 years of jurisprudence in a mere six months and that too, while we are combatting COVID?! All serious law reform that is truly consultative, gives adequate time for meaningful and substantive deliberations on various aspects of the law with different constituencies and stakeholders.
4. Lack of Transparency: Even though we are barely two months away from the time when the Committee is required to turn in its report – we still do not know what the Terms of Reference for this Committee are, nor do we have access to any proposal, think paper or concept note from the National Law University of Delhi with respect to setting up the Committee. Even all the questionnaires on which input is sought have not been made public and are available only to “experts”. There is no clarity even regarding the process by which the three Criminal Laws are going to be reformed, and whether or not, the public will get a chance to comment or critique on the final report submitted by the Committee.
5. Lack of Public Consultations: The manner in which the Committee has been functioning is most appalling. No space has been created for participation by the public at all. The consultation has been limited to invited lawyers from elite Delhi circles or those who will register online as “experts” in criminal law. The questionnaires are overly long, arcane and of academic nature, and so far available only in English.
There has been no effort to include the views of women’s groups, dalit, adivasi and NT-DNT groups, farmers’, workers and peasants’ movements, minority religious organizations, or trade unions, transgender, queer, disability rights groups etc or make the questionnaires relevant to them – even though these are the people who engage with criminal law on a daily basis and at great odds. Even state bar councils and district bar associations have not been notified of this attempt to overhaul Criminal Law and their participation, thus, has been severely lacking.
The process of reforming Criminal Law, as being carried out now, is completely undemocratic, non-transparent, and exclusive. It gives rise to serious misgivings that there is an ulterior motive behind this process, and it is aimed at carrying out some pre-determined changes to law, rather than honestly understanding and addressing the issues that the Indian society is facing from these colonial laws.
In view of the above, we demand that:
a. The Committee to Reform Criminal Law is immediately disbanded, and the current process is suspended forthwith.
b. No Criminal Reform Law is carried out during the period of the pandemic. The Court System must resume normal functioning, and public meetings must be allowed throughout the country before the Criminal Law Reform process is restarted.
c. The process of Criminal Law Reform is made fully transparent – it should be clear to the public what aspects of criminal law are to be reformed, and what concerns are sought to be addressed.
d. Adequate time is given to allow for open and widespread deliberations to take place, in a de-centralized manner.
e. Representation of various sections of society, especially those from marginalized and under-represented groups, in the decision-making structures to carry out the reform, and their views are actively sought throughout the process.
We look forward to a reasonable decision from the Ministry, in this regard.
Sincerely,
हिन्दी पत्र
दिनांक: 13 अगस्त, 2020
सेवा में
माननीय मंत्री महोदय,
गृह मंत्रालय, भारत सरकार,
नयी दिल्ली
विषय: आपराधिक कानूनों में सुधार के लिए समिति में प्रतिनिधत्व की कमी और आपराधिक कानून सुधार की त्रुटिपूर्ण प्रक्रिया |
महोदय,
हम, देश भर में न्याय, सौहार्द और समानता के लिए चल रहे नागरिकों के आंदोलनों और संगठनों के प्रतिनिधि, आपराधिक कानून के प्रस्तावित सुधार और इस कार्य को करने के लिए गठित समिति के संयोजन के विषय में हमारी गहरी चिंताओं को साझा करना चाहते हैं।
दूर-दराज के क्षेत्रों में हाशिये पर खड़े लोगों के साथ काम करने में, आपराधिक क़ानून और इसकी विभिन्न अभिव्यक्तियों से हमारा सामना हुआ है, और हम यह समझे हैं कि यह औपनिवेशिक साम्राज्य का एक पुराना अवशेष रह गया है। भारत के नागरिकों की लोकतांत्रिक आकांक्षाओं को प्रतिबिंबित करते हुए आपराधिक कानून में सुधार के इस प्रयास का हम स्वागत करते हैं।
हालांकि, मौजूदा सुधारों के लिए जिस जल्दबाज़ी और अपारदर्शी तरीके को अपनाया जा रहा है, हम उससे चिंतित हैं। हम आपसे इस प्रक्रिया को त्यागने का आग्रह करते हैं और यदि अति-आवश्यक हो, तो महामारी के संकट के पूरी तरह टल जाने के बाद, अधिक पारदर्शी, परामर्शी और प्रतिनिधि-संपन्न प्रक्रिया के साथ इस काम को अंजाम देने का आग्रह करते हैं।
हम भारतीय संविधान के तीन सबसे महत्वपूर्ण अधिनियमों - भारतीय दंड संहिता (IPC), दंड प्रक्रिया संहिता (Cr.PC) और साक्ष्य अधिनियम (IEA) के 'सुधार' की प्रक्रिया को लेकर अपनी कुछ चिंताओं पर प्रकाश डाल रहे हैं:
1) समिति की संरचना: हम विशेष रूप से इस बात से चिंतित हैं कि जिस समिति को प्रस्तावित आपराधिक कानून सुधार पर एक रिपोर्ट प्रस्तुत करने का महत्वपूर्ण कार्य सौंपा गया है उसमें विविधता का बहुत अभाव है। दिल्ली की अभिजात नेशनल लॉ यूनिवर्सिटी के अंदर स्थित पांच पुरुषों से बनी यह समिति, जो भारत के विशेषाधिकार प्राप्त वर्गों से आते हैं, हमारे अंदर इस विश्वास को प्रेरित नहीं करती कि यह भारत के तमाम शोषित वर्गों द्वारा आपराधिक क़ानून के अनुभवों और उससे जुड़ी दिक्कतों को प्रतिबिंबित कर पाएगी।
'सबका साथ सबका विकास' के घोषित इरादे के अंतर्गत यह तो आना ही चाहिए कि इस प्रकार की एक महत्वपूर्ण समिति में विविधता सुनिश्चित की जाए। विभिन्न लिंगों, जातियों, क्षेत्रों, धर्मों, जातीयताओं और अल्पसंख्यक आबादी के लोगों के आलावा, समिति में आपराधिक कानून के विभिन्न पहलुओं में व्यापक अनुभव रखने वाले लोगों - विभिन्न जिला अदालतों, उच्च न्यायालयों और सर्वोच्च न्यायालय से आये वकीलों और न्यायाधीशों- को भी शामिल किया जाना चाहिए।
2) सुधार के लिए महामारी के मध्य का समय: हमें ताज्जुब है कि इस तरह के महत्वपूर्ण कानून सुधार, जिसमें सावधान और व्यापक विचार-विमर्श की आवश्यकता है, के लिए ऐसे समय को चुना गया है जब देश एक वैश्विक महामारी से जूझ रहा है। हम हैरान हैं कि समिति का गठन करने का नोटिस 4 मई, 2020 को जारी किया गया, जब पूरे देश में अभूतपूर्व लॉकडाउन था और सभी संसाधनों को सबसे ज़रूरी कार्यों की तरफ मोड़ दिया गया था।
तब से, हमारी अदालतें बमुश्किल कार्यारत हैं, नियमित सुनवाइयों को लगातार निलंबित किया जा रहा है, और वर्चुअल सुनवाई केवल उन मामलों में की जा रही है जो स्थापित और कथित रूप से अति-आवश्यक हैं। इस नोटिस के समय और हमारी न्यायिक प्रणाली के तीन सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कानूनों- जिनका 150 वर्ष पुराण इतिहास है- की समीक्षा करने की ऐसे समय में प्रेरणा जब हमारी न्याय व्यवस्था अपातकालीन मोड में काम कर रही है - पर हम प्रश्न उठाते हैं। उल्लेखनीय है कि वर्तमान में देश के हजारों वकील भी आजीविका के गंभीर संकट के दौर से गुजर रहे हैं !
3) कानून सुधार में अनुचित रूप से जल्दबाज़ी: हम प्रस्तावित आपराधिक कानून सुधार प्रर्किया में हो रही जल्दबाज़ी पर व्यथित हैं। हम यह समझने में विफल हैं कि समिति को तीन प्रमुख कानूनों और 150 से अधिक वर्षों के न्यायिक कार्यों को छह महीने के भीतर प्रतिवर्तित करने का काम क्यों सौंपा गया है और वह भी तब, जबकि हम कोविड का मुकाबला कर रहे हैं।
सभी गंभीर कानून सुधार जो वास्तव में परामर्शात्मक हैं, विभिन्न निर्वाचन क्षेत्रों और हितधारकों के साथ कानून के विभिन्न पहलुओं पर सार्थक और ठोस विचार-विमर्श के लिए पर्याप्त समय लेते हैं।
4) पारदर्शिता का अभाव: हालाँकि समिति के रिपोर्ट प्रस्तुत करने की समय-सीमा से हम बमुश्किल दो महीनों की दूरी पर हैं, मगर अभी तक समिति के सन्दर्भ की शर्तें (टर्म्स ऑफ़ रिफरेन्स) ज्ञात नहीं हैं, न ही हमें नेशनल लॉ यूनिवर्सिटी द्वारा समिति सम्बंधित कोई भी प्रस्ताव, विचार पत्र या अवधारणा पत्र उपलब्ध कराया गया है। यहाँ तक कि सभी प्रश्नावलियों, जिन पर इनपुट मांगे गए हैं, उन्हें सार्वजनिक नहीं किया गया है और वे केवल "विशेषज्ञों" के लिए उपलब्ध हैं। इस बारे में भी कोई स्पष्टता नहीं है कि किस प्रक्रिया के तहत तीन आपराधिक कानूनों में सुधार होने जा रहा है, और जनता को समिति द्वारा प्रस्तुत अंतिम रिपोर्ट पर टिप्पणी करने या आलोचना करने का मौका मिलेगा या नहीं।
5) सार्वजनिक परामर्श का अभाव: समिति के काम करने का तरीका सबसे अधिक परेशान करने वाला है। जनता द्वारा भागीदारी के लिए कोई स्थान बनाया ही नहीं गया है। परामर्श प्रक्रिया को दिल्ली के अभिजात हलकों के आमंत्रित वकीलों या उन लोगों तक सीमित किया गया है जो "विशेषज्ञ" के रूप में खुद को ऑनलाइन दर्ज करेंगे। प्रश्नावली अत्यधिक लंबी, पेचीदा और शैक्षणिक प्रकृति की हैं, और अब तक केवल अंग्रेजी में उपलब्ध हैं।
इस तरफ कोई पहल नहीं की गयी है कि महिला समूहों, दलित, आदिवासी और NT-DNT समूहों, किसानों, मजदूरों और किसानों के आंदोलनों, अल्पसंख्यक धार्मिक संगठनों, ट्रेड यूनियनों, ट्रांसजेंडर व अन्य लैंगिकताओं से सम्बद्ध लोगों, विकलांग अधिकार समूहों आदि के विचारों को शामिल किया जाए या प्रश्नावली को उनके लिए प्रासंगिक बनाया जाए - जबकि यही वे लोग हैं जिन्हें आपराधिक क़ानूनों और उससे जुड़ी दिक्कतों का रोज़ सामना करना पड़ता है। यहाँ तक कि राज्य और जिला अधिवक्ता संघों को भी आपराधिक कानून को पुनर्रचित करने के इस प्रयास के बारे में सूचित नहीं किया गया है और इसीलिए उनकी भागीदारी में भी भारी कमी है।
आपराधिक कानून में सुधार की जिस प्रकार की प्रक्रिया अभी अपनाई जा रही है, वह पूरी तरह से ग़ैर-लोकतांत्रिक, अपारदर्शी और ग़ैर-समावेशी है। यह गंभीर चिंताओं को जन्म देता है कि इस कार्य के पीछे सही मक़सद नहीं है, और यह क़ानून में किसी पूर्व-निर्धारित बदलाव की मंशा से किया जा रहा है, न कि औपनिवेशिक क़ानून के उन मुद्दों को समझने और सम्बोधित करने की मंशा से - जिनका सामना भारतीय समाज कर रहा है।
उपरोक्त के मद्देनज़र, हम मांग करते हैं कि:
क) आपराधिक क़ानून में बदलाव के लिए बनी समिति को तुरंत भंग कर दिया जाए और मौजूदा प्रक्रिया को तत्काल निलंबित कर दिया जाए।
ख) महामारी की अवधि के दौरान कोई आपराधिक क़ानून में सुधार का काम नहीं किया जाए। न्याय प्रणाली का सामान्य कामकाज दोबारा से शुरू किया जाए और आपराधिक कानून सुधार प्रक्रिया को फिर से शुरू करने से पहले, पूरे देश में सार्वजनिक बैठकों की अनुमति दी जाए।
ग) आपराधिक कानून सुधार की प्रक्रिया को पूरी तरह से पारदर्शी बनाया जाए - यह जनता के लिए स्पष्ट होना चाहिए कि आपराधिक कानून के किन पहलुओं का सुधार किया जा रहा है और इसके द्वारा किन चिंताओं को दूर करने की चेष्टा है।
घ) विकेन्द्रीय रूप से खुले और व्यापक विचार-विमर्श के लिए पर्याप्त समय दिया जाए।
ङ) समाज के विभिन्न वर्गों, विशेष रूप से हाशिये से आते और अपर्याप्त प्रतिनिधित्व वाले समूहों का सुधार की निर्णय-प्रणाली में उचित प्रतिनिधित्व सुनिश्चित किया जाए और पूरी प्रक्रिया के दौरान उनके विचारों को दर्ज किया जाए।
हम इस संबंध में मंत्रालय के उचित निर्णय की अपेक्षा करते हैं।
धन्यवाद सहित,
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय के राष्ट्रीय एवं राज्य-स्तरीय सहाहकारों, समन्वयकों और संयोजकों की तरफ से,
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA-CMM, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
आंदोलनकारी कार्यकर्ता-वकील व प्रगतिशील व्यक्तियों पर राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ: NAPM की एकजुटता
2 सालों से कैद सुधा भारद्वाज सहित, सभी राजनीतिक कैदियों को रिहा करो !
‘भीमा कोरेगांव’ के असली अपराधियों को गिरफ्तार करो | UAPA कानून खारिज करो !
28 अगस्त, 2020: भारत के मानवाधिकार उल्लंघन के इतिहास में 28 अगस्त, 2018 एक बहुत महत्वपूर्ण दिन बन गया है। उस दिन सुधा भारद्वाज को फरीदाबाद स्थित अपने घर से पुणे पुलिस ने गिरफ्तार किया थाI उसी दिन दिल्ली से गौतम नवलखा, मुंबई से अरुण फेरेरा व वर्णन गोंजाल्वेस और हैदराबाद से वरवरा राव की भी गिरफ़्तारी हुई | हालांकि गौतम नवलखा को दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय द्वारा कुछ समय तक राहत दी गई, मगर कुछ महीनों पूर्व उनकी भी गिरफ़्तारी हो गई | ‘भीमा कोरेगांव केस’ मे बेबुनियाद और झूठे तथ्य गढ़कर आपराधिक प्रकरण तैयार किया गया है। यह गिरफ्तारियाँ, भीमा कोरेगांव में दलितों पर हिंसा के सूत्रधार हिंदुत्ववादी लोग मिलिंद एकबोटे व संभाजी भिड़े के आपराधिक कृत्य से ध्यान हटाने और सरकार के आलोचक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं की आवाज़ दबाने का शर्मनाक प्रयास है।
इस प्रकारण में अभी तक कुल 12 जाने माने सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं को गिरफ्तार किया गया है जिसमें उपरोक्त लोगों के अलावा, शोमा सेन, सुरेन्द्र गड्लिंग, सुधीर धवले, रोना विल्सन, महेश राउत, डॉक्टर आनंद तेलतुम्बडे और हनी बाबु भी शामिल है | इन सभी पर 1 जनवरी 2018 को भीमा कोरेगांव (पुणे के करीब एक शहर) में ‘हिंसा भड़काने’ का झूठा आरोप लगा है I ज्ञात हो कि 1 जनवरी, 2018 का दिन भीमा कोरेगाँव युद्ध की 200 वीं वर्षगांठ थी I सन् 1818 के इस युद्ध में दलितों ने पेशवाओं पर जीत हासिल की थीI दलित आन्दोलन के लिए यह एक महत्पूर्ण दिन है I भीमा कोरेगांव में हजारों लोग इस दिन इकठ्ठा होते हैं ।
उल्लेखनीय है कि गिरफ्तार किए गए सभी लोग प्रगतिशील विचारधारा को मानते ही नहीं, अपितु जीते भी हैं! दुखद है कि कवि, वकील, अध्यापक, सामाजिक व मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ता के रूप में दशकों से सक्रिय इन सबको कैद करने की खुली साजिश देखकर भी, न्यायालय न ही इस झूठे प्रकरण की खात्मा कर रही है, और न ही इन्हे जमानत दे रही है ! कोविड़ महामारी के दौरान भी ऐसे कई बुजुर्ग व्यक्तियों को जल में बंद रखना इस फासीवादी सरकार की क्रूरता को दर्शाता है ! इन 12 लोगों के अलावा, ‘जांच’ के नाम पर, NIA और भी कई मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं, पत्रकारों को प्रताड़ित कर रही है !
सुधा भारद्वाज छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा के साथ लगभग 35 वर्षों से काम कर रही थी I उन्होंने लगातार आदिवासियों और मजदूरों के मुद्दे उठाए I आवश्यकता महसूस होने पर वकालत की पढ़ाई पूरी की | एक सफल मानवाधिकार वकील बनकर उन्होंने हजारों परिवारों को हक दिलाने का काम किया I छत्तीसगढ़ के भिलाई आदि फैक्ट्री एरिया के मजदूर हों या आदिवासी समाज के हों, वह आज उनकी कमी बहुत महसूस कर रहे हैं I हम देश भर के जन आंदोलन भी उनके साथ हैं I आज के दमन के माहौल में हम सुधा और भीमा कोरेगाँव केस में गिरफ्तार हुए सभी लोगों की बेहद कमी महसूस करते हैं। जेल में विचाराधीन बंदियों को दो साल तक रखना, जानबूझकर जमानत देने में देरी करना, केस में ट्रायल शुरु करने के बजाय उनके स्वास्थ्य को गंभीर संकट में ढ़केलना, कैदियों के अधिकारों का भी घोर उल्लंघन है। वैश्विक महामारी के समय जेलों में भीड़-भाड़ की स्थिति को देखते हुए स्वास्थ्य पर खतरा और बढ़ा हुआ है।
हाल ही में हमने देखा कि
देश-दुनिया भर के हजारों लोगों के दबाव के बाद ही, सरकार ने 80 साल के बीमार
वरावरा राव को एक अच्छे अस्पताल में भर्ती की ! तब तक उनकी ज़िंदगी को ही जोखिम में
डाल दिया ! अभी सुधा भारद्वाज के संदर्भ में खबर है कि जेल की मेडिकल रिपोर्ट के
अनुसार वो इस्केमिक हार्ट डिजीज” से पीड़ित हैं, जो हृदय की धमनियों के संकुचित होने के कारण होती है I इस बिमारी में हृदय की मांसपेशियों
में रक्त के प्रवाह की कमी होती है जिससे दिल का दौरा पड़ सकता है। यह बेहद चिंताजनक
है।
उनकी बेटी मायशा के अनुसार 28 अगस्त, 2018 को हिरासत में लिए जाने से पहले सुधा भारद्वाज को दिल से जुड़ी कोई शिकायत नहीं थी। यद्यपि उनको मधुमेह और रक्तचाप है, और कुछ सालो पहले तपेदिक भी था, जिस कारण उनको कोविद के संक्रमण से सामान्य से अधिक खतरा है। उनकी बैरक में रहने वाले अन्य बंदियों को कोरोना वायरस संक्रमण से बचाव के रूप में केवल एक मास्क दिया गया है। भीड़भाड़ वाले बैरक में एक दूसरे से अनिवार्य दूरी बनाये रखना असंभव है। बायखुला जेल ने कहा है कि शारीरिक दूरी के मानदंडों को बनाए रखने के लिए जेल में अधिकतम 175 कैदी ही रह सकते है - फिर भी, 28 जुलाई तक इस जेल में 257 कैदी थे। इस जेल के डाक्टर और अधीक्षक को कोरोनोवायरस पॉसिटिव पाया गया था। यह हैरत की बात है कि सुधा की विशेष जमानत याचिका पर पर ढाई महीने में 11 बार तारीख लगने के बावजूद भी अभी तक निर्णय नहीं हुआ है I
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय सुधा भारद्वाज, शोमा सेन, डॉ. आनंद तेलतुम्बडे, सुरेन्द्र गड्लिंग, वरवार राव, गौतम नवलखा, अरुण फेरेरा, वर्णन गोंजाल्वेस, सुधीर धवले, रोना विल्सन, महेश राउत, हनी बाबु की गिरफ़्तारी और उनके ऊपर लगाए गए बेबुनियाद आरोपों की निन्दा करता है ! हम इन सभी और देश भर के तमाम राजनीतिक कैदियों के साथ एकजुटता व्यक्त करते हैं, जो UAPA और ‘राज-द्रोह’ जैसे दमनकारी कानूनों के शिकार बन रहे हैं !
इस प्रकरण में अभी तक सुनवाई शुरू नहीं हुई है। यह मात्र गरीब, दलित, पीड़ित शोषित समाज, आदिवासी, किसान, मजदूर समाजों की चिंताओं और सवालों से ध्यान हटाने और राष्ट्रीय अंतरराष्ट्रीय पटल पर उन चिंताओं को लाने वाले सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं, वकीलों व मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं के स्वयं के मानव अधिकारों का हनन है। उन्हें पीड़ित करने और उनके मनोबल को तोड़ने की पूरी साजिश है। आज हर उस आवाज को दबाने की कोशिश की जा रही है जो इस कॉर्पोरेट-हिन्दुत्ववादी सरकार को चुनौती दे रहे है ! मगर जरूरी है कि आम लोगों को सरकार की इन साजिशों का पोल-खोल करके, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, रोजगार, अमन-शांति-न्याय के मुद्दों पर अडिग रहना होगा !
हम माँग करते हैं कि:
· भीमा कोरेगांव केस के सभी राजनीतिक कैदियों को रिहा किया जाए। खासकर कोविड-19 के खतरे को देखते हुए उन्हे तत्काल जमानत दी जाए।
· भीमा कोरेगांव हिंसा के सूत्रधार मिलिंद एकबोटे व संभाजी भिड़े पर कड़ी कार्यवाही की जाए।
· जेल अधिकारियों से अपील है कि वे जेलों में भीड़ कम करें, सभी बंदियों का नियमित रूप से कोविड परीक्षण करें और जेल में कोविड से बचाव के सारे उपाय करें ।
· UAPA और राज-द्रोह जैसे दमनकारी कानूनों को खारिज किया जाय।
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
अधिक जानकारी के लिए संपर्क करें: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
NAPM stands in solidarity against state repression of activists, lawyers and progressive persons
Release all political prisoners, including Sudha Bharadwaj who has been imprisoned for 2 years!
Arrest the real criminals of 'Bhima Koregaon' ! Repeal the UAPA Law!
28thAugust 2020: In India's dark history
of human rights violations, 28th August 2018 has become a very
important day. On this day, Sudha Bharadwaj was arrested by Pune police from
her home in Faridabad. On the same day, Gautam Navlakha from Delhi, Arun
Ferreira and Vernon Gonsalves from Mumbai and Varavara Rao from Hyderabad were
also arrested. Although Gautam Navlakha was granted relief from arrest for a
while by the Delhi High Court, he was also arrested a few months ago. In the
'Bhima Koregaon case', baseless and false facts have been used to fabricate a
criminal case. These arrests are a shameful attempt to divert attention from
the criminal acts of Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide, who are the leading
perpetrators of Hindutva violence against Dalits in Bhima Koregaon, and to
suppress the voices of social activists, critical of the government.
A total of 12 well-known social activists have been arrested so far in this case. Besides those mentioned above, Shoma Sen, Surendra Gadling, Sudhir Dhawale, Rona Wilson, Mahesh Raut, Dr. Anand Teltumbde and Hany Babu have also been incarcerated. All of them have been falsely accused of 'inciting violence' in Bhima Koregaon (a city near Pune) on 1st January 2018. Notably, this day was marked as the 200th anniversary of the Bhima Koregaon war. In this war in 1818, Dalits had defeated the Peshwas. This is an important day for the Dalit movement. Thousands of people gather in Bhima Koregaon on this day.
It is noteworthy that all those arrested not only
believe in a progressive world-view but also live those ideals on a daily basis!
It is sad that despite the blatantly visible state conspiracy against these poets,
lawyers, teachers, social and human rights activists, working selflessly since
decades, the Courts are neither quashing the charges against them not is it granting
them bail. Keeping many such elderly persons imprisoned in jail even during the
Covid pandemic shows the cruelty of this fascist government! Apart from these
12 people, the NIA is harassing many more human rights activists and
journalists under the pretext of 'investigation'!
Sudha Bharadwaj was working with the Chhattisgarh
Mukti Morcha for around 35 years. She continuously raised the issues of
Adivasis and workers. Realizing the need for lawyers, she completed her legal
studies. She became a successful human rights lawyer who worked for the rights
of thousands of families. Today, workers as well as members of the Adivasi
community in Chhattisgarh's Bhilai and other factory areas greatly feel her
absence. We, the people’s movements from across the country, stan with them in
solidarity.
In today's environment of repression, we greatly feel the absence of Sudha and everyone arrested in the Bhima Koregaon case. Keeping detainees in jail without trial for two years, intentionally delaying bail, dragging their health into serious crisis instead of starting a trial in the case, is also a gross violation of prisoners' rights. During a global pandemic, the crowded conditions in the jails has increased the threat to their health even more.
As we all witnessed recently, it was only after immense
pressure from thousands of people around the world that the government admitted
80-year-old, sick Varavara Rao to a good hospital! Till then, his life was literally
put at risk! Right now, it has been reported that according to the medical
report of the jail, Sudha Bharadwaj is suffering from ischemic heart disease,
which is caused by narrowing of arteries in the heart. This could mean there is
a lack of blood flow to the heart muscles which can cause a heart attack. This
is extremely worrying.
According to her daughter Maaysha, Sudha Bhardwaj had no heart related complaint before being taken into custody on 28th August 2018. Although she has diabetes and blood pressure, and also had tuberculosis a few years ago, due to which she is at greater risk of infection from Covid than others. Detainees in her barracks have been given only a mask to protect against corona virus infection. It is impossible to maintain adequate physical distance from each other in a crowded barrack. Byculla Jail has said that to maintain the physical distancing norms, the jail can hold a maximum of 175 inmates – despite this, as of 28th July, there were 257 inmates in this jail. The doctor and superintendent of this prison were found to be coronavirus positive. It is a matter of surprise that even after 11 hearing dates in two and a half months on Sudha's special bail petition, a decision has not been made yet.
The latest news is that today Sudha's bail application has been rejected again. Two medical reports from Byculla Jail were presented before a judge of the Mumbai High Court. The first described her health condition as serious and also mentioned her heart disease. Then another medical report was released 1-2 days ago, in which she was shown as being 'completely healthy'. Sudha's lawyer told the court that a heart disease is not cured by itself so soon. But the court refused to recognize the contradiction in the two reports and rejected bail on the basis of the second report !
National Alliance of People’s Movements
condemns the arrest and baseless allegations made against Sudha Bharadwaj,
Shoma Sen, Dr. Anand Teltumbde, Surendra Gadling, Varavara Rao, Gautam
Navlakha, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves, Sudhir Dhawale, Rona Wilson, Mahesh
Raut, and Hany Babu! We express solidarity with them and all political
prisoners across the country who are being made victims of repressive laws like
UAPA and 'sedition'!
The hearing in the Bhima Koregaon has not started
yet. All this is just an attempt to deflect the concerns and questions of poor,
dalit, oppressed and exploited classes, adivasis, farmers and working classes,
and a violation of the human rights of social workers, lawyers and human rights
activists who bring those concerns to the national and international level. It
is a whole conspiracy to torment them and break their morale. Today, efforts
are being made to suppress every voice that is challenging this
corporate-Hindutva government! But it is important for the common people to
expose these conspiracies of the government and stand firm on the issues of
education, health, employment, peace and justice!
We demand that:
· All political prisoners in the Bhima Koregaon case should be released. Especially given the threat of Covid-19, they should be given immediate bail.
· Strict action should be taken against the leading perpetrators of the Bhima Koregaon violence, Milind Ekbote and Sambhaji Bhide.
· Jail authorities are appealed to reduce crowding in jails, conduct regular Covid testing of all prisoners and take all measures to protect against Covid in the jail.
· Repressive laws like UAPA and sedition should be repealed.
आंदोलनकारी कार्यकर्ता-वकील व प्रगतिशील व्यक्तियों पर राजकीय दमन के खिलाफ: NAPM की एकजुटता
2 सालों से कैद सुधा भारद्वाज सहित, सभी राजनीतिक कैदियों को रिहा करो !
‘भीमा कोरेगांव’ के असली अपराधियों को गिरफ्तार करो | UAPA कानून खारिज करो !
28 अगस्त, 2020: भारत के मानवाधिकार उल्लंघन के इतिहास में 28 अगस्त, 2018 एक बहुत महत्वपूर्ण दिन बन गया है। उस दिन सुधा भारद्वाज को फरीदाबाद स्थित अपने घर से पुणे पुलिस ने गिरफ्तार किया थाI उसी दिन दिल्ली से गौतम नवलखा, मुंबई से अरुण फेरेरा व वर्णन गोंजाल्वेस और हैदराबाद से वरवरा राव की भी गिरफ़्तारी हुई | हालांकि गौतम नवलखा को दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय द्वारा कुछ समय तक राहत दी गई, मगर कुछ महीनों पूर्व उनकी भी गिरफ़्तारी हो गई | ‘भीमा कोरेगांव केस’ मे बेबुनियाद और झूठे तथ्य गढ़कर आपराधिक प्रकरण तैयार किया गया है। यह गिरफ्तारियाँ, भीमा कोरेगांव में दलितों पर हिंसा के सूत्रधार हिंदुत्ववादी लोग मिलिंद एकबोटे व संभाजी भिड़े के आपराधिक कृत्य से ध्यान हटाने और सरकार के आलोचक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं की आवाज़ दबाने का शर्मनाक प्रयास है।
इस प्रकारण में अभी तक कुल 12 जाने माने सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं को गिरफ्तार किया गया है जिसमें उपरोक्त लोगों के अलावा, शोमा सेन, सुरेन्द्र गड्लिंग, सुधीर धवले, रोना विल्सन, महेश राउत, डॉक्टर आनंद तेलतुम्बडे और हनी बाबु भी शामिल है | इन सभी पर 1 जनवरी 2018 को भीमा कोरेगांव (पुणे के करीब एक शहर) में ‘हिंसा भड़काने’ का झूठा आरोप लगा है I ज्ञात हो कि 1 जनवरी, 2018 का दिन भीमा कोरेगाँव युद्ध की 200 वीं वर्षगांठ थी I सन् 1818 के इस युद्ध में दलितों ने पेशवाओं पर जीत हासिल की थीI दलित आन्दोलन के लिए यह एक महत्पूर्ण दिन है I भीमा कोरेगांव में हजारों लोग इस दिन इकठ्ठा होते हैं ।
उल्लेखनीय है कि गिरफ्तार किए गए सभी लोग प्रगतिशील विचारधारा को मानते ही नहीं, अपितु जीते भी हैं! दुखद है कि कवि, वकील, अध्यापक, सामाजिक व मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ता के रूप में दशकों से सक्रिय इन सबको कैद करने की खुली साजिश देखकर भी, न्यायालय न ही इस झूठे प्रकरण की खात्मा कर रही है, और न ही इन्हे जमानत दे रही है ! कोविड़ महामारी के दौरान भी ऐसे कई बुजुर्ग व्यक्तियों को जल में बंद रखना इस फासीवादी सरकार की क्रूरता को दर्शाता है ! इन 12 लोगों के अलावा, ‘जांच’ के नाम पर, NIA और भी कई मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ताओं, पत्रकारों को प्रताड़ित कर रही है !
सुधा भारद्वाज छत्तीसगढ़ मुक्ति मोर्चा के साथ लगभग 35 वर्षों से काम कर रही थी I उन्होंने लगातार आदिवासियों और मजदूरों के मुद्दे उठाए I आवश्यकता महसूस होने पर वकालत की पढ़ाई पूरी की | एक सफल मानवाधिकार वकील बनकर उन्होंने हजारों परिवारों को हक दिलाने का काम किया I छत्तीसगढ़ के भिलाई आदि फैक्ट्री एरिया के मजदूर हों या आदिवासी समाज के हों, वह आज उनकी कमी बहुत महसूस कर रहे हैं I हम देश भर के जन आंदोलन भी उनके साथ हैं I आज के दमन के माहौल में हम सुधा और भीमा कोरेगाँव केस में गिरफ्तार हुए सभी लोगों की बेहद कमी महसूस करते हैं। जेल में विचाराधीन बंदियों को दो साल तक रखना, जानबूझकर जमानत देने में देरी करना, केस में ट्रायल शुरु करने के बजाय उनके स्वास्थ्य को गंभीर संकट में ढ़केलना, कैदियों के अधिकारों का भी घोर उल्लंघन है। वैश्विक महामारी के समय जेलों में भीड़-भाड़ की स्थिति को देखते हुए स्वास्थ्य पर खतरा और बढ़ा हुआ है।
हाल ही में हमने देखा कि
देश-दुनिया भर के हजारों लोगों के दबाव के बाद ही, सरकार ने 80 साल के बीमार
वरावरा राव को एक अच्छे अस्पताल में भर्ती की ! तब तक उनकी ज़िंदगी को ही जोखिम में
डाल दिया ! अभी सुधा भारद्वाज के संदर्भ में खबर है कि जेल की मेडिकल रिपोर्ट के
अनुसार वो इस्केमिक हार्ट डिजीज” से पीड़ित हैं, जो हृदय की धमनियों के संकुचित होने के कारण होती है I इस बिमारी में हृदय की मांसपेशियों
में रक्त के प्रवाह की कमी होती है जिससे दिल का दौरा पड़ सकता है। यह बेहद चिंताजनक
है।
उनकी बेटी मायशा के अनुसार 28 अगस्त, 2018 को हिरासत में लिए जाने से पहले सुधा भारद्वाज को दिल से जुड़ी कोई शिकायत नहीं थी। यद्यपि उनको मधुमेह और रक्तचाप है, और कुछ सालो पहले तपेदिक भी था, जिस कारण उनको कोविद के संक्रमण से सामान्य से अधिक खतरा है। उनकी बैरक में रहने वाले अन्य बंदियों को कोरोना वायरस संक्रमण से बचाव के रूप में केवल एक मास्क दिया गया है। भीड़भाड़ वाले बैरक में एक दूसरे से अनिवार्य दूरी बनाये रखना असंभव है। बायखुला जेल ने कहा है कि शारीरिक दूरी के मानदंडों को बनाए रखने के लिए जेल में अधिकतम 175 कैदी ही रह सकते है - फिर भी, 28 जुलाई तक इस जेल में 257 कैदी थे। इस जेल के डाक्टर और अधीक्षक को कोरोनोवायरस पॉसिटिव पाया गया था। यह हैरत की बात है कि सुधा की विशेष जमानत याचिका पर पर ढाई महीने में 11 बार तारीख लगने के बावजूद भी अभी तक निर्णय नहीं हुआ है I
अभी की ताज़ा खबर हैं कि आज सुधा की बेल एप्लिकेशन फिर से खारिज हो गई है। मुंबई उच्च न्यायालय के जज के सामने बाइकुला जेल से दो मेडिकल रिपोर्ट आईं। पहली में उनकी स्वास्थ्य की हालत को गंभीर बताया और उनका हृदय रोग का ज़िक्र भी किया। फिर 1-2 दिन पहले एक और मेडिकल रिपोर्ट जारी की गई, जहां उनको 'पूर्ण रूप से स्वस्थ' दिखाया गया। सुधा की वकील ने कोर्ट को कहा कि इतनी जल्दी तो हृदय रोग अपने आप से ठीक नहीं हो जाता है। पर कोर्ट ने दोनों रिपोर्टों में विरोधाभास देखने से मना कर दिया और दूसरी रिपोर्ट के आधार पर बेल खारिज कर दी।
napm india
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)
National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
कोटपुतली तहसील में पर्यावरणीय उल्लंघनों के साथ खनन के खिलाफ याचिका
राष्ट्रीय हरित प्राधिकरण द्वारा 15 खनन पट्टाधारीयों व राजस्थान सरकार को नोटिस जारी
अधिक जानकारी के लिए संपर्क करें: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
NAPM condemns the arrest of former JNU student and youth activist Dr. Umar Khalid
Delhi police must stop coercing ‘confessional’ statements to manufacture evidence and refrain from painting the democratic anti-CAA protests as a ‘conspiracy against the state’
Repeal the Draconian UAPA | Free All Anti-CAA Protestors
Arrest Kapil Mishra and all those who incited the ‘Delhi Riots’
14th Sep, 2020: The spate of repression and arbitrary arrests of anti-CAA activists and students continues in the capital, with yesterday’s late-night arrest of young social justice activist Dr. Umar Khalid, after 11 hours of intense ‘interrogation’. The Delhi Police has arrested him on the basis of manufactured evidence through coerced statements, falsely accusing him of being the ‘master mind’ behind the ‘Delhi Riots’ of February, 2020. It is now learnt that the Court has remanded him to “10 days police custody” so that he can be further interrogated over data and documents running into “11 lakh pages”!
As firm believers in a democratic ethos, we are anguished and outraged at the relentless silencing of young and progressive voices by this regime, many of who happen to be muslims, students, activists and academics. The speeches by all of them during the vibrant women-led anti-CAA mass protests are available for public scrutiny and by no stretch of argument can they be interpreted to be ‘inciting hate or violence’. Quite to the contrary, they all are promoting love, peace and constitutional values.
Notably, anticipating the impending arrest, Umar Khalid had written to the Delhi Police Commissioner on 1st Sep, with regard to the statements being extracted from witnesses in order to frame him under several charges including UAPA, sedition and conspiracy for murder. Following this, on 4th Sep, four senior civil society members including Prof. Apoorvanand (Delhi University), Mr. Harsh Mander (former IAS officer and peace activist), Mr. Yogendra Yadav (National President, Swaraj Abhiyan) and Kawalpreet Kaur (student activist, AISA), along with Umar Khalid addressed a press conference highlighting the “continuing attempt by the Delhi Police to falsely implicate” activists of the anti-CAA movement as the ‘masterminds of the February riots’.
Yesterday, Sri Julio Ribeiro, retired Police Commissioner of Mumbai and DGP Gujarat & Punjab, wrote to the Delhi Police Commissioner in which he spoke out strongly against the clearly biased investigation and said: “The Delhi Police has taken action against peaceful protestors but deliberately failed to register cognizable offences against those who made hate speeches which triggered the riots in N.E. Delhi.” Today another 9 IPS officers from different states have written to the Police Commissioner regarding the flawed investigation into the Delhi riots and requested him to “reinvestigate all riot cases fairly and without any bias based on sound principles of criminal investigations to provide justice to the victims and their families and for upholding the rule of law”.
Despite these interventions and over 1,000 well-known citizens writing to the Delhi Police, the latter, clearly under instructions from the Union Home Ministry has gone ahead with another arrest on false grounds, while ignoring those who have publicly incited violence in Delh. Most prominent among this is Mr. Kapil Mishra, a BJP leader caught on video inciting mobs to violently attack anti-CAA protestors, who is still roaming free. Mr. Mishra has infact circulated a fresh video today, equating the Delhi violence to the 26/11 Mumbai terror attack and calling for ‘death penalty to the activists’! We would like to remind the Delhi Police that compromising investigation to serve political dispensations is an act of gross unprofessionalism and an attack on the democratic institutions and values of this country, which they are supposed to uphold.
In the past six months, under the cover of lockdown, many young students and activists have been arrested under UAPA and most of them including Gulfisha Fatima (Student, DU), Ishrat Jahan (Congress activist), Devangana Kalita and Natasha Narwal (Students and Feminist Activists of Pinjra Tod), Khalid Saifi (United Against Hate), Meeran Haider (President, RJD Youth Wing, Delhi), Asif Tanha (Jamia student), Sharjeel Imam (JNU scholar), Shifa-Ur-Rehman (President, Jamia Alumni Association) continue to languish in jail. Their bail applications in the UAPA matter has been repeatedly rejected and some of them have reportedly faced severe torture in custody. All of them have been falsely charged with being part of a ‘conspiracy’ to incite the Delhi riots’.
The Delhi police has now issued summons to film makers Rahul Roy and Saba Dewan who appeared for investigation today. A large number of other activists and students in the capital have been questioned in the past few months, phones of many of them seized and all of them put under heavy surveillance. Others who are under the radar include Sitaram Yechury of CPM, Prof. Yogendra Yadav, Prof. Apoorvanand, Prof. Jayati Ghosh, Adv. Mahmood Pracha, Chandrasekhar Azad (Bhim Army), although the Delhi police issued a clarification that Mr. Yechury, Mr. Yadav and Ms. Ghosh have not been ‘arraigned as accused in the supplementary charge sheet’.
During these months, on multiple occasions the trial courts have observed that the media has been peddling false information and making selective leakages, leading to a biased trial by sections of the compromised fourth estate. It is high time we come together and stand up against this colossal injustice, contest the convolution of facts, where innocent people are being arrested on false charges, while those who incited the violence are being let scot-free. We urge all the peace, justice-loving and democratic-minded citizens of our country to rise in rage against the toxic narrative being spun by this regime to quell all rightful questioning of its unjust policies and such blatant undermining of the rule of law.
Given the overall political context, no amount of ‘urging’ the powers-that-be is likely to make a difference, but we must prepare ourselves to fight this battle of narratives in the true spirit of Satyagraha, as stated powerfully by Dr. Umar Khalid himself, “We won’t respond to violence with violence. We won’t respond to hate with hate. If they spread hate, we will respond to it with love. If they thrash us with lathis, we keep holding the tricolour."
NAPM demands the immediate:
· RELEASE of Dr. Umar Khalid and all the anti-CAA protestors who were part of a completely legitimate and peaceful protest like lakhs of other citizens across India.
· SAFETY of Umar and all the anti-CAA activists in both police and judicial custody.
· REPEAL of UAPA and the sedition law which have become instruments of violation of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties.
· ARREST of all right-wing political and other leaders including Kapil Mishra, Anurag Thakur, Pravesh Verma, Komal Sharma, Rambhakt Gopal, Ragini Tiwari etc. against who clear evidence of inciting hate and violence is available in the public domain.
· REPEAL of CAA-NRC-NPR which are, per se, unconstitutional and violative of the principles of just and equal citizenship.
As representatives of various people’s movements from across India, committed to constitutional values, we call upon the Delhi police and the Home Ministry to end this vicious hounding of peace-loving activists and instead hold the actual culprits of the violence in the capital from Delhi-February accountable and render full justice, compensation and rehabilitation to all families affected by the violence.
We are committed to a continued struggle against this climate of fear, terror, lies and hate.
NAPM पूर्व जे.ए.नयू छात्र और युवा कार्यकर्ता डॉ उमर ख़ालिद की गिरफ्तारी की निंदा करता है
दिल्ली पुलिस को सबूतों के निर्माण के लिए 'इकबालिया बयानों' को गढ़ना और लोकतान्त्रिक रूप से किये गए CAA विरोधी प्रदर्शनों को 'राज्य-विरोधी साज़िश' के रूप में प्रस्तुत करना बंद करना चाहिए
दमनकारी UAPA क़ानून को निरस्त किया जाए। सभी CAA - विरोधी प्रदर्शनकारियों को रिहा किया जाए
कपिल मिश्रा समेत वे सभी लोग गिरफ्तार हों जिन्होंने 'दिल्ली दंगों' को भड़काया
14 सितम्बर 2020: राजधानी में सी.ए.ए विरोधी कार्यकर्ताओं और छात्रों के दमन और मनमानी गिरफ्तारियों का दौर जारी है। इसी कड़ी में ग्यारह घंटे की गहन 'पूछताछ' के बाद कल देर रात युवा सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता डॉ. उमर ख़ालिद को गिरफ़्तार कर लिया गया। फरवरी, 2020 में दिल्ली में हुए ‘दंगों’ का 'मास्टरमाइंड' होने का झूठा आरोप लगाते हुए, और जबरन लिए गए इकबालिया बयानों से गढ़े गए सबूतों के आधार पर, उमर को गिरफ्तार किया गया है। आज शाम को पता चला है कि अदालत ने उमर को 10 दिन की पुलिस कस्टडी में भेज दिया है, ताकी “11 लाख पन्नों” के दस्तावेज़ों के आधार पर अतिरिक्त पूछ-ताछ हो सके !
लोकतान्त्रिक मूल्यों पर दृढ विश्वास रखने वाले लोगों के रूप में, हम इस शासन द्वारा युवा और प्रगतिशील आवाज़ों, जिनमें कई मुस्लिम, छात्र, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता व शिक्षाविद शामिल हैं, की आवाज़ को इस तरह दबाये जाने से अथक पीड़ा और आक्रोश में हैं। औरतों के जीवंत नेतृत्त्व में किये गए CAA-विरोधी प्रदर्शनों में इन लोगों के दिए गए भाषण सार्वजनिक रूप से उपलब्ध हैं और किसी भी तर्क से उन्हें 'घृणा या हिंसा भड़काता' हुआ नहीं आंका जा सकता। इसके विपरीत, वे सभी प्रेम, शांति और संवैधानिक मूल्यों की बात करते दिखते हैं।
उल्लेखनीय है कि गिरफ्तारी की सम्भावना को भांपते हुए उमर ख़ालिद ने 1 सितम्बर को दिल्ली पुलिस कमिशनर को एक पत्र लिखा था, जिसमें कहा गया था कि उन्हें UAPA, देश-द्रोह और हत्या की साज़िश जैसे आरोपों में फंसाने के लिए गवाहों से जबरन बयान लिए जा रहे हैं। इसके बाद, 4 सितम्बर को चार वरिष्ठ सामाजिक हस्तियों - प्रो अपूर्वानंद (दिल्ली विश्वविद्यालय), श्री हर्ष मंदर (पूर्व आई.ए.एस अधिकारी और सद्भाव कार्यकर्ता), श्री योगेंद्र यादव (राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष, स्वराज अभियान) और कवलप्रीत कौर (युवा कार्यकर्ता, AISA) ने उमर ख़ालिद समेत एक प्रेस वार्ता की, और दिल्ली पुलिस के CAA - विरोधी कार्यकर्ताओं को दिल्ली दंगों का 'मास्टरमाइंड' बताते हुए झूठे आरोपों में फंसाये जाने की तरफ इशारा किया।
कल मुंबई के सेवानिवृत्त पुलिस कमिशनर और गुजरात व पंजाब के DGP, श्री जूलिओ रिबेरो ने कड़े शब्दों में इस प्रत्यक्ष एकतरफ़ा कार्यवाही के विषय में प्रश्न उठाया और कहा : "दिल्ली पुलिस ने शांतिपूर्ण प्रदर्शनकारियों के ख़िलाफ़ कार्रवाई की है लेकिन नफ़रत फैलाने वाले भाषण देने वालों के खिलाफ संज्ञेय अपराध दर्ज करने में जानबूझ कर विफल रही है।" आज अलग-अलग राज्यों से 9 अन्य आई.पी। एस अधिकारियों ने पुलिस कमिशनर को दिल्ली दंगों की दोषपूर्ण जांच के संदर्भ में लिखा है और उनसे आग्रह किया है कि "आपराधिक जांच के सही सिद्धान्तों के आधार पर बिना किसी पक्षपात के दंगों के सभी मामलों की दोबारा जांच की जाए ताकि पीड़ितों और उनके परिवारों को उचित न्याय मिले और न्यायिक शासन बना रहे" |
इन हस्तक्षेपों और दिल्ली पुलिस को 1000 से अधिक प्रसिद्ध हस्तियों द्वारा लिखे गए पत्र के बावजूद, केंद्रीय गृह मंत्रालय के इशारों पर काम करते हुए दिल्ली पुलिस ने एक और झूठी गिरफ़्तारी की है, जबकि सार्वजनिक रूप से साफ़ तौर पर हिंसा भड़काने वालों को पूरी तरह अनदेखा किया गया है। इनमें से सबसे प्रमुख बी.जे.पी नेता कपिल मिश्रा हैं, जिन्हें भीड़ को CAA -विरोधी प्रदर्शनकारियों के ख़िलाफ़ हिंसा के लिए उकसाते हुए वीडियो पर देखा गया है, और वह आज भी आज़ाद घूम रहे हैं। यहाँ तक कि मिश्रा ने आज एक ताज़ा वीडियो जारी करते हुए कहा है कि दिल्ली में हुई हिंसा 26 /11 के मुंबई आतंकी हमले के समान है और इन कार्यकर्ताओं को 'मौत की सज़ा' मिलनी चाहिए! हम दिल्ली पुलिस को याद दिलाना चाहते हैं कि राजनैतिक हितों के पक्ष में जांच से सौदा करना घोर अव्यवसायिक कृत्य है और इस देश के लोकतांत्रिक मूल्यों और संस्थानों पर हमला, जिन्हें बरकरार रखने की ज़िम्मेदारी पुलिस की है।
पिछले 6 महीनों में, लॉकडाउन की आड़ में, कई छात्रों व युवा कार्यकर्ताओं को UAPA के तहत गिरफ़्तार किया गया है। गुलफ़िशा फ़ातिमा (छात्रा, डी.यू), इशरत जहां (कांग्रेस कार्यकर्ता), देवांगना कालिता और नताशा नरवाल (विद्यार्थी व पिंजरा तोड़ की नारीवादी कार्यकर्ता), ख़ालिद सैफी (यूनाइटेड अगेंस्ट हेट), मीरान हैदर (अध्यक्ष, आर.जे.डी यूथ विंग, दिल्ली), आसिफ तन्हा (जामिया विद्यार्थी), शरजील इमाम (JNU विद्यार्थी), शिफ़ा-उर-रहमान (अध्यक्ष, जामिया पूर्व छात्र संघ) समेत कई युवा छात्र व कार्यकर्ता जेलों में बंद हैं। UAPA मामले में उनकी जमानत याचिका बार-बार खारिज की जा रही है और खबर है कि उनमें से कुछ को हिरासत में गंभीर यातना का सामना भी करना पड़ा है। इन सभी पर दिल्ली दंगों को भड़काने के लिए एक 'षड्यंत्र' का हिस्सा होने का झूठा आरोप लगाया गया है।
दिल्ली पुलिस ने अब फिल्म निर्माताओं राहुल रॉय और सबा दीवान को समन जारी किया है और आज उनकी लंबी पूछ-ताछ हुई। पिछले कुछ महीनों में राजधानी में बड़ी संख्या में अन्य कार्यकर्ताओं और छात्रों से भी पूछ-ताछ की गई, उनमें से कई के फोन जब्त किए गए और उन सभी को भारी निगरानी में रखा गया। जो अन्य कार्यकर्त्ता पुलिस के रडार में हैं उनमें सीताराम येचुरी (सी.पी.एम), प्रो. योगेंद्र यादव, प्रो. अपूर्वानंद, प्रो. जयति घोष, एडवोकेट मेहमूद प्रचा, चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद (भीम आर्मी), शामिल हैं, हालांकि दिल्ली पुलिस ने एक स्पष्टीकरण जारी किया कि पूरक चार्जशीट में श्री येचुरी, प्रो यादव और प्रो घोष को आरोपी नहीं ठहराया गया है।
इन महीनों के दौरान, कई मौकों पर ट्रायल कोर्ट ने चिन्हित किया है कि मीडिया पक्षपाती तरीके से चयनित मुद्दों पर गलत सूचनाओं को परोस रहा है और इसके द्वारा अविश्वसनीय हो चुका “चौथा स्तम्भ” पक्षपूर्ण कार्यवाहियाँ कर रहा है। इस समय में अति-आवश्यक है कि हम इस घोर अन्याय के विरुद्ध एकजुट हों और तथ्यों से छेड़छाड़ के ख़िलाफ़ आवाज़ उठाएं, जिसके तहत निर्दोषों को झूठे आरोपों में फंसा गिरफ़्तार किया जा रहा है, और दंगे भड़काने वाले खुले घूम रहे हैं। हम अपने देश के सभी शांति और न्याय प्रेमी, और लोकतांत्रिक परिदृश्य रखने वाले नागरिकों से आग्रह करते हैं कि इस शासन की अन्यायपूर्ण नीतियों के ख़िलाफ़ आवाज़ उठाने वालों के विरुद्ध चलाए जा रहे जहरीले आख्यानों और न्यायिक प्रणाली की अवमानना के ख़िलाफ़ रोष और आवाज़ बुलंद करें।
इस समय के राजनीतिक संदर्भ को देखते हुए हमें उम्मीद तो नहीं है कि सत्ता से किया गया कोई भी अनुरोध कुछ बदलाव ला सकेगा, मगर हमें आख्यानों की इस लड़ाई को सत्याग्रह के सच्चे सिंद्धान्तों द्वारा लड़ने के लिए तैयार रहना चाहिए। जैसा कि डॉ ख़ालिद ने खुद कहा था- "हम हिंसा का जवाब हिंसा से नहीं देंगे। हम नफ़रत का जवाब नफ़रत से नहीं देंगे। अगर वे नफ़रत फैलाते हैं, तो हम इसका जवाब प्यार से देंगे। अगर वे हमें लाठियों से पीटते हैं, तो हम तिरंगा पकड़े रहेंगे।"
NAPM तत्काल मांग करता है कि:
· डॉ उमर ख़ालिद और सभी सी.ए.ए विरोधी प्रदर्शनकारियों को रिहा किया जाए जो कि इस देश के लाखों अन्य लोगों की तरह पूर्णतः वैध और शांतिपूर्ण तरीके से प्रदर्शन कर रहे थे।
· उमर और सभी सी.ए.ए विरोधी कार्यकर्ताओं की पुलिस और न्यायिक हिरासत में सुरक्षा सुनिश्चित की जाए।
· UAPA और राजद्रोह कानूनों को निरस्त किया जाए जो मौलिक स्वतंत्रता और नागरिक स्वतंत्रता के उल्लंघन के साधन बन गए हैं।
· कपिल मिश्रा, अनुराग ठाकुर, प्रवेश वर्मा, कोमल शर्मा, रामभक्त गोपाल, रागिनी तिवारी आदि सहित सभी दक्षिणपंथी राजनीतिक और अन्य नेताओं को गिरफ्तार किया जाए जिनके खिलाफ सार्वजनिक रूप से नफरत और हिंसा भड़काने के स्पष्ट सबूत उपलब्ध हैं।
· सी.ए.ए-एन.आर.सी-एन.पी.आर के असंवैधानिक क़ानून को वापस लिया जाए, जो न्यायिक व समान नागरिकता के सिद्धांत का उल्लंघन करता है |
भारत भर से विभिन्न जन-आंदोलनों के प्रतिनिधि के रूप में, और संवैधानिक मूल्यों को समर्पित नागरिकों के रूप में हम दिल्ली पुलिस और गृह मंत्रालय से आह्वान करते हैं कि शांतिप्रिय कार्यकर्ताओं के इस प्रकार उत्पीड़न को रोका जाए और दिल्ली में हुए दंगों के वास्तविक अपराधियों को तलब किया जाए और इस हिंसा से प्रभावित हुए सभी परिवारों को पूरा न्याय, मुआवज़ा और पुनर्वास सुनिश्चित किया जाए।
हम भय, आतंक, झूठ और नफ़रत के इस माहौल के ख़िलाफ़ निरंतर संघर्ष के लिए प्रतिबद्ध हैं।
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Hathras Horror: NAPM Condemns the Rising Caste and Gender-based Violence in
BJP ruled Uttar Pradesh & Gujarat
Punish the rapists & murderers of dalit women and other victims
Hold the Administration, Police and Political Nexus Accountable
Chief Minister of UP must resign for repeatedly failing to safeguard
rights of women from marginalized communities in the state
3rd Oct, 2020: The brutal rape and murder of yet another dalit woman in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh has sent shock waves across the country. Tens of thousands of people have been taking to the streets, in the midst of a raging pandemic, seeking justice for the horrific crime. Deeply anguished and agitated, NAPM also joins the aggrieved family and everyone across the nation, mourning the 19-year-old young woman from the Valmiki community, who was mercilessly violated by four dominant caste men. We demand full protection for the family and stringent punishment not just to the rapists and murderers, but also accountability of the police-political nexus.
As has been reported widely, the four accused men from the dominant Thakur caste - Sandeep, Ravi, Lavkush and Ramu dragged the victim by her dupatta, gangraped and strangulated her, resulting in a deep cut on her tongue and a fracture in the spinal cord. Subsequently, she was denied adequate medical treatment and the local police tried to claim that she was “faking” her pain to “entrap the accused”! Upon her death, she was denied dignity yet again, as the Hathras police and the District administration locked up her grieving family and hurriedly cremated her in the middle of the night. Over the past few days, sections of the UP administration left no stone unturned in mishandling and misrepresenting the case, destroying crucial evidence and further humiliating and traumatising the family.
As the country started demanding justice for the Hathras survivor, news came in of a similar incident in Balrampur, UP where a 22-year-old B.Com student was gangraped and killed. In yet another atrocious crime, two days back, the body of a 14-year-old Dalit girl, bearing stab wounds and stone injuries on her head was found in Tiwaripur village, Bhadohi, UP. The police suspect that she was raped and killed subsequently. Similar incidents from Bulandshahr, Azamgarh and other places have been coming to light.
In the backdrop of a manuvadi state-society, the successive incidents point to a larger pattern in caste and gender violence under the BJP rule in U.P. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), out of the 51,824 cases of crime against Dalits, registered under the SC & ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act between 2009 and 2018, UP ranks first with 22.38% of total crimes. Of all crimes committed against Dalits, the highest are against Dalit women. Such crimes have steeply increased in recent times. NCRB data shows a 27.9% increase in crimes against Dalits, and a 20% increase in crimes against women, between 2016-19 in the state. Instead of safeguarding the rights of the vulnerable, the State and its institutions are shamelessly and consistently siding by the oppressors and granting them impunity. The UP CM has remained largely indifferent, as caste supremacists reign terror on oppressed caste people.
Similar patterns of violence and atrocities are noticeable in another BJP ruled state – the “model” state for some, the laboratory of Hindutva in reality – Gujarat. On 23rd September, Devji Maheswari, a lawyer from the Dalit community and a senior activist of the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation, was killed in Rapar (Kutch District) because of his Facebook posts that criticized Brahminism. As per the data of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Cell in Gujarat, the number of cases of atrocities against Dalits in the state have been rising each year since 2010. The number of cases of rape per year too has gone up, from 39 in 2010 to 108 cases in 2018. A total of 568 cases of atrocity against Dalits and 36 cases of rape have been registered till May this year in the state.
The worsening of caste and gender violence is the result of Hindutva’s political-ideological ascendancy at the national level and in these states. Ideologically, Hindutva upholds and valourizes Brahminical caste/gender inequalities and oppression. For example, in 2009, the current UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath quoted Manusmriti to argue against women’s reservations in Assembly and Parliament on the grounds that women ought always to be ‘kept under the control of men’. Despite all its rhetoric of ‘Beti Bachao’, BJP has been acting as a ‘Balatkari Bachao’ party in multiple instances.
The BJP projects itself as pro-Dalit but attacks Dalits mercilessly and relentlessly at societal and institutional levels. The institutional murder of Rohit Vemula and many other students, the Una floggings, the Hindutva violence at Bhima Koregaon and the vindictive arrests of progressive Dalit bahujan journalists, activists and intellectuals (e.g. Prashant Kanojia, Anand Teltumbde, Sudhir Dhawale, Adv Surendra Gadling, multiple arrests of Chandrashekar Azad) are cases in point. In Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath’s rule has enabled the caste consolidation of Thakurs, to which caste the Hathras murderers belong, by favoring them in government appointments as well as by recruiting them in private militias such as the Hindu Yuva Vahini.
The rise of Hindutva has also been marked by increasing authoritarianism and political control over the administration and police forces. The authoritarianism and pro-government approach of the police was and is on naked display in Hathras: the police tried to cover up a gruesome crime committed by Thakur men, did not allow the victim’s family to receive her dead body, and later declared Hathras a containment zone in order to prevent protests from breaking out.
The U.P. government has been one of the most authoritarian state governments of recent times, arresting anti-CAA dissenters, enabling arrests without FIRs, registering mass FIRs on thousands and particularly targeting muslims, bringing the police force in alignment with Hindutva through para recruitments. The Gujarat Police too has displayed similar traits. Devji Maheshwari’s murderers were arrested only after his wife fought back bravely and refused to accept his body unless the arrests were made.
NAPM stands in unflinching solidarity with all the families of survivors / victims of caste-based violence and demand the following:
· The rapists and murderers should be punished stringently as per SC & ST (PoA) and all such cases in U.P. and Gujarat must be investigated expeditiously. The Allahabad High Court must constitute an independent, time-bound Commission of Inquiry into the Hathras episode and hold all the perpetrators and enablers of the crime fully accountable.
· The families of all the victims must be provided with full security and safety. As per the directions of the Supreme Court, witness protection must be ensured, especially considering the manner in which the family of the Hathras victim feels isolated and terrorized.
· Strict action must be taken as per PoA Act on police and government officials who refused to file an appropriate FIR in time, who cremated the victim in a clandestine way in the dead of the night, who were complicit in covering up and attempting to destroy the case and evidence, persecuting the already distraught family.
· All state governments and Centre must ensure the scrupulous implementation of the SC & ST Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 in addition to the Criminal Law Amendments 2013 and recommendations of the Justice J.S. Verma Committee, 2013. All cases of sexual violence on dalit and adivasi women must be fast-tracked, as per PoA.
· The Chief Minister of UP must step down for having failed miserably to protect the constitutional, legal and human rights of multiple marginalized sections including dalit, adivasi women and muslims.
· The state governments must put an end to police and administrative high-handedness, especially the increasing cases of custodial deaths. The attacks on activists and repression of dissent should stop immediately.
· Police-State must stop criminalizing peaceful and democratic protests that express much needed citizens outrage against caste and gender-based violence or atrocities on other marginalized communities.
We are committed to full accountability of the perpetrators, but wish to state that demands for ‘hanging’ the rapists, castration or extra-judicial killings of the accused are unacceptable and in no way address the structural and institutional reasons for repeated denial of dignity and justice to the survivors and victims. These forms of punishment are only an eye-wash and makes an already unaccountable State more powerful.
Further, as we demand actions and accountability of the State, we must remember that the key to realizing many of these also lies in intensifying our struggles in annihilation of caste and patriarchy, as systemic and pervasive agencies of oppression.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For more information: napm...@gmail.com
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Babri Masjid demolition a criminal act and CBI Court verdict must be challenged
NAPM Condemns the criminal neglect of the prosecution in the case and complete denial of the findings of the Liberhan Commission
New Delhi, October 3, 2020 : NAPM is shocked and dismayed at the verdict of the CBI Special Court in acquitting all 32 persons accused of being responsible for the demolition of Babri masjid on December 6, 1992. For reasons best known to it, the CBI led a weak prosecution based upon defective evidence, even though the Liberhan Commission after its detailed investigation (1992-2009) pointed to the involvement of senior RSS and BJP leaders, including L K Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Uma Bharti. It is indeed sad commentary for our democracy that active participants in a movement such as this often say one thing inside Court and the exact opposite outside it and yet go scot-free. The Judgement running in to 2,300 pages then goes at length to say that there was no active conspiracy, it’s a mockery of the rule of law.
The verdict does nothing to remedy the illegality of the demolition, which was recognized by the Supreme Court in its Ayodhya Verdict on November 9, 2019, but on the other hand has encouraged claims for demolition of other mosques, leading inevitably to increasing discord, hate and violence in society. Further, the verdict trivializes Supreme Court’s comment that the Babri masjid demolition was “an egregious violation of rule of law”.
Prima facie, it appears that the Prosecution not only failed to do its job but also willfully worked in favour of pleasing its political masters, since on record, in front of Liberhan Commission, Uma Bharti, one of the co-accused had taken responsibility for her role in the demolition of the mosque. There is enough evidence visual and written in public domain from the times where their speeches, actions and everything has been recorded. Photographs of leading lights who were leading the Ramjanmabhoomi movement and were on stage near the site of the demolition celebrating the fall of the mosque are a case in point. All right thinking citizens are therefore dismayed at the decision that they had no role in the demolition of the Babri Masjid. NAPM condemns this decision of the CBI court and demands that this be challenged in the High court.
The verdict has shocked everyone, though given the state of affairs and continued miscarriage of justice in recent times, it has not come as a surprise to many. This completely falls in the current pattern where students activists, professors, lawyers, journalists, human rights activists and critics of the regime are being arrested on false charges, and conspiracies are being established on WhatsApp chats and social media posts, case being Bhima Koregaon Conspiracy and Delhi Riots Conspiracy. The judicial system has always been seen as the last recourse of common people in the face of a rapacious executive and a complicit legislature, which are destroying the social fabric of our nation. Unfortunately, judiciary is abdicating its responsibility.
We urge that the Supreme Court takes suo moto note of this verdict and brings the perpetrators to justice. The demolition of Babri mosque was a body blow to the secular fabric of the nation and a criminal act. And it is with deep sorrow that we note that the Ram Mandir will be built on the back of demolition, violence and miscarriage of justice.
We the People, who have faith in the Constitution of India, are being constantly failed by its three pillars, and all public servants. In the face of failing democracy, we still believe and trust that the Judiciary at all levels will yet rise above the political pressures that it faces, and display its independence. We expect it to stand tall with courage and belief in the power of truth, to uphold justice without fear or favour, and honour their Constitutional oath to serve the People of India.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, Khudai Khidmatgar, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Sister Dorothy, Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For more information: napm...@gmail.com
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
प्रेम-भाईचारे के संदेश की सजा जेल नहीं: अमन चाहने वालों पर दमन नामंजूर
दुर्भावना-पूरक तरीके से दर्ज FIR वापिस लो !
2 नवंबर, 2020: खुदाई खिदमतगार के संस्थापक सदस्य फैसल खान की गिरफ्तारी और उनके साथी चांद मोहम्मद, आलोक रतन व निलेश गुप्ता के खिलाफ मथुरा के नंद बाबा के मंदिर में नमाज पढ़ने और उसकी फोटो खींचने, उसे वायरल करने के लिए मुकदमा दर्ज किया गया। 3 दिन पहले दर्ज किए मुकदमें मे आज फैसल खान को दिल्ली स्थित उनके "अपना घर" से गिरफ्तार करके बरसाना थाना, उत्तर प्रदेश मथुरा ले जाया गया है। FIR भा.द.वि की धारा 153(ए), 295 तथा 505 के तहत दर्ज की गई है |
29 अक्टूबर को फैसल खान की फेसबुक पर यह अपडेट था। "Yatra Completed#बृज 84, कोस परिक्रमा यात्रा” सर्वधर्म समभाव प्रेम, करुणा और धार्मिक सहष्णुता के लिए l 26 से 29 अक्तूबर@यात्रा का समापन नन्द गांव के “नन्द बाबा मंदिर” में हुआ l ब्रज की ख़ाक में घूमते हुए मुहब्बतों और इनायतों से भरा सफर खत्म हुआ l"
खुदाई खिदमतगार के फेसबुक पेज पर अन्य व्हाट्सएप समूहों पर लगातार यात्रा के संदेश, हर जगह मंदिरों में मत्था टेकते हुए, सभी जगह उनका प्रेम से स्वागत हुआ। कही एक संत से आशीर्वाद लेते हुए, कंही कोई संत रामनोमी पहना रहा है । ऐसे चित्र भी लगातार उनकी यात्रा से सोशल मीडिया पर आते रहे हैं। बृज भूमि को प्रेम का संदेश देने वाली, सब को जोड़ने वाली भूमि मानते हुए, सहिष्णुता प्रेम मोहब्बत का संदेश देकर यह यात्रा चौथे दिन 29 अक्टूबर 2020 को नंद बाबा के मंदिर में समाप्त हुई। यात्रा की ओर से संदेश था कि "मंदिर देखने के बाद नमाज का समय होने पर उन्होंने अनुमति लेकर वही नमाज अदा की।" यह यात्रा के संदेश और भारतीय साधारण जनमानस की आपसी सहिष्णुता का प्रतीक है।
खुदाई खिदमतगार की ओर से लगातार विभिन्न यात्राओं का आयोजन किया जाता रहा है। जिसमें सब को जोड़ने की बात, प्रेम - विश्वास बढ़ाने की बात का प्रचार किया गया है। खुदाई खिदमतगार सभी धर्मों के संतों से भी जाकर मिलता रहा हैं। काफी संत दिल्ली में जामिया नगर स्थित "अपना घर" में आते रहे हैं। देश भर से विभिन्न धर्मों के तमाम युवा शांति-भाईचारे का संदेश "अपना घर" से लेते रहे हैं। देश के विभिन्न विषयों पर खासी समझ रखने वाले लोग भी अपना घर में पहुंचते रहे हैं। लॉकडाउन के दौरान राशन पहुंचाने का महत्व कार्य न केवल अपना घर अपितु खुदाई खिदमतगार के देश भर की साथी करते रहे है। फैसल खान, खुदाई खिदमतगार के कन्वीनर होने के नाते इन सब कामों का समन्वय बखूबी निभाते रहे हैं। फैसल भाई, जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय के राष्ट्रीय समन्वयकों की मंडली के वरिष्ट सदस्य भी हैं।
इन युवाओं पर यह मुकदमा अपने आप में न केवल अशोभनीय है, बल्कि हास्यास्पद भी है। जिस तरह से भाईचारे के संदेश को पूरी तरह उलट कर कुछ खास मानसिकता के संगठन और मीडिया का एक वर्ग प्रचारित कर रहा है, वह भी निंदनीय है। इन सब के बावजूद भी फैजल खान ने "किसी का किसी बात से यदि दिल दुखा है तो वह उसके लिए माफी चाहते हैं क्योंकि इसके पीछे कोई गलत सोच नहीं थी" ऐसा कहा।
हम मानते हैं कि उन पर मुकदमा थोपना, उनके शांतिपूर्ण कार्यों व धार्मिक सहिष्णुता को बढ़ावा देने का नतीजा है। यह देखा जा रहा है कि प्रेम और शांति जैसे शब्दों को, जो कि भारत के संविधान की आत्मा हैं, पूरी तरह तोड़ मरोड़ कर भारतीय समाज को एक विध्वंस की ओर ले जाया जा रहा है। "खान अब्दुल गफ्फार खान" द्वारा स्थापित "खुदाई खिदमतगार" के साथी उन नौजवानों के लिए बेहतरीन उदाहरण हैं जो मजहबी पाखंड को ही कौम या मजहब की सेवा का एकमात्र मार्ग समझते हैं।
जहां एक तरफ धार्मिक विद्वेष सत्ता की समर्थन संरक्षण से कुछ तथाकथित संगठनों के द्वारा फैलाया जा रहा है, ऐसे समय में खुदाई खिदमतगार की इस तरह की यात्रा देश के संविधान को संजीवनी देने का काम है। इस तरह की यात्राओं से देश के लोगों की असली मानसिकता सामने आती है, जो मंदिर, मस्जिदों, गुरुद्वारे, गिरजाघर आदि में दुआओं के लिए जाते हैं।
सांप्रदायिक ताकतों को यही आपसी मेल मिलाप चुभता है। इसीलिए वे हर उस पुल को, हर उस व्यक्ति को जो ऐसे पुल बनाता है, अपने निशाने पर लेते हैं। और किसी भी तरह की झूठे इल्जाम लगाकर, सत्ता के संरक्षण से आवाज बंद करने की कोशिश करते हैं। इस मुद्दे पर भी उनकी पूरी ट्रोल आर्मी काम पर लगी नजर आती है। जो दशकों से जगह-जगह धार्मिक उन्माद फैलाने का काम करते रहे, अब सोशल मीडिया भी उनका एक ठिकाना है।
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय का मानना है कि फैसल खान और उनके साथियों के विरुद्ध दर्ज FIR एक दुर्भावना पूर्वक कृत्य है | हम मांग करते है कि FIR को तत्काल खारिज किया जाए और फैसल खान को ससम्मान तत्काल रिहा किया जाए |
हमें न्यायपालिका से विशेष अपेक्षा है कि वह बृज की चौरासी कोस की साइकिल यात्रा पर निकले खुदाई खिदमतगार दिल्ली के फैसल खान, मोहम्मद चांद व उनके साथी गांधीवादी कार्यकर्ता नीलेश गुप्ता, आलोक रत्न को बाईज्जत बरी करेगी।
हम न्यायपालिका से न्याय की आशा रखते हुए, समाज से अपील करते हैं कि वह सच्चाई को जानकर, सांप्रदायिक ताकतों को शिकस्त देते हुए प्रेम और भाईचारे का संदेश देने वाली इस तरह की यात्रा के यात्रियों व आयोजकों के साथ खड़ा होगा।
हम फैसल खान और उनके साथी चांद मोहम्मद, आलोक रतन व निलेश गुप्ता के साथ है। हम दमन के खिलाफ और अमन के साथ हैं|
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For more information: napm...@gmail.com
संलग्न:
1. खुदाई खिदमदगार का वक्तव्य
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
Prison is not the place for messengers of Love & Brotherhood!
NAPM Condemns the persecution of those promoting peace!
Free Faisal Khan: Take back the malicious and ill motivated FIR!
2nd Nov, 2020: A founding member of Khudai Khidmatgar, Faisal Khan was arrested today (2nd Nov evening) from their communal harmony centre, ‘Sabka Ghar’ in Delhi and taken to Uttar Pradesh, by the UP police. Along with Faisal Khan, three other members of the organization, Chand Mohammed, Alok Ratan, and Nilesh Gupta have been charged u/s 153(A), 295 and 505 of the IPC in an FIR filed for offering namaz in the Nand Baba temple in Mathura on 29th Oct. 2020, for taking photos and for sharing the photos on social media.
On 29th Oct, Faisal Khan posted this update on this Facebook account “Yatra Completed # Braj 84 Kos Parikrama - a yatra from 26th to 29th Oct for religious harmony, love, kindness and tolerance. The yatra ended at Nand Baba Temple in the village Nand near Mathura. A journey full of love and brotherhood through the Braj has come to an end.”
Regular updates in both messages and photos were being posted on the Khudai Khidmatgar Facebook page and on Whatsapp groups during the yatra - from paying their respects in various temples, to receiving welcomes from everyone around, to blessings from priests and saints, to sometimes being gifted the ramnavmi gamcha / a sacred scarf ! Rekindling the messages of love and brotherhood epitomized in the stories of Braj, the yatra was an attempt to bring together people of various faiths and spread the messages of religious harmony, tolerance and love. On the fourth day, i.e. 29th Oct, the yatra ended in the Nand Baba temple. A message posted from the yatra said, “After going to the temple and paying respects, it was the time for namaz. They sought permission and offered their namaz there itself.” The message was yet another example of the congeniality and harmony between different religions we find among the common people across the country.
Khudai Khidmatgar regularly organizes yatra to spread the messages of unity, peace, love, tolerance, communal harmony and mutual trust and familiarity between people of various faiths. Khudai Khidmatgar members go and meet with the priests and saints of all faiths. Quite a few saints and ascetics come to the ‘Sabka Ghar’ situated in Jamia Nagar where the Khudai Khidmatgar live and work from. Sabka Ghar has been the fountain head for messages of unity, peace and fraternity for many youths and their organizations belonging to different religions.
People with deep knowledge and understanding of the various issues facing various communities across the country come to and share their knowledge and insights with those in and around Sabka Ghar. During the covid-19 pandemic lockdown, the Khudai Khidmatgar in Sabka Ghar as well as around the country, stepped up to the task of helping the most vulnerable get food and rations in many states. They have helped people during the Assam floods. Faisal Khan, being the convenor of the Khudai Khidmatgar, has been an able and effective co-ordinator for all its activities. Faisal is also a respected and loved member of the NAPM national convenors group.
The charges filed against these youth leaders are unbecoming and ironical. The motivated and malicious tilt given by certain elements in society today and a slice of the mainstream media is vigorously condemned. Despite all this, just as he was being arrested, Faisal Khan said, “If anyone is hurt by our words or actions, we apologize and would like to clarify that there was no ill-intentions behind them”.
We believe that the charges filed against these youth leaders has been a direct result of their peaceful work and messages of love, tolerance and unity. There are multiple instances where voices calling for peace, love and tolerance - core values enshrined in our constitution - are being targeted with an intention to create or deepen rifts within Indian society. The ideals espoused by Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan when he founded the Khudai Khidmatgars provide the antidote to the venom spewed by those who think that religious fundamentalism is the only way to practice their faith.
Certain elements within society, supported by the State, are working to increase religious divides and animosity. The messages of the Khudai Khidmatgar youth are like bandages on an injured constitution. Yatra such as the one undertaken by the Khudai Khidmatgar, bring out in the open the centrality of peace, love, and tolerance as the core values of the common people, even those who go to a temple, or mosque, or gurdwara or church.
Fundamentalist forces are rankled by such efforts to increase peace and tolerance. Such bridges, and those who build such bridges, soon become the target of attacks by fundamentalist elements. False accusations and support from an indifferent State are being attempted to be used to silence voices of peace, love and tolerance. The forces that have been brewing discontent and fueling enmity among different religions in society are today spewing their venom through a section of mainstream media and on social media through their troll army and are targeting Khudai Khidmatgar there as well.
National Alliance of People’s Movements believes that the FIR lodged against Faisal Khan and his compatriots is false and ill intentioned. We demand that the FIR be quashed and Faisal Khan be released immediately with an appropriate recognition and respect for his efforts.
We hope that the judiciary shall dismiss all the false charges filed against the 4 members of Khudai Khidmatgar.
We appeal to the civil society to defeat fundamentalist forces and stand with those speaking truth and spreading messages of peace, love and tolerance.
We stand in solidarity with Faisal Khan, Chand Mohammed, Alok Ratan and Nilesh Gupta.
We stand united against persecution! We stand united for peace!!
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana;
Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; Aashray Abhiyan, NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
NAPM in Solidarity with All Demands of Samyukt Kisan Morcha and AIKSCC
27th November, 2020
To,
Shri Narendra Modi,
Prime Minister of India.
Dear Shri Narendra Modi ji,
As you are aware, determined and resolute farmers are marching towards Delhi in
lakhs from different states of India, including Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh,
Uttarakhand, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra and so on, under the leadership of various national
and regional platforms of farmers organisations. A Samyukt Kisan Morcha was
created in the recent past as a coordination mechanism for this Dilli Chalo
program of the farmers.
These farmers, including
youth, have had to face unprecedented obstacles placed in their way by Haryana
and Uttar Pradesh governments presumably also at the behest of the central
government, which tried every possible means to stop them – regular barricades,
sand-laden trucks in multiple layers, barbed wire fences, huge boulders placed
across the roads and even trenches on the road, water canons and tear gas. All
of this in the cruel winter in north India. We are still managing to march
forward, and thankfully without any untoward incident so far.
Thousands of farmers have reached the borders of the capital region of the
country, and just like we have been resolutely moving forward, we shall continue
to do so today as well.
The nation, and the Government of India in particular have reached a crucial
juncture when they have to ensure that farmers should not undergo this, and to
ensure that no untoward incident occurs in an unfortunate stand-off between our
annadatas and the government. It is because our voices were not heard and taken
into account when framing the ordinances or passing them as Acts in the
Parliament that has brought about this situation. The representations given to
you multiple times in mounting agitations by farmers and their organisations
across India are yet to receive replies from you.
At least now, the government of India should stop its confrontationist attitude of denying the largest section of our society an opportunity to be heard and sincere dialogue should be initiated.
It becomes meaningless for the government to offer talks and not create a
conducive atmosphere for such talks to happen.
It is against this background that we write to you to urge you to urgently:
• ensure that the farmers have a free and safe passage into Delhi without creating a situation where any untoward incident is justified later on, as having been necessitated, which will cause a completely avoidable break away from the very peaceful manner that we have adopted so far;
• allot us a space like Ramlila Maidan where we can gather and also hold talks with the government.
• Call the all-India/regional platforms of the farmers for sincere discussions with senior ministers of your cabinet on our demands to repeal the 3 Farm Acts, the Electricity Bill 2020 and the Labour Codes.
Sincerely,
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
WE EXPRESS OUR SOLIDARITY WITH
Coordination Committee of Samyukt Kisan Morcha
Balbir Singh Rajewal, Daljeet Singh Dallewala, Gurnam Singh Chaduni, VM Singh,
Raju Shetti, Shivkumar Sharma Kakkaji, Yogendra Yadav
National Working Group of All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee
(AIKSCC):
• VM Singh, Rashtriya Kisan Mazdoor Sanghatan (Convenor)
• Avik Saha, Jai Kisan Andolan (Organising Secretary)
• Dr Ashish Mital and V Venkataramaiah, All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha
• Dr Ashok Dhawale and Hannan Mollah, All India Kisan Sabha
• Atul Kumar Anjaan and Bhupinder Samber, All India Kisan Sabha
• Dr Darshan Pal, Krantikari Kisan Union
• Jagmohan Singh, BKU Dakaunda
• Kavitha Kuruganti and Kiran Vissa, ASHA-Kisan Swaraj
• Kodihalli Chandrasekhar, Karnataka Rajya Raitha Sangha
• Medha Patkar, National Alliance for People's Movements
• Pratibha Shinde, Lok Sangharsh Morcha
• Rajaram Singh and Premsingh Gehlawat, All India Kisan Mahasabha
• Raju Shetti, Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana
• Richa Singh, Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sanghatan
• Satnam Singh Ajnala, Jamhoori Kisan Sabha
• Satyawan, All India Kisan Khet Mazdoor Sanghatan
• Dr Sunilam, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti
• Tajinder Singh Virk, Terai Kisan Sabha
• Yogendra Yadav, Jai Kisan Andolan
BKU (Rajewal)
S. Balbir Singh Rajewal
BKU (Chaduni)
S. Gurnam Singh Chadhuni
Rampal Chahal, Ganna Sangharsh Samiti, Bhadson
Vinod Rana, Ganna Sangharsh Samiti, Sahjadpur
Satyawan Danoda, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti
National Coordination Committee of Rashtriya Kisan Mahasangh
• Shiv Kumar Kakkaji, President, Rashtriya Kisan Mazdoor Mahasangh
• Jagjeet Singh Dallewal, President, BKU Ekta Sidhupur
• Rishipal Ambavta, President, BKU (A)
• Harpal Choudhary, President, BKU (AA)
• Kurburu Shantakumar, President, Karnataka Sugarcane Farmers Association
• J. K. Patel, Gujarat State President, Rashtriya Kisan Mazdoor Mahasangh
• Manjit Singh Rai, President, BKU Doaba
• Sewa Singh Arya, Vice President, BKU
• Jasbir Singh Bhatti, President, National Farmers Organization
• Tanvir Ahmad Dar, J&K President, RKMMS
• Laxman Wange, Kisan Kranti Morcha
• K. V. Biju, National Coordinator, Rashtriya Kisan Mahasangh
• Santveer Singh, Convenor, Ganganagar Kisan Samiti
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
NAPM SUPPORTS THE BHARAT BANDH ON 8TH DECEMBER
Withdraw the 3 Pro-Corporate, Anti-Farmer Laws:
Uphold Farmers Sovereignty Over Agriculture
Historic Farmers Resistance is a Struggle to Reclaim Democracy from Fascists
7th Dec, 2020: National Alliance of Peoples’ Movements (NAPM) expresses its complete solidarity with ongoing farmers’ nation-wide protests and endorses the Bharat Bandh on 8th December. The call has come after several rounds of failed negotiation between the protesting farmers in Delhi and the Govt. of India, over the three Farm Acts and the Electricity Bill which together are bound to corporatize farming and makes lives of millions of farmers, especially small and marginal farmers, increasingly precarious.
Far from paying heed to the farmers’ concerns, the government has met the protestors with lathi charge, water cannons despite the cold, and trenches to stop their march. With the help of their allies in the mainstream media, politicians of the ruling party have cast aspersions on the intentions behind the protests, labelling the farmers from Punjab as ‘proponents of Khalistan and secessionists’, much like the way dissenters of all hues have been termed ‘Urban Naxals’ in an attempt to delegitimize them in the eyes of the wider public. That the vibrant protests have been thriving and surviving despite the multiple attacks of the State and fake narratives is testimony to the spirit of the farming community across India and especially the farmers from Punjab and the neighbouring states who have set-up indefinite camp in Delhi.
The agriculture sector contributes nearly 15 percent to India’s economic growth but employs about half of the country’s population. Over the last decade, the sector has witnessed a crisis of productivity, indebtedness and farmers’ suicide (501 in Punjab last year). Narendra Modi won the last elections on the promise of doubling farm income but has now promulgated a set of laws that look to strengthen corporate profits rather than farmers’ income and have in the process compromised farmers’ dignity and their rights over land and livelihood. The three contentious Acts, passed by India’s Parliament (despite questionable parliamentary processes), appear to ‘enable farmers’ to sell their produce directly to private buyers and enter into contracts with private companies. The government claims that the private sector investments will stimulate growth.
Corporate led growth has, however, led to massive corporate profits and precarity for the workers in every sector, and the farming sector is unlikely to be an exception. Pointing out this likelihood, the farmers have suggested that they were free to sell their produce to private buyers even earlier. Far from enabling them to earn profits sans meditation by middlemen, the Acts put the small farmers, who till over 86% of India’s cultivated farmland, at the mercy of big corporates. These take away the minimum support prices and fertilizer subsidies, and even the legal channels of dispute settlement through regular courts. The farmers predict an increased input burden, debts, losses and increase farm suicides and displacement from land.
Though centered in Punjab and Haryana, the ongoing protests have an all-India resonance and have received widespread participation and support from farmers groups across India as well as transport employees and other workers’ unions, civil society organisations, academics, students and ordinary citizens, who would also eventually be impacted by these laws. Solidarities have been extended out of shared concerns for farmers’ rights, India’s food sovereignty and federalism as well, since the Acts look to cut out state revenues from the mandis.
Led by farmers’ unions such as Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) (Ekta Ugrahan), BKU (Dakounda), Kirti Kisan Union, and Punjab Kisan Union, and displaying cross sectional solidarity, between farmers big and small, Jat and Dalit, as well as between different sections of Punjabi society, women and students in particular, the farmers’ movement has emerged as an important struggle within the spectrum of movements that are seeking a way out of the Hindutva/corporate matrix of power. The All India Kisan Sangharsh Co-ordination Committee, the Sanyukt Kisan Morcha and the dozens of unions in Punjab and Haryana have together ensured that these Acts receive the toughest possible challenge from farmers across India.
Precisely around this time, last year, India rose up in rage against the regressive Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens, with muslim women, youth and students at hundreds of protest sites across the country leading an inspiring resistance to defend the constitution, which guarantees all citizens equal rights and dignity. The farmers movement, this season, dovetails with the widespread people’s opposition to the pro-corporate, majoritarian and authoritarian rule of the current government. Each of these movements feed into the larger struggle against the fascist regime which is breaking up our democracy brick-by-brick !
The way these Farm Acts and the Electricity Amendment Bill have been introduced and imposed without consultation with State Governments, inspite of the subjects being in the concurrent lists is another example, like the New Education Policy 2020, by which the Centre is striking a blow to the Federal structure of the Constitution. It is in this context:
NAPM calls upon all sections of our society to stand with the historic struggle of farmers and participate actively in the Bharat Bandh on 8th December.
NAPM commits to intensify the struggle, along with other organizations until the core demands of repeal of the 3 Farm Acts, withdrawal of Electricity Amendment Bill and legal guarantee for Minimum Support Price to all crops are met.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, Rajesh Serupally, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nawaz, Dwiji, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Suthanthiran, Lenin & Arul Doss, NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
16th Dec, 2020: The farmers and workers movement in the country are at its peak today. The issues raised are not limited to the three farm acts alone but the movement has raised the issue of equity and justice to the farming population, which is facing a crisis for long.
The struggle is to prevent corporatisation of the agrarian sector which is a concern shared by many across the world who stand to save agriculture from the unjustified brutal assault by the transnational corporations supported and promoted by the State.
Here is a statement received by us from 82 people's organisations, civil society groups, social movements and concerned individuals extending their solidarity to the movement at a critical time in India today.
NAPM welcomes this initiative and expects further international actions and solidarity in support of the ongoing struggle.
Press Note
International organisations and individuals from more than 25 countries extend solidarity to the ongoing historic farmers and workers movement in India
“We stand in solidarity and are inspired by the nationwide movement of farmers and in support of farmers. They feed the nation but are being stripped of the means to feed themselves and their families. We support their stand against neoliberal corporatism. They present a beacon of hope to the millions of Indians who have been ridden over roughshod by the current government.”
Several international organisations have extended support and solidarity to the ongoing farmers movements in the country and have urged the government to accede to the demands of the movement. This comes on the heels of the wide global coverage of the ongoing farmers and workers movement in international media and demonstrations organized in several European and North American cities by Indian diaspora and others. Earlier questions were raised in the parliament of UK and several political parties and organisations and have raised concern on the way farmers' protests have been treated by the Indian government.
They said, “we stand in solidarity with the ongoing historic farmers protest in India and extend support to their demands.
It is worrying to see the subversion of democratic norms and enactment of pro-corporate laws against farmers, workers and toiling masses.” Another signatory added, “every meal we eat depends on farmers, yet the people who work our lands and produce our foods are never the priority of politicians. Solidarity for all the farmers in India standing up for dignity and inspiring the world in the process.”
They have urged the government of India to talk to farmers and repeal three laws immediately.
********
Solidarity Statement from International Organisations to Historic Farmers and Workers Strike in India
We stand in solidarity with the ongoing historic farmers protest in India and extend support to their demands. On June 5, 2020, amidst the spread of COVID -19 pandemic, the Government of India hastily passed three ordinances namely Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020; Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020; and Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020. By September 2020, these ordinances were made into law without sufficient parliamentary discussion or any talks with the farmer’s representative and its possible ramifications on their lives.
It is worrying to see the subversion of democratic norms and enactment of
pro-corporate laws against farmers, workers and toiling masses. India already
witnessed a huge humanitarian crisis in wake of the strict lockdown and
millions of migrant workers, small and marginal farmers were left to fend for
themselves, as the institutional mechanisms were not set in place to safeguard
them. There is an unfolding economic crisis but rather than taking steps to
help people, another set of anti-people laws have been passed further affecting
millions of people again.
The farms bills are going to affect not only the farmers of India but also the
agricultural workers, small traders, and common people and promote large scale
corporate control of the farming sector impacting the food security and
sovereignty.
Farmers and workers have been protesting these laws since its inception and
then passage in the Parliament. With the demand to repeal these three farm
laws, Thousands of farmers from across India started their march towards Delhi
on November 25, 2020. They were stopped at the State borders, brutally lathi
charged, and faced tear gas shells and water cannons on the way. They are
camping for two weeks now at the borders of Delhi and were joined by trade
unions, small traders associations, feminist organisations and others in their
call for all India strike on December 8th. Support from different parts of the
world has been pouring in too and farmers' protests have also stood with the
political prisoners in India, broadening the ambit of the struggle for social
justice.
We urge the government of India to talk to farmers and repeal these anti
farmer laws. We stand in solidarity with the farmers and agrarian workers in
their strike for justice, freedom and sovereignty.
Organizations:
1. Aid/Watch, Australia
2. Asia Europe People's Forum, Asia-Europe
3. ATTAC France
4. Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium
5. CEDETIM (Centre d'études et d'initiatives pour la solidarité internationale) France la Solidarité Internationale), France
6. Centro de Documentación en Derechos Humanos "Segundo Montes Mozo SJ" (CSMM), Ecuador
7. CERAS (Centre sur l'asie du sud/South Asia Centre), Canada
8. City University of New York, USA
9. CLEAN (Coastal Livelihood and Environmental Action Network), Bangladesh
10.Emmaus, Sweden
11.EU Liberal Indians, Netherlands
12.Federación de Villas, Núcleos y Barrios Marginados, Argentina
13.FIAN Suisse, Switzerland
14.Food Security Network- Khani, Bangladesh
15.Friends of india, Texas, USA
16.Global Diaspora Alliance, UK
17.Global Sisterhood Network, Australia
18.Haki Nawiri Afrika, Kenya
19.India Solidarity Germany, Germany
20.Indian Alliance Paris, France
21.Indian Solidarity Finland, Finland
22.International Alliance of Inhabitants, Zimbabwe
23.International Human Rights Council- IHRC, Hong Kong
24.International Peace Research Association, USA
25. International Solidarity for Academic Freedom in India (InSAF India), Indian diaspora across continents
26.Intersindical Valenciana, País Valencià
27.Junta Cívica Paraje El Pinar (Fuente Clara), Colombia
28.Katajamaeki Ecocommunity, Finland
29.Kilusan para sa Repormang Agraryo at Katarungang Panlipunan (KATARUNGAN), Philippines
30.Kowloon Union Church, Hong Kong
31.National Family Farm Coalition, USA
32.National Fisheries Solidarity, Sri Lanka
33.New Zealanders United to Save the Indian Constitution, New Zealand
34.Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum, Pakistan
35.Pakistan Kissan Rabita Committee, Pakistan
36.Progressive India Collective, USA
37.Rob Dreaming, UK
38.Scottish Indians for justice, United Kingdom
39.SeedChange, Canada
40.Students Against Hindutva Ideology, United States of America
41.Svalorna, Sweden
42.Tampadipa Institute, Myanmar
43.The Humanism Project, Australia
44.The Liberal indians – France
45.The London Story, Netherlands
46.The Oakland Institute, USA
47.The Swallows India Bangladesh, Sweden
48.Transnational Institute, Netherlands
49.Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, Ecuador
50.Universidad y Compromiso Social de Sevilla, Sweden
51.Voices Against Fascism in India, United States
52.WomanHealth Philippines
53.All India Union of Forest Working People, India
54.Indigenous Women India Network
55.People's Responsible Organization of United Dharavi(PROUD), India
Individuals
56.Asad Rauf, Netherlands
57.Bruce Van Voorhis, United States
58.C Jhonston, PhD Candidate at the Balsillie School of International Affairs, Canada
59.Caitilin McMillan, USA
60.Cecelia Heffron, United States
61.Cesare Ottolini – Global Coordinator, International Alliance of Inhabitants
62.Chandana Vasanth, Germany
63.Dr P A Azeez, India
64.Dr. Christophe Golay, Switzerland
65.Elizabeth Gilarowski, Canada
66.Emilio Mentasti, Italy
67.Haroon, Australia
68.Helena Paul, UK
69.Hiranmay Dhar, India
70.Judy Rebick, Canada
71.Karin Gabbert, Germany
72.Mabrouka M’Barek, Tunisia
73.Mara Bonacci, australia
74.Marco Bruni, Italia
75.Matti Korhonen, Finland
76.Natalie Lowrey, Australia
77.Nick Buxton, United States
78.Olli Tammilehto, Finland
79.Patrick Bond, South Africa
80.Phyllis Wong, Hong Kong
81.Rudy Turnstone, USA
82.Sadhu Binning, Canada
83.Tessa Burrington, England
For more information: napm...@gmail.com
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
NAPM condemns right-wing violence targeting Muslim community in MP
Demands unbiased investigation and stringent action against the culprits
Madhya Pradesh Govt. must uphold the
constitutional rights of religious minorities
State Govt. must ensure safety of citizens, peace and tranquility at all costs
3rd Jan, 2021: NAPM is deeply disturbed and outraged at multiple instances targeting the muslim community and their localities, places of worship in the districts of Mandsaur, Ujjain and Indore in Madhya Pradesh. We clearly see a pattern in these crimes to incite hate and violence against the muslims by certain Hindutva forces, with the BJP-ruled state government remaining luke-warm to the offences being committed. We are worried about the deteriorating atmosphere, appeal for calm from all communities and call for stringent action by the state government against the right-wing goons and organizations who have been responsible for the vandalism and violations.
Based on reports in the media and field information, it is learnt that as part of the week-long donation drive for construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, multiple incidents have occurred in the past week in the Malwa-Nimad region, a strong hold of the RSS.
1. BJYM Rally & Communal Incidents in Begumbagh, Ujjain:
On 25th December, about 300 members of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) and other right-wing organisations reportedly shouted inflammatory slogans, prompting residents to object to their rally in the Begumbagh locality, leading to stone-pelting and injuries to 11 individuals, with one person grievously injured. A day later, the Ujjain Municipal Corporation (UMC) came to remove ‘illegal structures’ in the area. However, a local social worker Mohammad Ayub claims that, when UMC officials realized that the house they were about to demolish belonged to a Hindu named Meerabai, they instead demolished the adjacent 2 story house of Abdul Hameed (Abdul Rafiq). Meerabai, who has temporarily given a room to Abdul to stay, says her neigbour is a working class person who built the house with hard work of 35 years !
Reports indicate that the police has so far arrested upto 18 residents of Begum Bagh, of whom about ten members (including Ayaz Mohammad, Wasim Aslam, Shadab Akram and Altu Aslam) have been booked under National Security Act (NSA) and ten others have been booked on charges of attempt to murder, rioting, voluntarily causing hurt and giving false statement. At least two of these are women. Apparently the police is on the lookout for two muslim women, Hina and Yasmeen. It is not clear if any members of the BJYM / rally participants have been arrested yet, in spite of video evidence showing them pelting stones.
2. Right-wing Rally in Chandankhedi, Indore:
On 28th December, ‘clashes’ with stone-pelting were reported from Indore during a rally organised by right-wing groups through Gautumpura, in Chandankhedi, an area with sizeable muslim population, leaving 5 people injured. As reported by officials, around 200 people chanted ‘Hanuman Chalisa’ and “Jai Shri Ram” slogans outside the mosque when prayers were being offered inside. This led to a heated exchange between the group of 200 people and Muslims, and to stone pelting. Witnesses inform that some members from the rally holding saffron flags climbed the mosque and tried to damage the minaret. Videos also showed the Hindutva group members trying to damage nearby houses and vehicles. The Indore police claims to have arrested upto 30 people, of which at least 27 are villagers and plans to make more arrests under NSA. A day after this incident, district administration began demolishing around 80 houses in the Muslim-locality of the village, for ‘widening the road’ and stated that this had ‘nothing to do’ with the violence on the previous day.
3. VHP Mega Rally in Dorana, Mandsaur:
It has been reported that on 29th Dec afternoon, a rally of an estimated 5,000 workers of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) marched the streets of Dorana village in Mandsaur district. At about the same time, a large mob played loud DJ music outside the mosque, vandalized and looted properties for almost 3-4 hrs in the muslim locality, which constitutes one-fifth of the village population. They also placed a saffron flag on the mosque. Petrified at the manner in which they were targeted, many muslims, including women fled their homes and some hid in the fields. VHP however claims their rally was ‘peaceful’ and ‘some other miscreants’ were responsible for the incident. The District SP has stated on record that no permission was taken for rally.
Media reports indicate damaged window panes, broken doors, walls scribbled with ‘Jai Shri Ram’ and many muslim villagers scared to return to their own homes. The police have since arrested five persons and registered an offence against 58 others based on complaints by the villagers. Apparently, the administration has lodged four FIRs for alleged vandalism and desecration of a religious place. The right-wing groups have also filed 2 FIRs against Muslims with the claim that they were abused and attacked.
Reports indicate that in some of these rallies, weapons were also carried. In a letter to the Dhar Collector dt. 26th Dec, Abdul Samad, one of the leaders of the Dhar Muslim community has raised the concern of biked right-wing rally members shouting offensive slogans and brandishing lathis, dandas and sharp weapons against Muslims. Mr. Samad has demanded legal action against the coordinator, organiser and participants of the rally.
This spate of incidents takes place just as Madhya Pradesh added its name to the growing list of states enacting anti-conversion laws. Taking the ‘Ordinance’ route, the Govt of MP enforced the Madhya Pradesh Religious Freedom Bill, 2020 (approved by the Madhya Pradesh Cabinet on 27th December). The Bill prescribes imprisonment upto 10 years and a fine of Rs. 1 lakh for ‘conversion through marriage or by any other forceful means’ and also makes stricter provisions for ‘mass conversions (of two or more people)’ and ‘religious conversion of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and minors’.
The relentless changes in legislation enabling targeting of minority communities, as well as the clear sense of impunity evident through the Ayodhya Verdict, the handling of the Delhi ‘Riots’ (2020) and similar incidents, further endangers an already vulnerable minority population, in particular, womxn, whose agency is held null and void. It must also be noted that, with an eye on the upcoming local body elections in MP, the state government has been using the incidents of communal hate to cover up its failures and the massive support being received for the farmers struggle in the state. The recent arrest of stand-up comedian Munawar Faruqui, along with Edwin Anthony, Prakhar Vyas, Priyam Vyas and Nalin Yadav on the charge of ‘hurting religious sentiments’ also needs to be seen in this broader context.
National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) condemns the targeted and organized right-wing attacks on muslim community, their localities and places of worship and demands the following:
a) An independent and time-bound judicial investigation into all the incidents of violence, vandalism and demolitions at Indore, Mandsaur, Ujjain and Dhar as part of the ‘Ram Mandir Nirman Nidhi Sangrah Abhiyan’.
b) Stringent legal action against the concerned persons and organizations who incited and participated in the violence as well as action against officials who were responsible for dereliction of duty.
c) Government must ensure the complete safety and security of all citizens, in particular those belonging to the vulnerable minority community.
d) Payment of appropriate compensation, based on market value, to all those persons whose property has been damaged in these incidents.
e) No permission must be accorded to any public rallies in the name of ‘temple construction’ that have potential to give rise to communal tensions and violence.
f) Govt of MP must immediately withdraw the unconstitutional Madhya Pradesh Religious Freedom Bill, 2020 that seeks to legitimise violence against minorities and their faith.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, Bargi Bandh Visthapit Evam Prabhavit Sangh and Pallav, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
End House Detention of NAPM National Convenor Richa Singh:
Withdraw notice issued to activist Ramjanam under the draconian ‘Goondas Act’
NAPM strongly condemns the arbitrary house detention of Richa Singh, member of Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan and National Convenor, NAPM by the Uttar Pradesh Police, since 7 January, 2021
The Farmers Movement cannot be quelled by detaining activists and protestors:
UP Govt must stop the draconian clamp down on democratic rights.
9th Jan, 2021: National Alliance of People’s Movements is deeply agitated at the arbitrary house detention of Richa Singh, founder member of Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, national convenor of NAPM, and a committed activist who has been working with women, workers, dalits and farmers for three decades in Sitapur, Uttar Pradesh. The UP police have detained her since the evening of 7th Jan, without an order or appropriate explanation.
In another part of the state, on the same day, an activist-delegation met the Divisional Commissioner, Varanasi and complained that the Police were reportedly calling them, even visiting their homes and harassing them for ‘going to Delhi and supporting the farmers' agitation’ ! The Additional District Magistrate has also issued a notice under Goondas Act to an activist Mr. Ramjanam, who has been directed to appear before the Court on 15th Jan. The delegation also complained of similar harassment of Krupa Verma, Fazl-ur-Rehman Ansari, Lakshmi Prasad by the police.
We see these incidents as targeting voices of dissent and an attempt to suppress the rightful participation in protests by activists and members of the civil society. Such incidents need to be brought to the notice of the media and the public, and the authorities must be held accountable for them. Uttar Pradesh Govt should not be allowed to justify its rampant lawlessness on the arbitrary grounds of ‘law and order’ !
Circumstances of the house detention of Richa:
On 7th January, Richa Singh was stopped by the police, as she was joining the tractor rally in support of the farmers’ protests, in Sitapur, UP. While she was permitted to join the rally after speaking to the authorities, she was followed by two plainclothes police personnel. On the evening of the same day, she was placed under house arrest and prevented from accessing medical care in Lucknow. The Sitapur kotwal, the City Magistrate and the CO, visited her house but were unwilling to provide more than ambiguous information regarding the reasons for her detention.
Lack of clarity regarding reasons for detention
In spite of multiple attempts to learn the reason why she has been placed under house arrest, the authorities only indicated that, based on ‘information’ they had received, they suspected she intended to join the farmers’ protests in Delhi. The details of this information have not been shared with her, contravening Richa Singh’s civil rights to be informed of the basis for her house arrest. There also does not seem to be an order for the arrest.
The authorities refused to take into account her repeated attempts to indicate that her intention was to visit a doctor in Lucknow, rather than join the farmers’ protests in Delhi. At the same time, participation in the farmers’ protests in itself could not have constituted grounds for house arrest, by any stretch of imagination.
Targeted state suppression of protest
All these incidents are part of a broader pattern of arbitrary detentions of democratic rights activists and leaders of farmer’s organisations across Uttar Pradesh and in other states of India. It reflects a rising trend to suppress voices of dissent and people’s demands, contravening the Supreme Court’s stand that protest is people’s constitutional right. Leaders and activists from various states, as well as members of the civil society, have been placed under house arrest and prevented from showing solidarity with the farmers’ protests from the beginning of the movement, including from holding local protests and joining the movement in Delhi. While this often takes place in the name of preventing the spread of the Coronavirus, it is in circumstances such as the present house arrest that the actual intention of the authoritarian State to clamp down on dissenting voices becomes clear.
National Alliance of People’s Movements demands that:
(i) UP police release Richa Singh from house arrest with immediate effect and allow her access to medical care and freedom of movement.
(ii) UP police and government provide adequate explanation and compensation for the unconstitutional curbing of her right to travel and to access medical care over more than 48 hours.
(iii) UP Police must immediately withdraw the notice issued to activist Ramjanam under the Goondas Act.
(iv) That authorities across different states ensure the protection of the civil rights of citizens including the right to protest and make demands of the elected government.
NAPM stands with all activists including Richa Singh, Ranjamam etc and asks citizens, activists and the media to vocally oppose such interference in the exercise of a citizen’s constitutional rights.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, Bargi Bandh Visthapit Evam Prabhavit Sangh and Pallav, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
(हिन्दी वक्तव्य और पोस्टर के लिए कृपया नीचे देखें)
NAPM condemns the denial of timely rehabilitation to 700 residents
whose homes at Dhobi House, Jamia Nagar were forcibly demolished by the DDA almost 4 months back
Salutes the ongoing struggle of the women of Dhobi Ghat Jhuggi Adhikar Manch and
supports their demand for “jahan jhuggi wahan makan” and compensation for all losses
Govt must stop all demolitions in the midst of Covid pandemic:
Follow Delhi Laws (Special Provisions) Act, 2006.
12th Jan, 2021: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is outraged at the continued callousness of Delhi Development Authority (DDA) to deny rehabilitation to more than 700 people whose homes at Dhobi Ghat, Jamia Nagar were demolished in Sep & Oct, 2020. We condemn the disregard for human life demonstrated by abandoning the residents to precarious lives and increased risk over 4 months, due to loss of shelter and livelihood in the midst of the Covid pandemic.
NAPM joins the Dhobi Ghat Jhuggi Adhikar Manch in demanding immediate quality rehabilitation at the site from where the people’s homes were demolished, and fair compensation for the losses suffered in the intervening winter months. The women’s andolan in the area requires widespread solidarity and support from all of us to end the abuse and harassment the community faces every day.
Demolition Drives:
DDA carried out large scale demolitions in Batla House at Dhobi Ghat, Jamia Nagar, Delhi, on 24th September 2020. More than 700 residents were forcefully evicted and over 200 huts were destroyed during the first phase of the drive. On 8th October 2020, the second phase of demolitions was initiated by DDA where the bulldozers destroyed the rest of the jhuggis when most residents were out at work. In December, the DDA intensified encroachment on the land of the residents and dug it up in order to construct huge boundaries and elevated structures resulting in deep swamps where their homes once stood.
Actions of DDA are in violation of natural justice and their right to live with dignity. The DDA in its action has not taken into account or addressed established policy protection for the residents under Delhi Urban Shelter Board (DUSIB) policy 2015 - on procedures to be followed in case of forced eviction including adequate notice and clear rehabilitation arrangements. DDA also remains in violation of their own state governments demand promised in 2020 Delhi election for basti dwellers "Jaha juggi waha makan"(where the dwelling, there itself the house). A promise made for the Jhuggis (JJ clusters) in securing tenureship and protecting themselves from forced evictions.
Impact on lives and livelihoods:
Most residents whose homes have been demolished have been living in Dhobi Ghat for reportedly close to two decades and suffered massive economic losses. Not only have they lost their homes, but also their livelihood. Fear of contracting the Corona virus motivated many residents in neighbouring buildings, who were primary employers of both men and women living at Dhobi Ghat, to suspend their employment. Upon learning of the unsanitary conditions in which the slum dwellers have been forced to live, the residents in neighbouring buildings subjected them to further loss of livelihood, discrimination and constant harassment. Displaced families, including the aged and the sick, pregnant women and young children are now forced to live in the open on the few spare acres of land which is not under water. Frequent rain often causes the swamp to overflow, flooding the jhuggis of the residents in the middle of an already harsh Delhi winter.
At a time when a new strain of the Coronavirus has been detected, the residents of Dhobi Ghat have been left destitute, with few means of redressal. There is severe shortage of food, government ration is supplied irregularly and consists only of dry grains. Electricity too is cut off in the area during the evening which only compounds the problem of cooking the minimal ration residents receive. Moreover, every time residents have attempted to rebuild temporary settlements for shelter, these are destroyed and they are subsequently intimidated by the authorities.
Formation of the Dhobi Ghat Jhuggi Adhikar Manch
In response to the repeated illegal demolitions at Dhobi Ghat, the women have collectivized as Dhobi Ghat Jhuggi Adhikar Manch to fulfil the promise of Jahan Jhuggi Wahan Makan, home where the jhuggi was, in order to contribute to the relief efforts that are underway and streamline a process to ensure the urgent needs of displaced families are met. Till now, clothes, shawls, blankets along with ration kits and tarpaulins to protect the jhuggis have been painstakingly arranged and distributed to some of the families. Yet, interim relief efforts cannot substitute for the urgent demand for long-term housing and rehabilitation of all slum dwellers at Dhobi Ghat who have been living in destitute conditions for nearly four months now. The formation of the committee itself, and their raising their voices against the DDA has led to incidents of attempted intimidation.
National Alliance of People’s Movements strongly condemns the illegal demolitions by the DDA, which have eroded the most fundamental rights of the displaced families at a time when the pandemic and the subsequent lockdown had already left them devastated.
We stand in solidarity with the affected people, in particular the women of Jhuggi Adhikar Manch, who have strongly organized themselves and are leading a valiant struggle amidst the crisis. We extend our full support to their demands that:
1. All the residents of Dhobi Ghat, Batla House must be ensured full rehabilitation and fair compensation for all losses, with immediate effect by the concerned authorities.
2. Pending rehabilitation, interim monetary grant as well as relief support be extended to all the families by way of food grains, domestic materials and necessary supplies.
3. Special attention must be paid to the nutritional, education and health needs of children and women in the area who stand affected by the demolitions.
4. An inquiry must be initiated against police personnel who used undue force against the residents including senior citizens, women and children and suppressed their rightful expressions of dissent as part of the Jahan Jhuggi Wahan Makan Andolan; and action be taken based on such an inquiry.
5. Given the history of ‘disruptions’ in the area in the last couple of years including the fire in 2019 and now the massive demolition, the actual motives for the demolition also be thoroughly inquired into.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, Bargi Bandh Visthapit Evam Prabhavit Sangh and Pallav, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi, Aziz Minat and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline and Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
Faisal Khan, J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD), Shreya
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110 014
ई-मेल :napmindia@gmail.com | वेब:www.napm-india.org
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
एन.ए.पी.एम डीडीए के फैसले का विरोध करती है जिसके तहत
लगभग 4 महीने पहले धोबी हाउस, जामिया नगर में जबरन ध्वस्त किए गए 700 घरों के निवासियों को समयोचित पुनर्वास नहीं दिया जा रहा है
एन.ए.पी.एम “धोबी घाट झुग्गी अधिकार मंच” की महिलाओं के चल रहे संघर्ष को और
“जहां झुग्गी वहां मकान” की उनकी मांग का समर्थन करता है और सभी प्रकार के नुकसान की भरपाई की मांग करता है।
सरकार को कोरोना महामारी के बीच सभी विध्वंस को रोकना चाहिए:
दिल्ली कानून (विशेष प्रावधान) अधिनियम, 2006 का पालन करें।
12 जनवरी, 2021: जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (एन.ए.पी.एम) दिल्ली विकास प्राधिकरण (डीडीए) की निरंतर बेरहमी पर अपना रोष प्रकट करता है। धोबी हाउस, जामिया नगर के 700 से ज़्यादा लोगों जिनके घर सितम्बर-अक्टूबर, 2020 में डीडीए द्वारा जबरन ध्वस्त किए गए थे, उनके पुनर्वास पर डीडीए लगातार ढुल-मुल रवैया अपनाए है । हम कोरोना महामारी के दौरान आश्रय और आजीविका के नुकसान की दोहरी मार झेलने वाले निवासियों को अनिश्चित जीवन की ओर धकेल कर मानव जीवन की होने वाली उपेक्षा की निंदा करते हैं।
एनएपीएम धोबी घाट झुग्गी अधिकार मंच की मांगों का समर्थन करता है, जिनमें उनके उचित पुनर्वास और इस दौरान हुए पूरे नुकसान की भरपाई प्रमुख मांगें हैं। यह बेहद ज़रूरी है कि इस क्षेत्र में चल रहे महिलाओं के आंदोलन को व्यापक समर्थन मिले ताकि उनका समाज रोज़ की प्रतारणा से मुक्त हो सके।
विध्वंस अभियान:
डीडीए ने 24 सितंबर 2020 को दिल्ली के जामिया नगर के धोबी घाट में बटला हाउस में बड़े पैमाने पर तोड़फोड़ की। पहले चरण में ही 700 से अधिक निवासियों को जबरन बेघर किया गया और 200 से अधिक झोपड़ियों को नष्ट कर दिया गया। 8 अक्टूबर 2020 को डीडीए द्वारा दूसरे चरण के विध्वंस की शुरुआत की गई, जिस दौरान बुलडोजरों ने बाकी बची झुग्गियों को तबाह कर दिया जबकि अधिकांश निवासी काम पर बाहर गए थे। दिसंबर में डीडीए ने निवासियों की भूमि पर अतिक्रमण को तीव्र कर दिया और विशाल सीमाओं और ऊँची संरचनाओं का निर्माण करने के लिए इसे खोद दिया, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप वहां गहरे दलदल बन गए जहाँ कभी निवासियों के घर हुआ करते थे।
डीडीए के कार्य प्राकृतिक न्याय और नागरिकों के गरिमा के साथ जीने के अधिकार का उल्लंघन हैं। डीडीए ने अपनी कार्रवाई में दिल्ली शहरी आश्रय बोर्ड (डीयूएसआईबी) नीति 2015 के तहत निवासियों के लिए स्थापित नीति संरक्षण को ध्यान में नहीं रखा है। डीडीए ने विध्वंस के दौरान पर्याप्त नोटिस और स्पष्ट पुनर्वास व्यवस्था जैसी प्रक्रियाओं का भी पालन नहीं किया है। डीडीए ने अपने ही राज्य सरकार द्वारा 2020 के विधानसभा चुनावों में किए गए “जहां झुग्गी वहां मकान” के वादे का भी उल्लंघन किया है।
आम जनता की ज़िन्दगी पर प्रभाव:
अधिकांश निवासी जिनके घर ध्वस्त हो चुके हैं, वे धोबी घाट में कथित तौर पर दो दशकों से रह रहे हैं और डीडीए की कार्रवाई के कारण उन्होंने बड़े पैमाने पर आर्थिक नुकसान झेला है। न केवल उन्होंने अपने घर खो दिए हैं, बल्कि उनकी जीविका भी नष्ट हो गयी है । कोरोना वायरस के संक्रमण के डर के कारण पड़ोसी इमारतों में कई निवासियों ने धोबी घाट पर रहने वाले पुरुषों और महिलाओं को रोज़गार से निलंबित कर दिया । झुग्गी-झोपड़ी में रहने वाले लोगों की विषम, अस्वच्छ परिस्थितियों के बारे में जानने के बाद पड़ोसी इमारतों में रहने वाले लोगों ने उनके साथ और अधिक भेदभाव किया, जिससे उनकी आजीविका को निरंतर नुकसान पहुंचा है। विस्थापित परिवार, जिनमें वृद्ध और बीमार, गर्भवती महिलाएं और छोटे बच्चे शामिल हैं, अब कुछ अतिरिक्त एकड़ जमीन पर खुले में रहने को मजबूर हैं, जहाँ पानी नहीं भरा है । दिल्ली में पहले से ही कठोर सर्दियों में अक्सर बारिश के कारण दलदल ओवरफ्लो हो जाता है, जिससे शहरवासियों की झुग्गियों में पानी भर जाता है।
ऐसे समय में जब कोरोना वायरस का एक नया प्रकार पाया गया है, धोबी घाट के निवासियों को निराश्रित छोड़ दिया गया है। भोजन की भारी कमी है, सरकारी राशन की आपूर्ति अनियमित रूप से की जाती है और उसमें केवल सूखे अनाज होते हैं। शाम के दौरान क्षेत्र में बिजली भी कट जाती है, जिससे निवासियों को खाना पकाने में भारी समस्या होती है। इसके अलावा, निवासियों ने जब भी आश्रय के लिए अस्थायी बस्तियों के पुनर्निर्माण का प्रयास किया है, प्रशासन ने उन्हें नष्ट कर दिया है और अधिकारियों द्वारा उन्हें डराया भी जाता है।
धोबी घाट झुग्गी अधिकर मंच का गठन
धोबी घाट में बार-बार हो रहे अवैध विध्वंस के जवाब में महिलाओं ने धोबी घाट झुग्गी अधीकार मंच के रूप में खुद को एकत्रित किया। इस मंच का उद्देश्य जहाँ झुग्गी वहां मकान के वादे को पूरा करने की मांग करना, राहत कार्यों में सहायता करना, और विस्थापित परिवारों की ज़रूरतों को पूरा करना है। अभी तक कपड़े, शॉल, कंबल के साथ-साथ राशन किट और झुग्गियों को बचाने के लिए तिरपाल बमुश्किल उपलब्ध कराए गए हैं । अंतरिम राहत प्रयास के बावजूद धोबी घाट पर आवास और सभी झुग्गी निवासियों के पुनर्वास की तत्काल मांग पर ध्यान देना बेहद ज़रूरी है क्योंकि लोग अब लगभग चार महीने से निराश्रित परिस्थितियों में रह रहे हैं। समिति के गठन और डीडीए के ख़िलाफ़ अपनी आवाज़ उठाने के कारण डराने-धमकाने की भी कई घटनाएं हुईं हैं।
एनएपीएम डीडीए द्वारा अवैध विध्वंस की कड़ी निंदा करता है। डीडीए की इस कार्रवाई ने विस्थापित परिवारों के सबसे मौलिक अधिकारों को उस समय छीन लिया जब महामारी और उसके बाद के लॉकडाउन ने उन्हें पहले ही तबाह कर दिया था।
हम प्रभावित लोगों के साथ एकजुटता में खड़े हैं, विशेष रूप से झुग्गी अधिकार मंच की महिलाओं के साथ, जिन्होंने खुद को दृढ़ता से संगठित किया है और संकट के दौर में एक मज़बूत संघर्ष का नेतृत्व कर रही हैं।
हम निम्नलिखित मांगों का पूर्ण समर्थन करते हैं:
1. धोबी घाट, बटला हाउस के सभी निवासियों को संबंधित अधिकारियों द्वारा तत्काल प्रभाव से पूर्ण पुनर्वास और नुकसान के लिए उचित मुआवजा सुनिश्चित किया जाना चाहिए।
2. पुनर्वास और अंतरिम आर्थिक अनुदान के साथ-साथ सभी परिवारों को खाद्यान्न, घरेलू सामग्री और आवश्यक आपूर्ति के माध्यम से राहत सहायता प्रदान की जाए।
3. विध्वंस से प्रभावित बच्चों और महिलाओं के पोषण, उनकी शिक्षा और स्वास्थ्य आवश्यकताओं पर विशेष ध्यान दिया जाना चाहिए।
4. उन पुलिस कर्मियों के खिलाफ जांच शुरू की जानी चाहिए जिन्होंने वरिष्ठ नागरिकों, महिलाओं और बच्चों सहित निवासियों के ख़िलाफ़ अनुचित बल का इस्तेमाल किया तथा “जहां झुग्गी वहां मकान” आंदोलन को दबाने का प्रयास किया। जांच के आधार पर उन पुलिस कर्मियों के ख़िलाफ़ उचित कार्रवाई भी होनी चाहिए।
5. 2019 में आग लगने और अब बड़े पैमाने पर विध्वंस, सहित पिछले कुछ वर्षों में क्षेत्र में हुए दुर्घटनाओं के इतिहास को देखते हुए विध्वंस के वास्तविक उद्देश्यों की भी पूरी तरह से जांच की जानी चाहिए।
मेधा पाटकर (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन, जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); डॉ सुनीलम, आराधना भार्गव (किसान संघर्ष समिति), राजकुमार सिन्हा (चुटका परमाणु विरोधी संघर्ष समिति); पल्लव (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, मध्य प्रदेश)
अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे, शंकर सिंह (मज़दूर किसान शक्ति संगठन); कविता श्रीवास्तव (PUCL); कैलाश मीणा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, राजस्थान); प्रफुल्ल समांतर (लोक शक्ति अभियान)
लिंगराज आज़ाद (समजवादी जन परिषद्, नियमगिरि सुरक्षा समिति); लिंगराज प्रधान, सत्य बंछोर, अनंत, कल्याण आनंद, अरुण जेना, त्रिलोचन पुंजी, लक्ष्मीप्रिया, बालकृष्ण, मानस पटनायक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, ओडिशा)
संदीप पांडेय (सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ऑफ़ इंडिया); ऋचा सिंह, रामबेटी (संगतिन किसान मज़दूर संगठन, सीतापुर); राजीव यादव, मसीहुद्दीन (रिहाई मंच, लखनऊ); अरुंधति धुरु, ज़ैनब ख़ातून (महिला युवा अधिकार मंच, लखनऊ); सुरेश राठोड (मनरेगा मज़दूर यूनियन, वाराणसी),अरविन्द मूर्ति, अल्तमस अंसारी (इंक़लाबी कामगार यूनियन, मऊ), जाग्रति राही (विज़न संसथान, वाराणसी), सतीश सिंह (सर्वोदयी विकास समिति, वाराणसी); नकुल सिंह साहनी (चल चित्र अभियान)
पी चिन्नय्या (APVVU); रामकृष्णं राजू (यूनाइटेड फोरम फॉर RTI एंड NAPM); चकरी (समालोचना); बालू गाडी, बापजी जुव्वाला (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, आंध्र प्रदेश); जीवन कुमार, सईद बिलाल (ह्यूमन राइट्स फोरम); पी शंकर (दलित-बहुजन फ्रंट); विस्सा किरण कुमार , कोंदल (रयथु स्वराज्य वेदिका); रवि कनगंटी (रयथु, JAC ); आशालता (मकाम); कृष्णा (TVV); एम् वेंकटय्या (TVVU ); मीरा संघमित्रा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तेलंगाना)
सिस्टर सीलिया (डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); मेजर जनरल (रिटायर्ड) एस जी वोमबतकेरे (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); नलिनी गौड़ा (KRRS); नवाज़, द्विजी गुरु, नलिनी, मधु भूषण, ममता, सुशीला, शशांक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, कर्नाटक)
गाब्रिएल (पेन्न उरिमय इयक्कम, मदुरै); गीता रामकृष्णन (USWF); सुतंतिरण, लेनिन, इनामुल हसन, अरुल दोस, भारती, विकास (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तमिल नाडु);
विलायोडी, सी आर नीलकंदन, कुसुमम जोसफ, शरथ चेल्लूर, विजयराघवन, मजींदरन, मगलीन (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, केरल)
दयामनी बरला (आदिवासी- मूलनिवासी अस्तित्व रक्षा समिति); बसंत, अलोक, डॉ लियो, अफ़ज़ल, सुषमा, दुर्गा, जीपाल, प्रीति रंजन, अशोक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, झारखण्ड)
आनंद माज़गाओंकर, स्वाति, कृष्णकांत, पार्थ (पर्यावरण सुरक्षा समिति); नीता महादेव, मुदिता (लोक समिति ); देव देसाई, मुजाहिद, रमेश, अज़ीज़, भरत (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गुजरात)
विमल भाई (माटु जन संगठन); जबर सिंह, उमा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, उत्तराखंड)
मान्शी, हिमशि, हिमधारा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हिमाचल प्रदेश)
एरिक, अभिजीत, तान्या, कैरोलिन, फ्रांसेस्का (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गोवा)
गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा); कलादास डहरिया (RELAA); अलोक, शालिनी (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, छत्तीसगढ़)
समर, अमिताव, बिनायक, सुजाता, प्रदीप, प्रसारुल, तपस, ताहोमिना, पबित्र, क़ाज़ी मुहम्मद, बिश्वजीत, आयेशा, रूपक, मिलान, असित, मीता, यासीन, मतीउर्रहमान, बाइवाजित (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पश्चिम बंगाल)
सुनीति, संजय, सुहास, प्रसाद, मुक्त, युवराज, गीतांजलि, बिलाल, जमीला (घर बचाओ घर बनाओ आंदोलन); चेतन साल्वे (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन); परवीन जहांगीर (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, महाराष्ट्र)
फैसल खान, जे इस वालिया (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हरियाणा)
गुरुवंत सिंह, नरबिंदर सिंह (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पंजाब)
कामायनी, आशीष रंजन (जन-जागरण शक्ति संगठन); महेंद्र यादव (कोसी नवनिर्माण मंच)
राजेंद्र रवि (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); भूपेंद्र सिंह रावत (जन संघर्ष वाहिनी); अंजलि, अमृता जोहरी (सतर्क नागरिक संगठन); संजीव कुमार (दलित आदिवासी शक्ति अधिकार मंच); अनीता कपूर (दिल्ली शहरी महिला कामगार यूनियन); सुनीता रानी ( नेशनल डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); नन्हू प्रसाद (नेशनल साइकिलिस्ट यूनियन); मधुरेश, प्रिया, आर्यमन, दिव्यांश, ईविता, अनिल (दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप); एम् जे विजयन (PIPFPD), श्रेया
National Alliance of People’s Movements
National Office : 6/6, Jangpura B, Mathura Road, New Delhi 110014
Phone : 011 24374535
napm india
(हिन्दी वक्तव्य और पोस्टर के लिए कृपया नीचे देखें)
%20Varanasi%20Eviction%20Poster.jpeg?part=0.0.3&view=1)
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.orgOppression of poor working classes in the name of 'Smart City' unacceptable!
Demolition of settlements in the Prime Minister's own constituency, Varanasi is condemnable:
Government should ensure immediate rehabilitation.
19th Jan, 2021: The Modi government has been selling the dream of a 'Smart City' to the citizens for years now and has spent thousands of crores on this scheme across the country. In the ranking released by the Government of India in September 2020, Varanasi held the ‘first place’ in the country. It is claimed that 'world class' facilities would be provided here. But in the midst of these claims, one must ask: to what end and at what cost is this happening?
Right amidst the ‘festive days’ on 13th January, 2021, in the area around Teliana railway line in Varanasi, the houses of hundreds of working-class people, many belonging to Dalit communities, were demolished by the Government. No other alternative has been provided for most of them in terms of rehabilitation. The eviction of people from their homes in the midst of the Covid pandemic as well as severe cold is not only inhumane but also in violation of the orders of the Supreme Court. For all high-talk around ‘Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas’, the poor and working-class communities are not guaranteed basic dignity and rights even in the parliamentary constituency of the Prime Minister, Narendra Modi.
This is not the first instance where people’s homes have been destroyed without providing rehabilitation. During the last 4-5 years many such settlements have been destroyed in Varanasi. Demonstrations have been organized by the residents and democratic rights organizations for rehabilitation, but none of this seems to matter to the government or district administration.
This again reveals the anti-worker character of the Yogi and Modi Government. Most people who lived in the demolished settlements are manual scavengers, sweepers, daily wage labourers or work in other people’s houses. Due to the destruction of their settlements, there is a threat to not only their health, but also their livelihood. Currently, most of these people have been forced to live on the roads.
NAPM strongly condemns the Varanasi administration and the Government for forcibly destroying the homes of hundreds of people from oppressed communities, Dalit and working class, without any rehabilitation, in the name of 'Smart City'. It also calls upon the administration to:
1. Immediately make proper arrangements for the rehabilitation of all the evicted families.
2. Provide immediate, fair and just compensation to all the displaced people.
3. Not demolish any house or colony, or evict people from their homes without complete and just prior rehabilitation.
In Chennai, Delhi and many other cities of the country, settlements of the working-class people, especially belonging to religious minorities and oppressed caste communities are being demolished. Considering the Corona pandemic, the Centre and all the state governments should immediately stop all evictions and issue a complete moratorium on the same.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
%20Varanasi%20Eviction%20Poster.jpeg?part=0.0.4&view=1)
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110014 | फ़ोन: 011-24374535
ट्विटर: @napmindia | ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com |
ब्लॉग: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | वेब: www.napm-india.org |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
‘स्मार्ट सिटी’ के नाम पर गरीब - मेहनतकशों पर अत्याचार अमान्य!
प्रधान मंत्री का संसदीय क्षेत्र वाराणसी में बस्तियों को उजाड़ना निंदनीय:
सरकार पुनर्वास के लिए तत्काल पहल करे
19 जन, 2021: मोदी सरकार ‘स्मार्ट सिटी’ का सपना लोगों को कई सालों से बेच रही है और इस योजना पर देश भर में हजारों करोड़ रुपये भी खर्च चुकी है. सितम्बर 2020 में भारत सरकार द्वारा जारी की गयी रैंकिंग में वाराणसी को पहला स्थान मिला, दावे किए जा रहे हैं कि यहाँ ‘वर्ल्ड क्लास’ सुविधाएँ दी जाएंगी. लेकिन इन्हीं दावों के बीच यह भी पूछा जाना चाहिए कि आखिर ये मक़ाम किस कीमत पर हासिल किया जा रहा है?
‘त्योहार के दिनों’, 13 जनवरी, 2020 को वाराणसी के तेलियाना रेलवे फाटक इलाके में सैकड़ों मजदूरों के घरों को प्रशासन द्वारा जबरन ध्वस्त कर दिया गया, जिनमें से कई सारे दलित समाज के हैं . इनमें से ज्यादातर लोगों के रहने के लिए कोई दूसरी जगह मुहैया नहीं कराई गई है. कोरोना महामारी के साथ कड़ाके की ठंड के बीच लोगों को उनके घर से बेदख़ल करना न सिर्फ अमानवीय है बल्कि सुप्रीम कोर्ट के आदेशों का भी उल्लंघन है. सबसे बड़ी बेशर्मी की बात तो यह है कि वाराणसी प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी का संसदीय क्षेत्र है !‘सबका साथ, सबका विकास’ के ऊंची नारे बाजी के बावजूद, गरीब और श्रमिक वर्ग के समुदायों को प्रधान मंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी के संसदीय क्षेत्र में भी बुनियादी सम्मान और अधिकारों की गारंटी नहीं है।
यह पहला मामला नहीं है जहाँ पर इस तरह से लोगों को बिना वैकल्पिक आवास मुहैया कराए उनके घरों को उजाड़ दिया गया हो. पिछले 4-5 सालों के दौरान बनारस में ऐसी कई बस्तियों को उजड़ा जा चुका है जिसके बाद तमाम जनवादी संगठनो द्वारा इनके रहने की उचित व्यवस्था के लिए प्रदर्शन भी किये गए, लेकिन सरकार या जिला प्रशासन में इस बात का कोई फर्क पड़ता नज़र नहीं आ रहा है|
दरअसल ये योगी और मोदी सरकार के मजदूर विरोधी चरित्र को दर्शाता है. उजाड़ी गई बस्तियों में रहने वाले ज्यादातर लोग सफाई कर्मचारी, दैनिक वेतन मजदूर और घरों में काम करने वाले हैं. ऐसे में अचानक से घर उजड़ जाने के कारण इनके स्वास्थ्य के साथ साथ इनकी आजीविका पर भी ख़तरा मंडरा रहा है. फ़िलहाल इनमे से ज्यादातर लोग सडकों पर रहने को मजबूर हैं.
‘स्मार्ट सिटी’ के नाम पर वाराणसी प्रशासन द्वारा जबरन सैकड़ों वंचित, श्रमिक और दलित समुदाय के लोगों के आशियाने को, बिना पुनर्वास उजाड़ने की कार्यवाही का NAPM कड़ी शब्दों में निंदा करता है और साथ ही प्रशासन से मांग करता है कि:
1. वह तुरंत विस्थापित किए गए इन लोगों के रहने की उचित व्यवस्था करे
2. सभी विस्थापित लोगों को उचित और न्यायपूर्ण मुआवजा तत्काल प्रदान करे.
3. बिना सम्पूर्ण और न्यायपूर्ण पुनर्वास, किसी भी मकान व बस्ती को न उजाड़े और लोगों को अपने घरों से बेदखल न करें |
चेन्नई, दिल्ली और देश के कई शहरों में लगातार मेहनतकशों के बस्तियों को उजाड़ा जा रहा है, जिनमे से कई सारे वंचित जातियों – तापको और अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के हैं | कोरोना काल में बस्तियों को उजाड़ने पर केंद्र और सभी राज्य सरकारें तत्काल संपूर्ण रोक लगाए |
मेधा पाटकर (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन, जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); डॉ सुनीलम, आराधना भार्गव (किसान संघर्ष समिति), राजकुमार सिन्हा (चुटका परमाणु विरोधी संघर्ष समिति); पल्लव (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, मध्य प्रदेश)
अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे, शंकर सिंह (मज़दूर किसान शक्ति संगठन); कविता श्रीवास्तव (PUCL); कैलाश मीणा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, राजस्थान); प्रफुल्ल समांतरा (लोक शक्ति अभियान)
लिंगराज आज़ाद (समजवादी जन परिषद्, नियमगिरि सुरक्षा समिति); लिंगराज प्रधान, सत्य बंछोर, अनंत, कल्याण आनंद, अरुण जेना, त्रिलोचन पुंजी, लक्ष्मीप्रिया, बालकृष्ण, मानस पटनायक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, ओडिशा)
संदीप पांडेय (सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ऑफ़ इंडिया); ऋचा सिंह, रामबेटी (संगतिन किसान मज़दूर संगठन, सीतापुर); राजीव यादव, मसीहुद्दीन (रिहाई मंच, लखनऊ); अरुंधति धुरु, ज़ैनब ख़ातून (महिला युवा अधिकार मंच, लखनऊ); सुरेश राठोड (मनरेगा मज़दूर यूनियन, वाराणसी),अरविन्द मूर्ति, अल्तमस अंसारी (इंक़लाबी कामगार यूनियन, मऊ), जाग्रति राही (विज़न संसथान, वाराणसी), सतीश सिंह (सर्वोदयी विकास समिति, वाराणसी); नकुल सिंह साहनी (चल चित्र अभियान)
पी चिन्नय्या (APVVU); रामकृष्णं राजू (यूनाइटेड फोरम फॉर RTI एंड NAPM); चकरी (समालोचना); बालू गाडी, बापजी जुव्वाला (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, आंध्र प्रदेश);
जीवन कुमार, सईद बिलाल (ह्यूमन राइट्स फोरम); पी शंकर (दलित-बहुजन फ्रंट); विस्सा किरण कुमार , कोंदल (रयथु स्वराज्य वेदिका); रवि कनगंटी (रयथु, JAC ); आशालता (मकाम); कृष्णा (TVV); एम् वेंकटय्या (TVVU ); मीरा संघमित्रा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तेलंगाना)
सिस्टर सीलिया (डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); मेजर जनरल (रिटायर्ड) एस जी वोमबतकेरे (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); नलिनी गौड़ा (KRRS); नवाज़, द्विजी गुरु, नलिनी, मधु भूषण, ममता, सुशीला, शशांक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, कर्नाटक)
गाब्रिएल (पेन्न उरिमय इयक्कम, मदुरै); गीता रामकृष्णन (USWF); सुतंतिरण, लेनिन, इनामुल हसन, अरुल दोस, भारती, विकास (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तमिल नाडु);
विलायोडी, सी आर नीलकंदन, कुसुमम जोसफ, शरथ चेल्लूर, विजयराघवन, मजींदरन, मगलीन (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, केरल)
दयामनी बरला (आदिवासी- मूलनिवासी अस्तित्व रक्षा समिति); बसंत, अलोक, डॉ लियो, अफ़ज़ल, सुषमा, दुर्गा, जीपाल, प्रीति रंजन, अशोक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, झारखण्ड)
आनंद माज़गाओंकर, स्वाति, कृष्णकांत, पार्थ (पर्यावरण सुरक्षा समिति); नीता महादेव, मुदिता (लोक समिति ); देव देसाई, मुजाहिद, रमेश, भरत (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गुजरात)
विमल भाई (माटु जन संगठन); जबर सिंह, उमा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, उत्तराखंड)
मान्शी, हिमशि, हिमधारा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हिमाचल प्रदेश)
एरिक, अभिजीत, तान्या, डयाना, एमिल, कैरोलिन, फ्रांसेस्का (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गोवा)
गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा); कलादास डहरिया (RELAA); अलोक, शालिनी (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, छत्तीसगढ़)
समर, अमिताव, बिनायक, सुजाता, प्रदीप, प्रसारुल, तपस, ताहोमिना, पबित्र, क़ाज़ी मुहम्मद, बिश्वजीत, आयेशा, रूपक, मिलान, असित, मीता, यासीन, मतीउर्रहमान, बाइवाजित (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पश्चिम बंगाल)
सुनीति, संजय, सुहास, प्रसाद, मुक्त, युवराज, गीतांजलि, बिलाल, जमीला (घर बचाओ घर बनाओ आंदोलन); चेतन साल्वे (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन); परवीन जहांगीर (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, महाराष्ट्र)
जे इस वालिया (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हरियाणा)
गुरुवंत सिंह, नरबिंदर सिंह (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पंजाब)
कामायनी, आशीष रंजन (जन-जागरण शक्ति संगठन); महेंद्र यादव (कोसी नवनिर्माण मंच)
राजेंद्र रवि (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); भूपेंद्र सिंह रावत (जन संघर्ष वाहिनी); अंजलि, अमृता जोहरी (सतर्क नागरिक संगठन); संजीव कुमार (दलित आदिवासी शक्ति अधिकार मंच); अनीता कपूर (दिल्ली शहरी महिला कामगार यूनियन); सुनीता रानी (नेशनल डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); नन्हू प्रसाद (नेशनल साइकिलिस्ट यूनियन); मधुरेश, प्रिया, आर्यमन, दिव्यांश, ईविता, अनिल (दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप); एम् जे विजयन (PIPFPD)
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.orgNAPM condemns the police-state atrocities against Karbi and adivasi farmers of‘Mikir Bamuni Grant’, protesting the ‘questionable purchase’ of their
cultivable land in the name of ‘Green Energy’
Stop arrests, police persecution and intimidation, violence against women & villagers: Release all arrested farmers immediately
Govt of Assam must recognize the tenancy rights of farmers under the Assam (Temporarily Settled Areas) Tenancy Act, 1971, acknowledge the fact of cultivation since decades and refrain from diversion of farm lands for non-agricultural purposes
19th Jan, 2021: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is outraged at the ongoing state repression against the villagers of Mikir Bamuni Grant cluster of villages, Assam, including women and children, to silence the protests against land-grabbing of agricultural land by Azure Power Forty Pvt Ltd, with disregard of due process. We condemn the complicity of the police and the state in enabling the ‘land purchase’ by the company, by withholding documents and using intimidation tactics to ensure people’s compliance.
NAPM joins the villagers of Mikir Bamuni Grant in demanding an end to detentions and violence and the immediate release of the four farmers who have been in jail since 20 days. We demand that construction should stop immediately until all the outstanding issues raised by the villagers, including legal matters, are resolved.
Arrests, Violence and Intimidation:As per reports, on the morning of the 29th December, 2020, a huge convoy of armed forces arrived at the Amdanga village of Mikir Bamuni Grant cluster (Nagaon district) to fence off an area of land they maintained belongs to Azure Power, a private company headquartered in New Delhi. They invoked Govt. orders to restrict villagers' entry into the land. Male police officers brutally beat and kicked women, including pregnant women and children and dragged them out of their farms.
The same day, a farmer Buku Mardi was arrested and later at around 1 am that night, police forces with masked faces arrived at the village and picked up three other farmers, Lakhiram Mardi, Sikari Rongpi and Bhaity Timung, who had been opposing alienation of their land to the company, for months, on false charges of ‘abusing policemen’. Villagers have testified that police forcibly broke into their homes without prior notification and attacked and dragged male family members out of their homes (Survivor’s Testimony, Assam Jatiya Parishad, 2021). Since that night, army trucks and police vans have become a regular occurrence in the village and its surrounding areas. The four farmers remain in imprisonment and have not been granted bail yet. The continued arrests and threats of violence are an attempt to create an atmosphere of fear and intimidation among the villagers, especially the women left alone at home to avoid more arrests of the men of the families.
The recent incidents of police atrocities on Karbi and Adivasi farmers, villagers of Mikir Bamuni Grant and the subsequent arrests are not new. They are part of a larger attempt by the anti-people state-corporate nexus to suppress the struggle and fight of the villagers to uphold their rights and protect their farmland from being robbed by a multinational corporation in the name of ‘green’ energy.
Context and History of the Protests/ Resistance & Land Ownership Concerns:
On 12th March, 2020, just before lockdown, some of the villagers of the Mikir Bamuni cluster received notice that ‘their lands had been identified for the setting up of a solar power plant by Assam Power Development Corporation Limited (APDCL) and that Azure Power Forty Pvt Ltd would mark boundaries.’ They were told that they could register grievances, if any. It must be mentioned here that the said notice was given only to 6 persons to appear at the Circle office, randomly and not clarifying in what capacity the notices were issued i.e. as land occupants / land owners or tenancy occupants. However, when these 6 persons showed up at the Circle office they were told that the ‘land did not belong to them’ and hence they had ‘no stake in it to file objections’.
The bidding for the plant was won by Azure Power Pvt. Ltd. in 2019. The local people cultivating the land on which Azure intended to begin construction protested their claim, invoking occupancy rights won in 1981 through a mass land rights movement. Azure Power Pvt Ltd, however, is not claiming these lands under the Land Acquisition Act, 2013. Instead, it claims that it ‘bought’ these lands from the descendants of the erstwhile ‘zamindars’. They, in turn, claim ownership in disregard of the Assam (Temporarily Settled Areas) Act, 1971, through which the farmers gained occupancy rights of the land. When the villagers from Mikir Bamuni Grant were informed that their land was to be handed over to a private company for power generation, they challenged the decision taken by the zamindar family.
The Karbi and Adivasi farmers have been farming for generations on these lands which are part of the Mikir Bamuni Land Grant - a large holding, formerly part of a caste-based feudal land system. They received occupancy rights of these lands in 1981 under the Assam (Temporarily Settled Areas) Tenancy Act, 1971 as the result of the mass land rights movement that was waged against zamindars across Assam during the 60s and 70s. Such a right is inheritable and can only be transferred to another agriculturalist. While the protesting farmers have a claim over the lands and have the necessary documents to prove it, the ‘land puchase’ process attempted to circumvent and deny this.
The Corporate-State Nexus:
The tenure system of the Mikir Bamuni cluster was converted by the state, through a cabinet decision, to further facilitate the transfer of lands to the company. ‘Procedural roadblocks’ like needing to issue prior notice, public hearing and conducting social impact assessment etc, were avoided by making the transaction a ‘private’ one, with the zamindari family claiming ‘ownership’. The karbi and adivasi farmers of the land had not been consulted, nor were any negotiations held regarding compensation before their land was officially handed over to the private company. In spite of claims to the contrary by the authorities, the villagers’ legal tenancy rights have not been cancelled. (Jairath, 2021).
Construction Despite Pending Court Matters:
The farmers have challenged the taking over of the land in the lower courts in Nagaon, where the company has denied their legal claims by declaring that the lands have not been cultivated for the past 10 years. The local authorities for their part have even claimed that the documents held by the farmers are ‘fake’!
Meanwhile, facing resistance from the villagers, the company and their facilitators seem to have gone on record to state that the said land was ‘not suitable for agriculture’ and hence was to be used for power generation purposes. However, the land was used for cultivation until the moment the company bulldozed the 276 bighas covered with lush green crops, dealing a severe blow to the villagers who are already reeling under the economic distress caused by the pandemic and the lockdown.
On 6th October, 2020, the Nagaon Court issued directions that the Karbi and Adivasi farmers’ claims over the land, now a civil dispute yet to be resolved, needs to be settled before construction continues (Chakravartty, 2021). The construction and storage activities of the company had already been initiated in the grabbed land during lockdown and for lack of proper attention and access to the incidents, there was little the locals could do to resist such moves by the Assam Government along with the public venture APDCL acting as collaborators in the entire process.
The company has continued to comfortably carry out its on-site activity and construction work started on 28th May, 2020, under the protective gaze of the state, through the entire court process. Deploying Assam Police and CRPF, the Govt. of Assam ensured that the entire area was fenced off and heavy security present to guard the area, which the company has claimed as ‘theirs’. The Karbi and adivasi farmers continue to be unwilling to accept anything but their cultivable land.
The ‘Green Energy’ Excuse
Additionally, concerns have also been raised about the adverse effects that the project’s implementation will have on the region’s ecology. The forest near the village is a well-known elephant grazing land connected to Burha Pahar, West Kaziranga. The forest department, however, granted the necessary clearances for the project and officials deny that this is an elephant grazing land in spite of the statements of the local people and of actual incidents of damage caused by elephants in the area as recently as December 2020. The image that Azure Power Forty Pvt. Ltd. projects, as a ‘leader in solar power in India’ enables them to be seen as ‘contributors to sustainability and green energy ideals’, while invisibilizing the actual damage they cause. 'Green Energy' can't be justified at the cost of violation of the rights and livelihood loss of the adivasi and indigenous peoples.
The Struggle for Land and Livelihood continues:
In Mikir Bamuni Grant, even after losing their lands to the fences, the farmers continued to grow vegetables on them as their form of protest, in Nov-Dec. However, now they are unable to cultivate vegetables, since the road to the construction site has been barricaded and the farmers do not have access to the land due to the ongoing day & night construction work.
With their paddy fields being bulldozed last year and the start of the solar plant construction on their land, the villagers are staring at a long-term threat to their livelihood and grave consequences for all aspects of their family and community lives. Yet, they continue to be resilient. On 12th January, 2021 the farmers of Mikir Bamuni protested in front of the Nagaon District Commissioner’s office, with support from local student union groups, district branches of national farmer union groups, various opposition political parties and civil society.
In the words of Kaleshwari Mardi, one of the protesters who has experienced severe state repression including two arrests:
“It is our land, our power, our right. [...] We don’t know where you [Azure] are from, but this is our ancestral land, our forefathers cleared these lands, preserved these lands and cultivated these lands. And it is our will that will work here. We told them, and chased them away.”
The struggle of the adivasi people of Mikir Bamuni Grant is not isolated. These kinds of assertions are part of the wider land rights struggles waged across the country and the world today, led by the indigenous and working-class communities. The blatant assault on their lives and livelihoods has seen people rising above their differences and standing united in their fight against the anti-people, casteist and classist state. Often, these struggles also address concerns for the environment and environmental sustainability that are ingrained into the communities’ way of living.
NAPM is committed to ensuring that the voices of the people of Mikir Bamuni Grant and other places, who suffer violence and repression by the police and the state, are heard and find solidarity in their struggles.
Along with the Karbi and adivasi farmers, the women cultivators and children who suffered violence and the people who have been intimidated and detained, we demand that:
(i) The four arrested farmers - Buku Mardi, Lakhiram Mardi, Sikari Rongpi and Bhaity Timung must be released immediately and all charges against them and other villagers be dropped.
(ii) All work by the company, Azure Power Forty Pvt Ltd, on the land in question stop with immediate effect, until the matter of land occupancy is settled in court and no further process be undertaken by duress or deceit.
(iii) The company should be made to pay appropriate compensation, at par with current market value for the loss of crops, physical injuries and emotional trauma that the villagers were made to go through for over 9 months.
(iv) The police and administration must end their tactics of intimidation, arrests, threats and comply with the court order regarding work on the land; they must also stop enabling the work of the company on the land. Assam Govt must withdraw police and para-military from the area immediately.
(v) Impartial and Immediate Investigation into the procedural discrepancies and violations be conducted to establish responsibility for, and ensure action against:
· the local authorities for the denial of documents that the karbi and adivasi farmers have a right to.
· the false claim of the Circle Officer of the Revenue Dept that ‘no land has been cultivated in the last 10 years’!
· the Forest Department for their assertion that the land does not form part of the elephant grazing land.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
References:
Chakravartty, Anupam. 2020. ‘Darkness Under The Sun: The Struggles of an Assam Village Against ‘Green” Energy’. East Mojo. (December, 30). Last accessed 13th Jan 2021. http://bit.ly/3qfNJIb
Jairath, Vasundhara. 2021. ‘In Assam, a ‘Green’ Energy Plant is Bulldozing Claims of Small and Marginal Farmers’. The Wire. (January, 3) Last accessed 13th January. http://bit.ly/2Ls8Ubm
Khan, Sharfaraz. 2021. ‘মিকিৰ বামুণী গ্ৰাণ্টত কৃষকৰ বিক্ষোভ। ভোগালীৰ আনন্দৰ মাজতে কৃষকৰ প্ৰতিবাদ।’ (12 January). Last accessed 13th January, 2021. http://bit.ly/3nM24L6
Pal, Sumedha. 2021. ‘Assam: Tribal Farmers from Mikir Bamuni Villages Allegedly Face State Violence for Demanding Their Land Rights’. NewsClick. (January, 4). Last accessed 13th Jan, 2021. http://bit.ly/39v3WT1
Survivor’s Testimony. 2021. Assam Jatiya Parishad. https://www.facebook.com/watch/live/?v=310572833689215]
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
NAPM condemns the continued Incarceration of Akhil Gogoi over 400 + days
Denial of Bail by the Guwahati High Court is deeply disturbing!
Mass Democratic Movements Can’t Be Muzzled by Draconian Laws
22nd Jan, 2020: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) is deeply anguished at the continued incarceration of Akhil Gogoi, well-known peasant leader of Assam. The past two weeks have been particularly poignant, as one the one hand, it marked over 400 days of Akhil in jail, while on the other, his bail application, which came up for hearing after protracted delay was declined by the Honb’le Guwahati High Court.
In its Order dated 7th Jan, 2020, Justice Kalyan Rai Surana and Justice Ajit Borthakur, while rejecting the bail plea of Akhil Gogoi, founder of Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS), upheld the arbitrary verdict of a special NIA court dated 13th July, 2020 and ruled that the anti-CAA protests in Assam held in December 2019 were 'not in line' with non-violent 'Satyagraha' but 'squarely falls within the definition of ‘terrorist act’ as defined in Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act’!
The Court also held that Akhil Gogoi ‘disrupted the noble meaning of Satyagraha’ by trying to paralyze the govt machinery, especially on the same day Japan’s Prime Minister was supposed to visit Assam, causing economic blockade, enmity between different groups, disruption of public peace and widespread disharmony and dissatisfaction towards the Government, all of which are acts prejudicial for national integration and such acts falls within the definition of ‘terrorist acts’ as defined in section 15 of UA(P)A. The only ‘saving grace’ seems to be where the Order states that “no prima facie view or opinion expressed in the course of this judgement shall have any bearing on the trial of the case”.
It is clear that the cases against Akhil Gogoi are politically motivated therefore, highly unfortunate that the judiciary has fallen short of addressing this profound injustice. Akhil Gogoi has already been acquitted in 12 of the 13 FIRs filed against him in an act of vengeance by the Government. And in the UAPA case, the Hon’ble High Court appears to have primarily taken on board the arguments of the prosecution (NIA) in its ‘reasoning’, while disregarding all facts on record which point otherwise. Instead of the selectively quoted speech parts of the appellant (Akhil Gogoi), his whole speeches and actions prove that he was arguing for expanding peaceful mass democratic protest.
It is well known that all communities and organizations of Assam protested strongly and democratically against the communal and grossly unconstitutional Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019. This was a mass movement where KMSS along with numerous groups, including AASU, NESO and many others also participated in, which is within the inalienable rights of all citizens.
It is disquieting that the National Investigation Agency (NIA), a central security agency vested with sweeping powers, is being used by the current regime to bulldoze and actually ‘terrorize’ mass peaceful movements and their leadership. The disproportionate powers vested in the NIA for supposedly investigating 'terror cases' is being deployed to quell democratic struggles since last year continuing today with farmers protest, raising serious and fundamental questions of federalism, constitutional rights and people’s locus to be centre-stage in determining law and policy that has implications for millions.
NAPM is of the considered view that the inflated and misplaced allegations against Akhil Gogoi are clearly an attempt by the State to sabotage the genuine voices from the grassroots mass movements.
We are well aware of the ‘political threat’ Akhil Gogoi poses to the ruling establishment within Assam and at the Centre and that is precisely why the authorities are building up a ‘case’ against him to keep him incarcerated for a prolonged period. On the contrary, the consistent and ongoing mass solidarity and sentiment for the release of Akhil Gogoi across streets and farms and even within the jail by the inmates, demonstrates the real strength of the people.
NAPM unequivocally condemns the BJP Govt’s political move to keep Akhil Gogoi in incarceration over 400 + days and warn that mass movements can’t be muzzled by draconian laws and incarcerations based on fabricated cases.
We stand in solidarity with Akhil Gogoi as well as all political prisoners who have been incarcerated in the anti-CAA, NRC, NPR protests across the country.
We shall continue to raise voice, for the release of Akhil Gogoi and all other prisoners as well as for the repeal of the draconian UAPA law.
We look forward to the Apex Court addressing the unfairness in the Order of the Guwahati High Court, while denying bail to Akhil Gogoi and a fair trial in the matter.
অখিল গগৈৰ বন্দীত্বৰ ৪০০ + দিন!
গুৱাহাটী হাইকোৰ্টে জামিন নাকচ কৰাটো চিন্তনীয় বিষয়।
গণতান্ত্ৰিক আন্দোলনক আইনৰ সহায়েৰে মষিমূৰ কৰা নচলিব!
২২ জানুৱাৰী, ২০২০: অসমৰ কৃষক নেতা অখিল গগৈৰ সুদীৰ্ঘ কাৰাবন্দীত্বত নেশ্যনেল এলায়েঞ্চ অফ পিপল্চ মুভমেণ্টে (NAPM এনএপিএম) তীব্ৰ আক্ষেপ প্ৰকাশ কৰিছে। শেহতীয়া দুটা সপ্তাহৰ ঘটনাৰাজিয়ে আমাক অধিক উদ্বিগ্ন কৰি তুলিছে। এই সময়ছোৱাৰ ভিতৰতে অখিল গগৈৰ কাৰাবন্দীত্বই চাৰিশ দিন অতিক্ৰম কৰাৰ বিপৰীতে দীৰ্ঘদিনীয়া অপেক্ষাৰ অন্তত জামিন সংক্ৰান্তীয় যি শুনানি হৈছিল তাত গুৱাহাটী উচ্চ ন্যায়ালয়ে তেওঁৰ জামিন আৱেদন খাৰিজ কৰে।
যোৱা ৭ জানুৱাৰী ২০২১ তাৰিখে ন্যায়াধীশ কল্যাণ ৰায় সুৰাণা আৰু ন্যায়াধীশ অজিত বৰঠাকুৰৰ দ্বাৰা গঠিত বিচাৰপীঠে জামিন আৱেদন খাৰিজ কৰি জাৰি কৰা আদেশত ১৩ জুলাই ২০২০ তাৰিখে NIAৰ বিশেষ আদালতে প্ৰদান কৰা ৰায়কেই বাহাল ৰাখে। NIA আদালতৰ উক্ত ৰায়ত উল্লেখ কৰা হৈছিল যে ২০১৯ চনৰ ডিচেম্বৰ মাহৰ কা-বিৰোধী আন্দোলনৰ কাৰ্যসূচীয়ে ‘সত্যাগ্ৰহ’ৰ নীতি জলাঞ্জলি দি এনে ৰূপ ধাৰণ কৰিছিল যে তাক UAPA আইনৰ আওতাত সন্ত্ৰাসবাদী কাৰ্যকলাপ বুলি অভিহিত কৰিব পৰা যায়!
উক্ত আদালতে মত প্ৰদান কৰিছিল যে অখিল গগৈৰ নেতৃত্বত চলা কাৰ্যকলাপে চৰকাৰ-প্ৰশাসন ব্যৱস্থাক বিকল কৰিবলৈ চেষ্টা কৰিছিল। বিশেষকৈ জাপানৰ প্ৰধানমন্ত্ৰীৰ সম্ভাব্য অসম আগমনৰ প্ৰাকমূহুৰ্তত অৰ্থনৈতিক অৱৰোধৰ কাৰ্যসূচী গ্ৰহণ কৰা, সাম্প্ৰদায়িক সংঘাত আৰু জনসাধাৰণৰ শান্তিৰ বিঘ্নিত কৰাৰ তথা চৰকাৰ-বিৰোধী ঢৌ সৃষ্টি কৰাৰ প্ৰচেষ্টা চলোৱা বুলি অখিল গগৈৰ বিৰুদ্ধে অভিযোগ তোলা হৈছিল। এনে অভিযোগৰ ভিত্তিত UAPA আইনৰ ১৫ নং অনুচ্ছেদ অনুসৰি অখিল গগৈৰ কাৰ্যক 'সন্ত্ৰাসবাদী কাৰ্যকলাপ' বুলি অভিহিত কৰা হৈছিল। অৱশ্যে আদেশটোত এইয়াও কোৱা হৈছিল যে আদালতৰ এনে মতামতে অখিল গগৈৰ বিৰুদ্ধে থকা গোচৰৰ বিচাৰ প্ৰক্ৰিয়াত প্ৰভাৱ নেপেলায়।
এই কথা সুস্পষ্ট যে অখিল গগৈৰ বিৰুদ্ধে থকা আটাইবোৰ গোচৰ ৰাজনৈতিকভাৱে উদ্দেশ্যপ্ৰণোদিত। কিন্তু অত্যন্ত পৰিতাপৰ কথা এই যে ন্যায়পালিকাই এই অন্যায়ক উচিত বিচাৰৰ বিষয় হিচাপে গণ্য নকৰিলে। প্ৰতিশোধপৰায়ণ চৰকাৰে জাপি দিয়া ১৩টা গোচৰৰ ভিতৰত ১২টা গোচৰতে তেওঁ ইতিমধ্যে জামিন লাভ কৰিছে। ইয়াৰ বিপৰীতে ইউএএপিএ গোচৰটোত মহামান্য উচ্চন্যায়ালয়ে গোচৰীয়া পক্ষৰ যুক্তি সমূহক একপক্ষীয়ভাৱে গ্ৰাহ্য কৰি অভিযুক্ত পক্ষৰ হৈ ডাঙি ধৰা তথ্যপূৰ্ণ যুক্তি সমূহক সমূলঞ্চে উলাই কৰে। জামিন আৱেদনকাৰী, অৰ্থাৎ অখিল গগৈৰ ভাষণ সমূহৰ বচা বচা অংশৰ অপব্যাখ্যা নকৰি সম্পূৰ্ণ বক্তব্য সমূহ শুনিলে বুজা যায় যে তেওঁ শান্তিপূৰ্ণ গণতান্ত্ৰিক প্ৰতিবাদৰ সপক্ষেহে আহ্বান জনাই আহিছিল।
আজি সকলো জ্ঞাত যে জাতিধ্বংসী আৰু অসাংবিধানিক নাগৰিকত্ব সংশোধনী আইন (২০১৯) খনৰ বিৰুদ্ধে অসমৰ সকলো জাতি-জনগোষ্ঠীৰ নাগৰিক আৰু অসংখ্য দল-সংগঠনে অতি শক্তিশালী গণতান্ত্ৰিক প্ৰতিবাদ গঢ়ি তুলিছিল। কা-বিৰোধী আন্দোলনে জনসাধাৰণৰ ঐক্যবদ্ধ আন্দোলনৰ ৰূপ লৈছিল য'ত কৃষক মুক্তি সংগ্ৰাম সমিতিয়ে, আছু, নেছো আৰু বহুতো জাতীয় দল সংগঠনৰ সৈতে আন্দোলনত অংশ লৈছিল। এনে প্ৰতিবাদী আন্দোলন এখন গণতান্ত্ৰিক দেশৰ নাগৰিকৰ অবিচ্ছেদ্য অধিকাৰ।
NIA ৰ দৰে এটা সুৰক্ষা সংস্থাক অবাধ ক্ষমতা প্ৰদান কৰি বৰ্তমানৰ চৰকাৰখনে সকলো প্ৰকাৰৰ গণ আন্দোলন আৰু সিবোৰৰ নেতৃত্বৰ ওপৰত দমন চলাই গণতান্ত্ৰিক প্ৰক্ৰিয়া সমুহক মষিমূৰ কৰাৰ যি আপ্ৰাণ চলাইছে সেয়া অতি উদ্বেগজনক। 'সন্ত্ৰাসবাদী কাৰ্যকলাপ'ৰ তদন্ত চলোৱাৰ নামত NIAৰ হাতত অবাধ ক্ষমতা জাপি দিয়া হৈছে, কিন্তু শেষ মূহুৰ্তত সেই ক্ষমতাৰ প্ৰয়োগ কৰা হৈছে গণতান্ত্ৰিক প্ৰতিবাদসমূহক শেষ কৰিবলৈ। কৃষক-বিৰোধী আইনৰ বিৰুদ্ধে প্ৰতিবাদ কৰিলে, সংযুক্ত ৰাষ্ট্ৰ ব্যৱস্থাত ক্ষমতাৰ বিকেন্দ্ৰীকৰণৰ প্ৰসংগ উত্থাপন কৰিলে, সাংবিধানিক অধিকাৰ আৰু আইন-আঁচনি সমূহক জনগণৰ স্বাৰ্থত নিৰূপণ কৰাৰ দাবী তুলিলে সিবোৰৰ বিৰুদ্ধে NIAই দেখ দেখকৈ এক কুটিল আৰু সক্ৰিয় ভূমিকাত অৱতীৰ্ণ হৈছে।
NAPMএ এই মত পোষণ কৰে যে তৃণমূল পৰ্যায়লৈকে সু-ব্যাপ্তি থকা গণ আন্দোলন সমূহৰ কণ্ঠ দমন কৰিবলৈ ৰাষ্ট্ৰই অখিল গগৈৰ বিৰুদ্ধে আক্ৰোশমূলক ভাৱে ভুৱা অভিযোগ তৰিছে।
অসম আৰু কেন্দ্ৰৰ শাসকীয় পক্ষৰ প্ৰতি যে অখিল গগৈ এটা ‘ৰাজনৈতিক ভাবুকি' সেই কথা আমি ভালদৰে উপলদ্ধি কৰোঁ। এনে কাৰণতে চৰকাৰী কৰ্তৃপক্ষই কটকটীয়া আইনী ব্যৱস্থাৰ মেৰপেচত তেওঁক দীৰ্ঘদিনৰ বাবে বন্দী কৰি ৰখাৰ পৰিকল্পনা কৰিছে। ইয়াৰ বিপৰীতে অখিল গগৈৰ মুক্তিৰ দাবীত গাঁৱে-গাঁৱে, পথাৰে-পথাৰে, আনকি কাৰাবন্দী সকলৰ মাজতো যি এক প্ৰতিবাদৰ ঢৌ দেখা পোৱা গৈছে, সি জনগণৰ প্ৰকৃত শক্তিৰ পৰিচয় ডাঙি ধৰিছে।
অখিল গগৈক সুদীৰ্ঘ চাৰিশতাধিক দিন ভুৱা গোচৰত কাৰাবন্দী কৰি ৰখাৰ বিজেপি চৰকাৰৰ যি ৰাজনৈতিক চক্ৰান্ত, NAPMএ সমস্বৰে তাৰ বিৰুদ্ধে তীব্ৰ গৰিহণা জনাইছোঁ। আমি সকীয়াই দিব খোজোঁ যে জনগণৰ গণতান্ত্ৰিক আন্দোলন আৰু প্ৰতিবাদী সত্তাক কোনো কলা আইন অথবা ভুৱা অভিযোগৰ কাৰাবন্দীত্বই মষিমূৰ কৰিব নোৱাৰিব।
অখিল গগৈ আৰু কা-বিৰোধী আন্দোলনত গ্ৰেপ্তাৰ হোৱা সকলো ৰাজনৈতিক কাৰাবন্দীৰ প্ৰতি আমাৰ সমৰ্থন আৰু সংহতি অক্ষুন্ন থাকিব। অখিল গগৈ আৰু আন কাৰাৰুদ্ধ সংগ্ৰামী সকলৰ মুক্তিৰ দাবীৰ লগতে UAPAৰ দৰে কলা আইনৰ বাতিলৰ দাবীও আমি কৰি যাম।
আমাৰ আশা, উচ্চতম ন্যায়ালয়ে গুৱাহাটী উচ্চ ন্যায়ালয়ৰ ৰায়ৰ অন্যায়মূলক ভিত্তিৰ উচিত বিচাৰ কৰিব আৰু এক ন্যায়পূৰ্ণ বিচাৰৰ নিদৰ্শন ডাঙি ধৰিব।
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Barathi and Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
napm india
nNational Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
Organize Against Corporate Crimes and Corporate Control over
People’s Lives, Natural Resources and Democracies
NAPM extends solidarity to the
Global Campaign by (YAStA) Youth Action to Stop Adani
2nd Feb, 2021: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) commends and extends its solidarity to the youth groups of India and Australia who, in an effort to bring more attention to the continuous struggles of the multitude -- aboriginal, indigenous peoples, farmers, working class and other oppressed communities -- against anti-people multinational corporate conglomerates, have successfully organised the Global Week of Action to #StopAdani from 27th Jan to 2nd Feb, 2021 under the banner YAStA (Youth Action to Stop Adani), involving thousands of young people and drawing the attention of lakhs of citizens to corporate-induced crimes and climate crises.
The ongoing historic farmers’ movement in India has made plain and apparent the deep corporate-state nexus inherent to the neoliberal structure of our political economy and how the Adanis and Ambanis in particular are at the heart of this ‘structural pandemic’. At this juncture, it becomes pertinent to emphasise on many of the local struggles that have been and are being carried out across the country and the world -- invisibilized by big pro-establishment media houses and ignored by the complacent sections of society. Notably, Adani, one of the largest multinational corporate giants has expanded its operations exponentially, parallel to Mr. Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister of India in 2014 and has been making forays into every sector, ever since.
Even as millions of working and middle class people lost jobs and the world witnessed an unprecedented livelihood and health crisis, corporates like Adani, which represent the deeper malaise plaguing our planet, became richer by over 21.5 billion dollars during the 2020 COVID lockdown. This is the maximum revenue jump, in comparison to all other domestic corporate houses. For billionaires and conglomerates, the pandemic has been an opportunity to further exploit and trample upon the rights of the marginalised communities all over the world. They are further aided by the ruling political mafias and state apparatus that have pulled no stop in utilising every means available -- from legislation to brute police violence -- to suppress people struggles and campaigns.
Adani’s ventures like mega ports, coal mines or other carbon-intensive industries, pay no heed to the ‘collateral damage’ that they seem to cause. Agricultural lands, sensitive ecosystems like coasts, forests and wetlands, indigenous ways of life, the dignity and rights of the working class are all deemed necessary ‘sacrifices’ in this quest for unbridled development. Development for whom and at what cost is a question that mass movements of this country have been posing for decades now, with little change in the broader capitalist paradigm that is only aggravating the global climate crisis and affecting the most vulnerable populations.
Recognizing the need to challenge exploitative corporates wielding enormous economic and political clout, without any accountability, youth groups from around the world have joined hands and organised a global week of action against Adani, amplifying local struggles and creating awareness amongst different sections of society about the need to stand in solidarity with the peoples’ movements and resist conglomerates like Adani.
Through ‘Pass the Mic: Unheard Voices from Adani Sites’, YAStA made it possible to hear voices that are central to the ground resistance against Adani’s excesses: people from Godda (Jharkhand), Kattupalli (Tamil Nadu), Goa, Mundra (Gujarat), Vizhinjam (Kerala), Kavalappara (Kerala), from the Farmers’ Protests (Delhi), and Juru Country (Queensland, Australia), united by their struggle against corporate oppression. They make a compelling case for mainstream mass media to start paying attention to their struggles. Other events, including a film festival and a talk on climate fiction, effectively engaged culture as a powerful tool in spreading the stories of resistance and the importance of addressing environmental/ecological destruction.
NAPM fully supports the struggles of affected communities and citizens’ action groups resisting many of Adani’s ventures including:
- The adivasi Gram Sabhas in Hasdeo Arand region of Chhattisgarh, challenging the massive coal block allocations in the Schedule-V region.
- Adivasi and other farmers of Hazaribagh in Jharkhand, already impacted by severe coal mining, now resisting the allocation of Gondulpara coal block to Adani.
- Adivasis of Godda in Jharkhand who were subject to deceitful land acquisition for Adani’s Power Plant.
- The fisher people of Thiruvallur and Chennai, Tamil Nadu who are waging a tough battle against the 53,000 crore Kattupalli port expansion project to save their livelihoods & the Pulicat Lake from massive sea erosion.
- The fisher communities and other locals in Vizhinjam, Kerala who have already faced land loss and severe impacts on their coastal livelihoods due to destructive dredging by Adani’s container port.
- Farmers, salt pan workers and fisher people affected by the Adani and Tata power plants in Mundra, Gujarat.
- Communities in Goa who are resisting the double-tracking of railway line, highway expansion and a new power line right through the pristine Mollem National Park and the Bhagwan Mahavir Sanctuary for coal-transportation, to benefit multiple corporates.
- Wangan and Jagalingou Aboriginal peoples and citizens struggle against the proposed Carmichael coal mine and port in Australia, for which Adani is also trying to secure a 500 crore from SBI.
As we continue our struggles against corporate loot and neo-liberal assault, we welcome this significant initiative by youth groups and acknowledge the critical need for building solidarity across borders, especially when corporatisation is transcending borders with impunity and is threatening all of life and democratic structures.
We acknowledge the valuable and vibrant role young people have been playing in numerous contemporary movements, be it the farmers’ resistance, the students’ opposition to the NEP, the creative campaigns to resist regressive changes to EIA Notification etc and welcome their involvement in a more robust way with all people’s movements for equity, justice and democracy.
Marking the World Wetlands Day today, let us re-commit ourselves to preserving wetlands and commons which are under severe strain due to ill-designed ‘developmental’ interventions.
We also reiterate our solidarity with the farmers movement to immediately repeal the three farm laws and end all repression on the protesting farmers.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
NAPM Solidarity with the Indigenous Youth Initiatives in Assam
to uphold people’s rights and conserve Kaziranga’s biodiversity
3rd Feb, 2020: With the initiative of Assam-based youth and farmers organizations, including the Youth for Bokakhat and Jeepal Krishak Sramik Sangha (JKSS), the National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM) and Delhi Solidarity Group co-organized a national-level discussion on “Scientific Conservation and Rights of People in Kaziranga” on 30th January, 2021, to discuss the twin interlinked issues of indigenous people's rights as well as efforts to conserve Kaziranga’s natural resources and biodiversity.
The meeting that was held in Kohora at the centre of the forest administration of Kaziranga National Park (KNP) was a powerful challenge to the statist exclusionary regime of forest governance and an assertion of the indigenous people of Kaziranga in staking their rightful claim over the forest, its protection and conservation, and its governance. The meet began with a beautiful, spirited and powerful display of the colours and sounds of the indigenous people of Kaziranga, on terms and in a space that was their own.
The conference was addressed by various voices from civil society, but its heart lay in the courageous and resilient testimonies of the inhabitants of Kaziranga who face the constant threat of eviction from the ever-expanding boundaries of the National Park. The indigenous, tribal and adivasi peasants and farmers reaffirmed the right to their land and showed no sign of relenting this right. As one of the villagers said, “In the face of this adversity, we will not give up, but we will struggle and struggle and struggle”.
Invited and well-known speakers at the event included Prafulla Samantra, one of the advisors of NAPM, who has worked extensively for upholding rights of adivasis, Santanu Borthakur, a renowned human rights lawyer from Guwahati, Vasundhara Jairaith, a faculty member of Indian Institute of Technology, Guwahati, who specializes on issues related to development and Amit Kumar, an activist with Delhi Solidarity Group.
Some of the key issues raised in the meeting by the people from many villages surrounding Kaziranga National Park were:
a. Continuing Evictions in the name of expansion and addition of lands to the Kaziranga National Park and Tiger Reserve.
b. Growing militarization and gross violation of human rights of the villagers.
c. Challenges posed by capital-intensive tourist economy on cultural and economic progress of the local people living in and around Kaziranga National Park.
d. Human-wild animal conflict.
e. Non-implementation of Forest Rights Act, 2006
Highlighting several examples and experiences from across India, Prafulla Samantara, a strong voice of people's movements and land rights in Odisha, stated that handing over key conservation initiatives to corporate or private entities has only led to loss of forests and human rights abuse of the locals. He strongly supported the need to conserve Kaziranga by recognizing the rights of the people living around the National Park and acknowledging their key involvement in and contributions to the conservation efforts. He also re-affirmed that “In a democratic country, it is the people who are sovereign, and it was the duty of the state to protect their rights over their land and their lives’. He concluded by saying, “Kaziranga will survive only if the local people are recognized as the protector of forests”.
Adv. Santanu Borthakur put forth the legal and political frameworks to protect the rights of the communities. He criticised the Assam government’s policies which led to alienation of various communities from their lands and natural environs. He also spoke about state repression on and arbitrary incarcerations of those who question such unjust policies. Calling for a serious rethink of the current extractive and exploitative model of tourism, Vasundhara Jairath expressed the need for an alternative approach that addresses the cultural and economic upliftment of the local people.
Narratives of representatives from evicted areas of Kaziranga including Methoni, Haldibari, Banderdubi, Bortol, Borbil and Agoratoli who deposed before the panel were filled with instances of everyday hardships and hopelessness in the face of state repression, but not giving up the resolve to fight back. Probin Pegu, Secretary of Jeepal Krishak Sramik Sangha read out farmers’ leader, Soneshwar Narah’s speech who had been targeted by Assam Government for participating in the all-India farmers’ protest on 26th January in New Delhi.
Pranab Doley, the candidate chosen by people of Kaziranga for upcoming Assam State Assembly election for Bokakhat constituency also addressed the gathering. The people welcomed him with loud cheers, the beat of their drums, as their feet moved to its rhythm, in a celebration of their identity, an exuberance of joy and an assertion of their peoples' power. Doley stated that everyone should take up the cause of the security and the rights of people living around the Kaziranga National Park who have been sacrificing their crops and livestock to feed wild animals of Kaziranga for long. He called out the ruling Assam Government for failing to live up to its electoral promises of protecting the home, hearth and communities in and around Kaziranga. He also condemned the political conspiracy against farmers’ leaders of Assam such as Soneshwar Narah.
The meeting was a crucial initiative also since the public discussion on conservation and protection of Kaziranga was held by and for the people who belong to Kaziranga. Considered by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site, the KNP is an important protected area in India. Surrounded by lush green Karbi hills and the majestic Brahmaputra, the region is home to diverse communities. Kaziranga’s fragile ecosystem supports rare fauna and flora which co-exist along with local communities and their sustainable lifestyles.
While such a harmonious relationship between communities and their surroundings should have set the tone for future efforts of conservation of this habitat, increasingly people living close to the National Park are removed from the conservation efforts. Instead of recognising the historical role of indigenous communities in protecting, conservation and even nourishment of the wildlife and flora and fauna of Kaziranga, these communities have in fact been antagonized by the Park administration, backed by a heavily militarised model of ‘conservation’.
Millions have been invested in sustaining this militarisation alongside constantly expanding the territory of the National Park. Global conservation agencies such as World Wildlife Fund (WWF) have been pouring thousands of dollars as aid to protect endangered animals like the Royal Bengal Tiger. The conservation economy, however, does not include the well-being of the people living right next to the park. Over the last two decades, Kaziranga National Park expanded twice its size from 440 square kilometres to 883 square kilometres. This is done by displacing thousands of people from their lands. Such actions of the conservationists have been demonstrated in case of large-scale evictions from Banderdubi in 2013 and more recently from Methoni and Haldibari in 2020.
While conservation efforts by various national and international agencies have earned laurels and have been celebrated as worthy causes, the people of Kaziranga are being actively impoverished by a coercive conservation model that is tailored to expansion in tourism revenues instead. Declaring 2020 as the year of ‘Tourism and Rural Development’, in line with the United Nation World Tourism Organisation, Park authorities have an elaborate expansionary plan to multiply revenue by switching from a 6-month to an 8-month to finally a year-long model of tourism.
KNP authorities claims of contributing to ‘rural development’ are vacuous in the light of a continuous onslaught on the lands, waters, crops and livelihoods of the rural communities, while only the urban elite and politically influential individuals seem to benefit from these models. The park bureaucracy and state government have taken no substantive responsibility in compensating communities for the loss of crops or even of lives by wildlife and instead seek to throw out communities to make way for wildlife.
Finally, despite the passage of the Forest Rights Act 2006 that guarantees right of Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers to forests and its resources, FRA has systematically not been implemented in Kaziranga. As of 2019, Assam recognised 58,802 claims under FRA even as 12.4 percent of Assam’s population belong to tribal communities. Further, the Forest Department continues to play a huge role in the management of protected areas such as National Parks, Wildlife Sanctuaries and Tiger Reserves. This is violation of the rights protected and safeguarded in the FRA that seeks to undo the historical injustice done to communities living in and around forests
NAPM expresses its solidarity with the indigenous and peasant communities of Kaziranga. We call for an immediate embargo on all evictions; fair rehabilitation of all those already evicted; an end to the militarization and human rights abuses in the area; review of the tourism policy, with consultation of and benefits to local people; compensation in all cases of crop destruction by wild animals; full and effective implementation of FRA, 2006 and an inclusive approach by the state for the conservation of the Kaziranga National Park and Tiger Reserve, by involving the local communities as primary stakeholders and not ‘violators’.
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM), Jeepal Krishak Sramik Sangha (JKSS), Youth for Bokakhat and Delhi Solidarity Group
napm india
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110 014
ई-मेल :napmindia@gmail.com | वेब:www.napm-india.org
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
जन-जीवन, प्राकृतिक संसाधनों और लोकतांत्रिक व्यवस्थाओं पर
कार्पोरेट नियंत्रण व कार्पोरेट अपराधों के खिलाफ एकजुट हों !
एन.ए.पी.एम युथ एक्शन टु स्टॉप अडानी (यास्ता) के वैश्विक अभियान का समर्थन करता है
2 फरवरी, 2021: जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (एन.ए.पी.एम) भारत और ऑस्ट्रेलिया के युवा समूहों की सराहना और समर्थन करता है, जिन्होंने जनविरोधी बहुराष्ट्रीय कार्पोरेट घरानों के खिलाफ आदिवासियों, मूल निवासियों, किसानों, श्रमिक वर्ग औैर अन्य प्रताड़ित समुदायों के लोगों के चल रहे संघर्षां की तरफ लोगों का ध्यान खिंचाने के लिए 27 जनवरी से 2 फरवरी 2021 तक ग्लोबल वीक ऑफ एक्शन #स्टॉपअडानी का आयोजन यास्ता (यूथ एक्शन टु स्टॉप अडानी) के बैनर तले किया और हजारों युवाओं ने मिलकर लाखों लोगों का ध्यान कार्पोरेट जगत के अपराधों व वायु परिवर्तन संकट की तरफ दिलाया।
इस समय देश में चल रहे ऐतिहासिक किसान आंदोलन ने गहरे कार्पोरेट-सत्ता जुड़ाव, जो हमारी राजनीतिक अर्थव्यवस्था के नवउदारवादी ढांचे के लिए जरूरी है, औैर कैसे अडानी व अंबानी इस ‘ढांचागत महामारी‘ के केंद्र में हैं, को सामने ला दिया है। ऐसे में, यह जरूरी हो जाता है कि देश और दुनिया भर में चल रहे स्थानीय संघर्षों – जिन्हें बड़े सत्ता समर्थक मीडिया घरानों की ओर से अदृश्य बना दिया जाता है और समाज के आत्मसंतुष्ट वर्ग जिनकी अनदेखी करते हैं – को रेखांकित किया जाए। उल्लेखनीय है कि सबसे बड़े घरानों में से एक अडानी ने अपना कारोबार बेतहाशा बढ़ाया है और हर क्षेत्र में प्रवेश किया है व यह प्रगति नरेंद्र मोदी के 2014 में प्रधानमंत्री बनने के समानांतर है।
2020 कोविड लॉकडाऊन के दौरान जहां लाखों श्रमिक व मध्यम वर्ग के लोगों ने रोजगार गंवाया औैर दुनिया ने अभूतपूर्व आजीविका व स्वास्थ्य संकट का सामना किया, अडानी जैसे कार्पोरेट 21.5 बिलियन डॉलर कमाकर और अमीर हुए। आय में यह उछाल अन्य सभी घरेलु कार्पोरेट घरानों की तुलना में सर्वाधिक है। अरबपतियों औेर औद्योगिक घरानों के लिए महामारी एक अवसर की तरह आई, जिसमें वह दुनिया भर में वंचित समुदायों का औेर शोषण कर सकते हैं व उन्हें कुचल सकते हैं। उनकी मदद करने के लिए सत्तारूढ़ राजनीतिक माफिया आगे आये और राज्य सत्ता ने विधायिका से लेकर पुलिस हिंसा तक हर उपलब्ध साधनों का इस्तेमाल कर, जन संघर्षों औैर अभियानों को कुचलने में कोई कसर नहीं छोड़ी|
अडानी के बड़े बंदरगाह, कोयला खदान औैर अन्य कार्बन-इन्टेंसिव उद्योग उससे होने वाले नुकसान की कोई परवाह नहीं करते। कृषि जमीनों, तटों जैसे संवेदनशील पर्यावरण, वनों आर्द्रभूमि, जीवन के मूल तौर-तरीकों, श्रमिक वर्ग के सम्मान व अधिकारों को बेलगाम विकास की राह में दी जाने वाली आवश्यक ‘बलि‘ माना जाता है। विकास किसका औैर किस कीमत पर, सवाल है जो इस देश के जनांदोलन दशकों से उठा रहे हैं लेकिन पूंजीवादी व्यवस्था को कोई फर्क नहीं पड़ता और वैश्विक पर्यावरण संकट बढ़ ही रहा है और सर्वाधिक कमजोर आबादियां प्रभावित होती हैं।
बिना किसी जवाबदेही के आर्थिक व राजनीतिक दबदबा रखने वाले शोषणकारी कार्पोरेट को चुनौती देने की आवश्यकता महसूस करते हुए, दुनिया भर के युवा समूहों ने हाथ मिलाया और अडानी के खिलाफ ग्लोबल वीक ऑफ एक्शन का आयोजन किया, जिसके तहत स्थानीय संघर्षों के साथ एकजुटता प्रकट किया गया और समाज के विविध वर्गों में जागरूकता फैलाई गई कि वह जनांदोलनों के समर्थन में आगे आएं और अडानी जैसे साम्राज्यों का प्रतिरोध करें।
‘पास द माईक : अनहर्ड वॉयसेस फ्रॉम अडानी साईट्स’ के जरिये यास्ता ने उन आवाजों को सुनना संभव बनाया जो जमीन पर अडानी की अति के खिलाफ प्रतिरोध की आवाजें हैं। गोड्डा (झारखंड), कट्टुपल्ली (तमिलनाडु), गोवा, मुंदरा (गुजरात), विज़िंजम (केरल), कवलाप्परा (केरल) से लेकर दिल्ली में किसान आंदोलन औैर जुरू कंट्री (क्वीन्सलैंड, ऑस्ट्रेलिया) के लोग कार्पोरेट उत्पीड़न के खिलाफ अपने संघर्षों के कारण एक हुए। उन्होंने मुख्यधारा के मीडिया को मजबूर किया कि वह उनके संघर्षों पर ध्यान दे। अन्य कार्यक्रमों में एक फिल्मोत्सव, पर्यावरण पर चर्चा शामिल थी और पर्यावरणीय/पारिस्थतिक विनाश पर विमर्श व प्रतिरोध की कहानियों को फैलाने के लिए संस्कृति का एक सशक्त उपकरण के रूप में इस्तेमाल किया गया।
एन.ए.पी.एम प्रभावित समुदायों के संघर्ष औैर अडानी के कई उपक्रमों, जिनमें से कुछ का यहां ज़िक्र किया गया है, के खिलाफ नागरिक कृति समितियों के प्रतिरोध का पूर्ण समर्थन करता है।
· शेड्यूल-5 क्षेत्र में कोयला ब्लॉक के आबंटन को छत्तीसगढ़ के हसदेव अरांद क्षेत्र की आदिवासी ग्राम सभाओं का चुनौती देना।
· झारखंड के हजारीबाग के आदिवासी व अन्य किसान जो पहले से कोयला खनन से बुरी तरह प्रभावित हैं, अब गोंदुलपारा कोल ब्लॉक अडानी को आबंटित किये जाने का विरोध कर रहे हैं।
· झारखंड में गोड्डा के आदिवासी, अडानी के पॉवर प्लांट के लिए, जिनकी जमीनें छल से अधिग्रहित की गईं।
· थिरुवल्लुर और चेन्नई, तमिलनाडु के मछुआरे अपनी आजीविका बचाने के लिए 53,000 करोड़ के कट्टुपल्ली बंदरगाह विस्तार परियोजना के खिलाफ और पुलीकट लेक को बचाने के लिए कड़ा संघर्ष कर रहे हैं।
· विज़िंजम, केरल के मछुआरा समुदाय व अन्य स्थानीय लोगों ने अपनी तटीय आजीविका को अडानी के कंटेनर बंदरगाह की विनाशकारी खुदाई के कारण नष्ट होते देखा है और जमीनें खोई हैं।
· किसान, नमक खेती श्रमिक और मछुआरा समुदाय जो मुंदरा, गुजरात में अडानी व टाटा पॉवर प्लांट से प्रभावित हुए हैं।
· गोवा में कई कार्पोरेट को लाभ पहुंचाने के लिए रेलवे लाइन के डबल ट्रैकिंग, हाइवे विस्तार और मोलेम नेशनल पार्क व भगवान महावीर अभ्यारण्य से कोयला ढुलाई के लिए बिछाई जा रही नई विद्युत लाइन का विरोध हो रहा है।
· ऑस्ट्रेलिया में प्रस्तावित कमाईकल कोल माईन के खिलाफ वांगन औेर जगालिंगो के आदिवासी लोग व नागरिक संघर्ष कर रहे हैं जिसके लिए अडानी भारतीय स्टेट बैंक से 500 करोड़ रुपये लेने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं।
कार्पोरेट लूट और नव-उदारवादी हमले के खिलाफ अपने संघर्षों को जारी रखते हुए हम युवा समूहों की इस महत्वपूर्ण पहल का स्वागत करते हैं ओर ‘सीमाओं’ से परे एकजुटता निर्माण की महत्वपूर्ण आवश्यकता को स्वीकार करते हैं खासकर ऐेसे समय में जब कार्पोरेटीकरण भी अंधाधुंध सीमा पार फैल रहा है और जीवन व लोकतांत्रिक ढांचों के लिए खतरा बन रहा है।
हम विभिन्न समकालीन आंदोलनों, चाहे किसान प्रतिरोध हो, नई शिक्षा नीती (NEP) के प्रति छात्रों का विरोध हो या पर्यावरण प्रभाव आँकलन अधिसूचना (EIA-2020) के खिलाफ रचनात्मक अभियान हो, में युवा लोगों की अमूल्य भूमिका को स्वीकार करते हैं औेर समानता, न्याय व लोकतंत्र हेतु चल रहे जनांदोलनों में उनकी सक्रिय भागीदारी का स्वागत करते हैं।
विश्व आर्द्रभूमि दिवस पर आज, आइये हम ‘विकासात्मक‘ हस्तक्षेप के कारण खतरे में पड़ी आर्द्रभूमि व अन्य जमीनों के संरक्षण की प्रतिज्ञा दोहराएं।
हम किसान आंदोलन से भी एकजुटता दोहराते हैं जो तीन कृषि कानून निरस्त करने के लिए है और प्रदर्शनकारी किसानों के खिलाफ सभी तरह की ज्यादतियों का विरोध करते हैं।
मेधा पाटकर (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन, जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); डॉ सुनीलम, आराधना भार्गव (किसान संघर्ष समिति), राजकुमार सिन्हा (चुटका परमाणु विरोधी संघर्ष समिति); पल्लव (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, मध्य प्रदेश)
अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे, शंकर सिंह (मज़दूर किसान शक्ति संगठन); कविता श्रीवास्तव (PUCL); कैलाश मीणा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, राजस्थान); प्रफुल्ल समांतरा (लोक शक्ति अभियान)
लिंगराज आज़ाद (समजवादी जन परिषद्, नियमगिरि सुरक्षा समिति); लिंगराज प्रधान, सत्य बंछोर, अनंत, कल्याण आनंद, अरुण जेना, त्रिलोचन पुंजी, लक्ष्मीप्रिया, बालकृष्ण, मानस पटनायक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, ओडिशा)
संदीप पांडेय (सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ऑफ़ इंडिया); ऋचा सिंह, रामबेटी (संगतिन किसान मज़दूर संगठन, सीतापुर); राजीव यादव, मसीहुद्दीन (रिहाई मंच, लखनऊ); अरुंधति धुरु, ज़ैनब ख़ातून (महिला युवा अधिकार मंच, लखनऊ); सुरेश राठोड (मनरेगा मज़दूर यूनियन, वाराणसी),अरविन्द मूर्ति, अल्तमस अंसारी (इंक़लाबी कामगार यूनियन, मऊ), जाग्रति राही (विज़न संसथान, वाराणसी), सतीश सिंह (सर्वोदयी विकास समिति, वाराणसी); नकुल सिंह साहनी (चल चित्र अभियान)
पी चेन्नय्या (APVVU); रामकृष्णं राजू (यूनाइटेड फोरम फॉर RTI एंड NAPM); चकरी (समालोचना); बालू गाडी, बापजी जुव्वाला (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, आंध्र प्रदेश);
जीवन कुमार, सईद बिलाल (ह्यूमन राइट्स फोरम); पी शंकर (दलित-बहुजन फ्रंट); विस्सा किरण कुमार , कोंदल (रयथु स्वराज्य वेदिका); रवि कनगंटी (रयथु, JAC ); आशालता (मकाम); कृष्णा (TVV); एम् वेंकटय्या (TVVU ); मीरा संघमित्रा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तेलंगाना)
सिस्टर सीलिया (डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); मेजर जनरल (रिटायर्ड) एस जी वोमबतकेरे (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); नलिनी गौड़ा (KRRS); नवाज़, द्विजी गुरु, नलिनी, मधु भूषण, ममता, सुशीला, शशांक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, कर्नाटक)
गाब्रिएल (पेन्न उरिमय इयक्कम, मदुरै); गीता रामकृष्णन (USWF); सुतंतिरण, लेनिन, इनामुल हसन, अरुल दोस, विकास (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तमिल नाडु);
विलायोडी, सी आर नीलकंदन, कुसुमम जोसफ, शरथ चेल्लूर, विजयराघवन, मजींदरन, मगलीन (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, केरल)
दयामनी बरला (आदिवासी- मूलनिवासी अस्तित्व रक्षा समिति); बसंत, अलोक, डॉ लियो, अफ़ज़ल, सुषमा, दुर्गा, जीपाल, प्रीति रंजन, अशोक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, झारखण्ड)
आनंद माज़गाओंकर, स्वाति, कृष्णकांत, पार्थ (पर्यावरण सुरक्षा समिति); नीता महादेव, मुदिता (लोक समिति ); देव देसाई, मुजाहिद, रमेश, भरत (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गुजरात)
विमल भाई (माटु जन संगठन); जबर सिंह, उमा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, उत्तराखंड)
मान्शी, हिमशि, हिमधारा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हिमाचल प्रदेश)
एरिक, अभिजीत, तान्या, डयाना, एमिल, कैरोलिन, फ्रांसेस्का (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गोवा)
गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा); कलादास डहरिया (RELAA); अलोक, शालिनी (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, छत्तीसगढ़)
समर, अमिताव, बिनायक, सुजाता, प्रदीप, प्रसारुल, तपस, ताहोमिना, पबित्र, क़ाज़ी मुहम्मद, बिश्वजीत, आयेशा, रूपक, मिलान, असित, मीता, यासीन, मतीउर्रहमान, बाइवाजित (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पश्चिम बंगाल)
सुनीति, संजय, सुहास, प्रसाद, मुक्त, युवराज, गीतांजलि, बिलाल, जमीला (घर बचाओ घर बनाओ आंदोलन); चेतन साल्वे (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन); परवीन जहांगीर (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, महाराष्ट्र)
जे इस वालिया (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हरियाणा)
गुरुवंत सिंह, नरबिंदर सिंह (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पंजाब)
कामायनी, आशीष रंजन (जन-जागरण शक्ति संगठन); महेंद्र यादव (कोसी नवनिर्माण मंच)
राजेंद्र रवि (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); भूपेंद्र सिंह रावत (जन संघर्ष वाहिनी); अंजलि, अमृता जोहरी (सतर्क नागरिक संगठन); संजीव कुमार (दलित आदिवासी शक्ति अधिकार मंच); अनीता कपूर (दिल्ली शहरी महिला कामगार यूनियन); सुनीता रानी (नेशनल डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); नन्हू प्रसाद (नेशनल साइकिलिस्ट यूनियन); मधुरेश, प्रिया, आर्यमन, दिव्यांश, ईविता, अनिल (दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप); एम् जे विजयन (PIPFPD)
अधिक जानकारी के लिए संपर्क करें: ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com
Please see the English statement here: https://napmindia.wordpress.com/2021/02/02/organize-against-corporate-crimes-and-corporate-control-over-peoples-lives-natural-resources-and-democracies/
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
The Farmers’ Movement cannot be quelled by arbitrary administrative orders
UP Govt must end arbitrary detentions, withdraw pending FIRs against activists
8th Feb: The recent order of the Allahabad High Court, passed by the Division Bench of Justices Ramesh Sinha and Rajeev Singh, dated 2nd February, 2021, concluding that the Uttar Pradesh Govt had no legal grounds to issue notices to large numbers of farmers and activists, preventing them from participating in peaceful protests is a significant landmark in upholding people’s constitutional right to protest and redress against whimsical administrative interference in the same. The court order clearly establishes the arbitrariness and violation of principles of natural justice in the process of notices issued by the UP Government on and after 19th January 2021, in the attempt to suppress farmers’ participation in the protests organized on 26th January.
The Order was issued in a PIL filed by social activist and NAPM Convenor Arundhati Dhuru, who approached the Court in the context of many such notices issued to farmers and workers associated with Sangatin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur, under Sec 111 of the Cr.PC, merely on the basis of police apprehension of violation of ‘law and order’. The PIL demanded the quashing of notices against 163 farmers, including women, who had been asked to pay bonds between Rs 50,000 to Rs 10,00,000, and to provide two like sureties, to ensure that they would not take part in any kind of agitation or dharna. In addition to being patently arbitrary, these notices were grossly unjust and a mockery of the situation of already impoverished small and marginal farmers and workers, many of whom belong to Dalit and OBC communities.
As is noted in the Order itself, when the Allahabad High Court asked the learned Addl Adv General on 2nd Feb to provide reasons as to why such prohibitive bonds were demanded by various Sub-Divisional Magistrates (SDMs) under the District Magistrate (DM), Sitapur, the AAG was unable to justify the action of the State. He, however, indicated that the proceedings in the said matter were ‘dropped’, since there was no longer a law and order risk. The AAG also undertook to instruct the Sitapur administration ‘to be careful in the future, to avoid unnecessary harassment to any person’.
Taking cognizance of the aforesaid, the Hon’ble Court disposed off the matter concluding that the administration’s ‘conduct should not be such which reflects arbitrariness and against the principles of natural justice’. NAPM welcomes the Order and hopes that the same would be considered in full letter and spirit across the state and the Govt would refrain from resorting to similar high-handed measures in the future, asking for bonds and sureties on flimsy, unjustified grounds.
As is known, this is just one of the many recent attempts to prevent farmers, activists and concerned citizens from participating in solidarity action with the historic farmers’ protests. The Central Government, in particular, has been striving to prevent and then stop (albeit unsuccessfully) the Farmers’ Protests, ranging from attempts at defamation, to control of media reporting, detentions and arrests. The UP state government has also had a significant role to play in denying citizens their constitutional right to protest. A few weeks back activist and NAPM Convenor Richa Singh was unlawfully detained at her home for a couple of days. The Varanasi administration also filed a case under ‘Goondas Act’ against senior activist Ramjanam.
Very recently, on 6th February, the day when the national call for peaceful chakka-jam was given by the farmers’ movement, Suresh Rathod, of MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi, was detained at his home on the arbitrary grounds of potentially creating a breach of peace. His participation in the protests was prevented, as in multiple instances in the past.
A few days prior to this, an FIR was registered against social activist Nandalal Master, along with Shyam Sundar, Amit, Panchmukhi Singh and Sunil Kumar and 25 other ‘unknown persons, for a peaceful village protest on 29th January, during which the effigy of the three anti-farmer acts was burnt. The archaic United Province Special Powers Act (1932) which was invoked in their case, has a history of being used in the state to quell protests, in particular protests against the BJP.
The circumstances of the pandemic also make it possible to invoke the Disaster Management Act in a targeted way against anyone trying to organize, even when adequate precautions against Covid are taken. The convenient interpretation and use of legislation to suppress in particular protests against the centre are stark. We wish to re-assert here that legislation meant to enable addressing the pandemic situation should not interfere with people’s constitutional right to organize.
In yet another poignant incident, an FIR was filed by the UP police against the grief-stricken family members of Baljindra Singh, a farmer who died at the protest site in Ghazipur, for draping his body in the tricolour. It must be recalled that a few years back, the body of one of the accused in the ‘Dadri lynching case’ was also draped in the tricolour, but that did not attract any legal action.
Read in the broader context of the State clampdown, the order of the Allahabad High Court comes as a reminder of the duty of the administration and the police to uphold the constitutional rights of citizens to organize and participate in peaceful democratic protests. State apparatuses cannot function as arbitrary, callous and biased forces suppressing voices of dissent.
The order, in that sense, is a vindication of those who believe in democratic values. It is in line with the call issued by UNHRC on 5th February, emphasizing the need to protect the protestors’ right to peaceful assembly and expression. The State cannot use law as a tool of oppression to stifle mass outrage such as the recent farmers’ movement which is only growing stronger within UP and across the country.
We call upon the UP Govt. to reflect on the implications of the Hon’ble High Court’s order, in letter and spirit, and cease its attempts to muzzle democratic protests, end arbitrary detentions and arrests and withdraw all malafide FIRs.
We also urge the government to stop what has become an all-pervasive practice of repression of all dissenting voices. Democratic protests against undemocratic laws and practices will not stop.
We call upon all sections of citizens and democratic groups to remain ever vigilant and raise their voices in safeguarding our fundamental rights to organize and dissent, peacefully.
We continue to stand in solidarity with the farmers’ protests across the country including lakhs of farmers from various parts of UP and remain steadfast in the demand for complete repeal of the three farm laws.
napm india
25 years journey of struggle and reconstructionNational Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
NAPM stands in solidarity with women
leading the struggle to end the practice of female genital mutilation (FGM) in India and across the world
NHRC must take cognizance of the matter and the unconstitutional practice must be banned in India,
in consultation with organizations campaigning against it
9th February: As we mark the International Day for Zero Tolerance against female genital mutilation (FGM) this week (6th Feb), NAPM expresses solidarity with and support to all the women fighting this deeply discriminatory and harmful practice. In India, the struggle against FGM or khatna has been led from the front by community-based groups like WeSpeakOut and Sahiyo, who have braved many odds to build consciousness, perspective and campaign around an issue that is so often ignored. We acknowledge their significant work in a climate where the lack research and data, and the lack of legislative support to ban the practice, accompanied by the taboo around talking about FGM, make it extremely difficult to address it culturally or legally. This makes it necessary to address multiple aspects simultaneously:
Generating Awareness around FGM, Particularly in India
Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Khatna is a cultural practice involving the partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. It is practiced in different forms in various parts of the world[1].
FGM harms girls and women, as it involves removing and damaging healthy genital tissue in the absence of the person’s wish or consent, frequently at an age where consent is impossible. Depending on the type of FGM practised, it can interfere with physical and physiological functions of the bodies.
FGM is often done without anaesthesia, and without medical supervision and sometimes the procedure can go horribly wrong. It often leads to pain, shock, tetanus, genital sores, excessive bleeding, among other immediate harmful effects. Because of the silence surrounding the practice, medical access to address these also becomes impossible. FGM also has long-term psychological impact on the survivors, ranging from sexual disorders, fear of sexual intimacy, nightmares, and post-traumatic stress disorders.
FGM in India: A Cultural Practice
Worldwide 200 million girls go through different forms of FGM. In India, FGM is practised by the Bohra (Dawoodi, Sulemani and Alvi) community, though exact data on the practice does not exist. While the Bohras are recognized as being amongst the most educated and affluent of the Muslim communities in India, they are the only ones to continue this unacceptable practice. Bohra girls are often mutilated surreptitiously and in a clandestine manner as children at the age of 7, under the pretext of ‘ensuring religious purity’.
Many contradictory arguments are made to continue the practice. Some say the practice ‘reduces the sexual promiscuity of women’, while others say it ‘enhances their sexual experience’. Others yet think of it as a religious practice. However, FGM does not find a place in any religious text. It is a cultural practice passed on through generations, which does not have any health benefits or enhance sexual experience, as per current scientific studies.
Most women from the community cannot justify the need for the practice and many oppose it. However, there is a strong fear of ostracization, social boycott and exclusion from the family or community, especially as the Dawoodi Bohra community, largest of the Bohra groups, follows the word of the clergy who has on separate occasions promoted the practice for girls. While the ones involved directly in getting the procedure done are the women, backing it up are men in positions of power and ingrained patriarchy.
Legal and Community Approaches to End FGM
WHO classifies FGM as an extreme form of discrimination against women and a violation of the human rights of girls and women, reflecting gender inequality. It is almost always conducted on minors and is thereby a violation of the fundamental rights of children. In December 2012, the United Nations General Assembly adopted a unanimous resolution on the elimination of FGM. It declared 6th February as a day of zero tolerance on FGM.
Across the world, FGM is being banned in many countries. Nigeria and Gambia made FGM a criminal offence after women campaigned against it. FGM is banned in 20 countries in Africa. However, the Indian government does not recognise the existence of the practice in the country. The Government of India, in a submission to the Supreme Court said, "There is no FGM is India". The lack of evidence or data on FGM enabled the government to choose to ignore the reality of the practice. Individuals and groups in India continue to make attempts for legislative change to end the practice which violates constitutional rights.
At the same time, there is deep faith in the ability of the community to change and reconsider the violent, discriminatory patriarchal roots of the practice and end it. Numerous efforts are made to dialogue with everyone from the community and continuously challenge misconceptions regarding the practice. Women from within the community are also very cognizant of the majoritarian times we are living in and are therefore cautiously, yet responsibly, campaigning for an end to this practice, even as they resist attempts at vilification and criminalization of the community and families.
Silence, Lack of Research and Data
The denial of the prevalence of this practice by the State has a direct bearing on the absence of research and data, making both legal efforts and dialogue with the community difficult. Women and groups fighting against the practice also continue to try to build the necessary research and understanding, and enable the support for these.
Lack of Support for Survivors
Some women have shown immense courage in speaking out. In particular, WeSpeakOut and Sahiyo are groups that are working towards eliminating FGM in India. They conduct outreach programmes and provide space for survivors of the practice to come together, sometimes for the first time in a space where they can talk about their bodies, experience and trauma without shame. The recent presentation by survivors and activists Masooma and Sakina, at a virtual event organized by NAPM sheds more light on the many layers of the issue and the need for more solidarity. View at: https://youtu.be/n8vpUhAoDUg
National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) stands in solidarity with all the women fighting against this practice at great personal cost. We unequivocally condemn the violation of children’s rights, women’s rights and human rights through the practice of FGM in India and abroad.
We support the demand for recognition of the existence of the practice in India, to enable allocation of budget for research and data collection, and for making medico-legal and other support services readily available for survivors, as well as for continuing the dialogue and the change within the community.
We stand with women of the community in their struggle to find the right resources, legal & other forms of support to end this practice in our lifetimes. India should ban the practice, not by prosecuting the families of girls and women, but by holding accountable those who promote it.
We urge NHRC to immediately take suo-moto cognizance of this practice which constitutes a grave violation of the human rights of young girls, and act to end the practice in consultation with the organizations leading this struggle.
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
[1] The World Health Organisation (WHO) categorises FGM into 4 types: Type 2 and Type 3 of FGM are extreme forms of mutilation which involve partial or total removal of the clitoral glans and the labia minora (the inner folds of the vulva), with or without removal of the labia majora (the outer folds of skin of the vulva) and narrowing of the vaginal opening with the creation of a covering seal. Type 1 and Type 4 are mutilations that involve partial or total removal of the clitoral glans (the external and visible part of the clitoris, which is a sensitive part of the female genitals, with the function of providing sexual pleasure to the woman), and/or the prepuce/clitoral hood (the fold of skin surrounding the clitoral glans), and all other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes, for example pricking, piercing, incising, scraping and cauterization.
napm india
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110 014
सोशल मीडिया: @napmindia | www.napmindia.wordpress.com |
ई-मेल :napmindia@gmail.com | वेब:www.napm-india.org
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
इलाहबाद उच्च न्यायालय का आदेश यह स्थापित करता है कि उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा किसानों को अनर्गल आदेश जारी करके उन्हें शांतिपूर्ण ढंग से प्रदर्शन करने से रोकने का प्रयास करना न सिर्फ कानूनी रूप से बेबुनियाद है बल्कि प्राकृतिक न्याय का भी उल्लंघन है
सीतापुर जिले के 162 गरीब किसानों को 5०,००० से 10,००,००० रु तक के बॉन्ड
भरने के लिए जारी किये गए मनमाने नोटिस वापस लेने को मजबूर हुई उ.प्र सरकार
आधारहीन प्रसाशनिक आदेशों द्वारा किसान आन्दोलन नहीं रुकेगा
उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार गैर कानूनी नजर बंदी बंद करे और
किसानों - सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं के खिलाफ़ लंबित सभी केस वापस ले
8 फरवरी, 2021: अलाहबाद उच्च न्यायालय की रमेश सिन्हा और राजीव सिंह की खंडीय न्याय पीठ ने अपने 2 फरवरी के आदेश से यह साफ़ प्रतीत होता है कि उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार के पास ऐसा कोई न्यायायिक आधार नहीं है जिसके तहत वह किसानों और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं को शांतिपूर्ण प्रदर्शन का हिस्सा होने से रोके. यह एक बेहद महत्वपूर्ण आदेश है जो लोगों के संवैधानिक अधिकारों को सुनिश्चित करता है और साथ ही निरंकुश प्रसाशन तंत्र के लिए एक चेतावनी का काम करता है. न्यायालय का यह आदेश यह स्थापित करता है कि उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार द्वारा किसानों को 26 जनवरी के प्रदर्शन में जाने से रोकने के लिए 19 जनवरी और उसके बाद जारी किये गए आदेश कितने निरर्थक और प्राकृतिक न्याय के सूत्रों का उल्लंघन करने वाले थे.
यह आदेश एन.ए.पी.एम. संयोजक अरुंधती धुरु द्वारा दायर जनहित याचिका के तहत आया है. कोर्ट जाने का कारण “संगतिन किसान मजदूर संगठन”, सीतापुर के किसानों और मज़दूरों को धारा 111 के तहत जारी किये गए आदेश थे जिसका आधार मात्र पुलिस की ‘कानून व्यवस्था’ भंग होने की आशंका थी. जनहित याचिका के तहत ये मांग की गयी थी कि 163 किसानों, जिनमे महिला किसान भी शामिल थी, के खिलाफ़ जारी ऐसे सभी आदेश रद्द हों जिनमें उनसे 50,000 से लेकर 10,00,000 तक के बांड भरने को कहा गया और आश्वासन की मांग की गयी ताकि ये लोग किसी भी तरह के प्रदर्शन में भाग न लें. यह आदेश न सिर्फ निरर्थक/अव्यवहारिक थे बल्कि अन्यायपूर्ण थे और उन छोटे किसानो व् मजदूरों जिनमे ज्यादातर दलित व् पिछड़े समुदायों से आते हैं, उनकी स्थिति का मज़ाक उड़ाते भी प्रतीत होते थे.
जैसा कि आदेश में साफ़ साफ़ देखा जा सकता है- जब न्यायालय द्वारा एडवोकेट जनरल से यह पूछा गया कि क्यों सीतापुर के विभिन्न उप- जिलाधिकारियों द्वारा इस तरह से निषेधात्मक बांड मांगे गए, तो अपर महाधिवक्ता इसे समझाने में असमर्थ रहे. हालांकि उन्होंने यह बताया कि कानून- व्यवस्था को कोई खतरा नहीं होने के मद्देनज़र उक्त व्यक्तियों के खिलाफ़ सभी कार्यवाहियां वापिस ले ली गयी हैं. साथ ही न्यायालय ने सीतापुर प्रसाशन को यह निर्देश भी दिया कि ‘आगे से वह इस बात का ध्यान रखे ताकि लोगों के गैर जरूरी प्रतारणा से बचाया जा सके”.
उक्त बातों का संज्ञान लेते हुए, माननीय उच्च न्यायालय द्वारा यह मामला यह कहते हुए निस्तारित किया गया कि “प्रसाशन का आचरण ऐसा न दर्शाता हो कि वह मनमाने ढंग से चलता है और वह प्राकृतिक न्याय के सिद्धांत के खिलाफ़ काम करता है”. एन.ए.पी.एम. न्यायालय के इस आदेश का स्वागत करता है और यह उम्मीद करता है कि इस आदेश का पालन पूरे राज्य में इसी भावना के साथ किया जाएगा और आगे से सरकार इस तरह के गैर – ज़िम्मेदाराना तरीके नहीं अपनाएगी.
जैसा कि हम काफी समय से यह देख रहें हैं, यह कार्यवाही उन तमाम कोशिशों को दर्शा रही है जिसके तहत सरकार सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं, किसानों, छात्रों द्वारा ऐतिहासिक किसान आन्दोलन के साथ एकता दिखाने वाले कार्यक्रमों को रोकने का प्रयास कर रही है. खासतौर पर केंद्र सरकार किसान आन्दोलन को रोकने के नाकाम प्रयास करती रही है तथा सरकारी और मीडिया तंत्र का उपयोग करते हुए आन्दोलनकारियों को गिरफ्तार कर या उन्हें फसाकर बदनाम करने की पूरी कोशिश कर रही है. कुछ ही हफ्तों पहले एन.ए.पी.एम. संयोजक ऋचा सिंह को भी इसी तरह गैर कानूनी तरीके से कुछ दिनों तक घर में नजरबन्द किया गया. वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता रामजनम के खिलाफ़ गुंडा एक्ट के तहत केस भी दायर किया गया.
6 फरवरी के दिन जब किसान आन्दोलन द्वारा राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर शांतिपूर्ण चक्का जाम का आह्वान किया गया था, तब मनरेगा मजदूर यूनियन वाराणसी के सुरेश राठौड़ को शांति भंग करने की आशंका का हवाला देकर उन्हें घर पर नजरबन्द कर दिया गया. पहले भी इस तरह के आन्दोलनों में उनकी भागीदारी रोकने के लिए सरकार ऐसे कदम उठाती रही है.
इससे कुछ दिन पहले पुलिस द्वारा सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता नंदलाल मास्टर, श्याम सुन्दर, अमित, पंचमुखी सिंह और सुनील कुमार के साथ साथ 25 अन्य ‘अज्ञात लोगों’ के खिलाफ़ एफ.आई.आर. दर्ज कर दी गयी क्योंकि इन्होंने 29 जनवरी को एक शांतिपूर्ण प्रदर्शन में भाग लिया जिसमें 3 कृषि बिलों की प्रतिओं को जलाया गया. जिस 1932 के संयुक्त-प्रान्त विशेषाधिकार कानून का इस केस में इस्तेमाल किया गया उसे हमेशा से ही राज्य द्वारा लोकताँत्रिक आंदोलनों को कुचलने के लिए इस्तेमाल किया जाता रहा है, खास तौर पर बी.जे.पी. द्वारा.
कोरोना महामारी के बहाने को इस्तेमाल करते हुए डिजास्टर मैनेजमेंट एक्ट को भी कुछ खास आयोजनों को रोकने के लिए इस्तेमाल किया जा रहा है, भले ही सारी सावधानियां क्यों न बरती गयी हों. संवैधानिक क़ानूनों और प्रावधानों की सुविधाजनक व्याख्या और इस्तेमाल द्वारा आंदोलनों को कुचलना सरकार की मुख्य पहचान बन गयी है. हम इस बात को पुरजोर तरीके से रखना चाहते हैं कि विधायिका का काम महामारी के दौरान व्यवस्था बनाये रखने का है न कि लोगों के संगठित होने के संवैधानिक अधिकार में बाधा डालने का.
ऐसी ही एक मार्मिक घटना में, उत्तर प्रदेश पुलिस द्वारा बलजिंदर सिंह के परिवार वालो के खिलाफ़ एफ.आई.आर. दर्ज कर दी गयी क्योंकि वे बलजिंदर के गाजीपुर प्रदर्शन स्थल में मारे जाने के बाद उन्हें तिरंगे में लपेट कर ले जा रहे थे. यह घटना कुछ साल पहले के उस वाकये कि याद दिलाती है जब ‘दादरी लिंचिंग केस’ के एक आरोपी की मौत के बाद उसे भी तिरंगे में लपेट कर ले जाया गया था, हालाकिं उस समय उन लोगों पर कोई मुकदमा नहीं चला.
हाल ही में आई ख़बर के अनुसार, उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार ने एक बार फिर आंदोलन में भाग लेने वाले किसानों की तरफ़ दमनकारी रवैया दिखाया है. उत्तर प्रदेश के मुज़फ्फरनगर में हुई एक महापंचायत में हिस्सेदारी करने वाले क़रीब २०० किसानों को नोटिस जारी गया है कि वे २ लाख रूपए का निजी बांड भरें जिससे ‘शांति’ सुनिश्चित की जा सके.
राज्य के इस उग्र व्यवहार को संदर्भ में देखा जाये तो अलाहबाद उच्च न्यायालय का यह आदेश प्रसाशन व् पुलिस के लिए सबक है कि उनका कर्त्तव्य नागरिकों के संगठित होने के संवैधानिक अधिकारों को बचाना है और उनके शांतिपूर्ण व् लोकताँत्रिक तरीके से प्रदर्शन करने के अधिकार को सुनिश्चित करना है. राज्य की मशीनरी का इस्तेमाल एकतरफ़ा तरीके अपनाते हुए मनमाने ढंग से कुछ खास लोगों की आवाज़ को दबाने के लिए नहीं किया जा सकता.
एक तरह से यह फैसला उन लोगों को हौसला देता है जो लोकताँत्रिक मूल्यों की बात करते हैं. यह फैसला UNHRC के 5 फरवरी की उस घोषणा की भावना को दर्शाता है, जिसमे प्रदर्शनकारियों के शांतिपूर्ण तरीके से एकत्र होने व् अपनी बात रखने के अधिकार को सुनिश्चित करने की बात पर जोर दिया गया था. राज्य को इस बात का बिलकुल अधिकार नहीं है कि वह कानून का इस्तेमाल लोगों की आवाज़ को कुचलने के लिए करे जैसा कि किसान आन्दोलन के साथ वह कर रही है जो कि न सिर्फ उत्तर प्रदेश बल्कि पूरे देश में तेजी से फ़ैल रहा है.
हम उत्तर प्रदेश राज्य प्रसाशन से यह उम्मीद करते हैं कि वह उच्च न्यायालय के आदेश के निहितार्थों पर विचार करेगी, न सिर्फ शब्दों बल्कि उसकी भावनाओं को समझेगी, और जो सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं को नजरबन्द करने, उन्हें जेल में डालने का सिलसिला जारी है, उसे बंद करेगी व् सभी फर्जी मुक़दमे वापस लेगी.
हम राज्य सरकार से यह अनुरोध करते हैं कि वह प्रतिरोध की आवाज़ों का इस तरह से दमन करना बंद करे. अलोकतांत्रिक कानून और आदेशों के खिलाफ़ लोकतांत्रिक तरीके से प्रदर्शन जारी रहेंगे.
हम सभी नागरिकों व् लोकताँत्रिक संगठनों से यह आह्वान करते हैं कि वह पहले से कहीं ज्यादा सजग रहें और शांतिपूर्ण तरीके से संगठित होने व् प्रतिरोध करने के बुनियादी अधिकारों के लिए आवाज़ उठाते रहें.
हम प्रदर्शन कर रहे देश भर के किसानों के साथ खड़े हैं और 3 नए कृषि क़ानूनों को वापस लेने की मांग पर अडिग हैं.
मेधा पाटकर (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन, जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); डॉ सुनीलम, आराधना भार्गव (किसान संघर्ष समिति), राजकुमार सिन्हा (चुटका परमाणु विरोधी संघर्ष समिति); पल्लव (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, मध्य प्रदेश)
अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे, शंकर सिंह (मज़दूर किसान शक्ति संगठन); कविता श्रीवास्तव (PUCL); कैलाश मीणा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, राजस्थान); प्रफुल्ल समांतरा (लोक शक्ति अभियान)
लिंगराज आज़ाद (समजवादी जन परिषद्, नियमगिरि सुरक्षा समिति); लिंगराज प्रधान, सत्य बंछोर, अनंत, कल्याण आनंद, अरुण जेना, त्रिलोचन पुंजी, लक्ष्मीप्रिया, बालकृष्ण, मानस पटनायक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, ओडिशा)
संदीप पांडेय (सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ऑफ़ इंडिया); ऋचा सिंह, रामबेटी (संगतिन किसान मज़दूर संगठन, सीतापुर); राजीव यादव, मसीहुद्दीन (रिहाई मंच, लखनऊ); अरुंधति धुरु, ज़ैनब ख़ातून (महिला युवा अधिकार मंच, लखनऊ); सुरेश राठोड (मनरेगा मज़दूर यूनियन, वाराणसी),अरविन्द मूर्ति, अल्तमस अंसारी (इंक़लाबी कामगार यूनियन, मऊ), जाग्रति राही (विज़न संसथान, वाराणसी), सतीश सिंह (सर्वोदयी विकास समिति, वाराणसी); नकुल सिंह साहनी (चल चित्र अभियान)
पी चेन्नय्या (APVVU); रामकृष्णं राजू (यूनाइटेड फोरम फॉर RTI एंड NAPM); चकरी (समालोचना); बालू गाडी, बापजी जुव्वाला (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, आंध्र प्रदेश);
जीवन कुमार, सईद बिलाल (ह्यूमन राइट्स फोरम); पी शंकर (दलित-बहुजन फ्रंट); विस्सा किरण कुमार , कोंदल (रयथु स्वराज्य वेदिका); रवि कनगंटी (रयथु, JAC ); आशालता (मकाम); कृष्णा (TVV); एम् वेंकटय्या (TVVU ); मीरा संघमित्रा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तेलंगाना)
सिस्टर सीलिया (डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); मेजर जनरल (रिटायर्ड) एस जी वोमबतकेरे (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); नलिनी गौड़ा (KRRS); नवाज़, द्विजी गुरु, नलिनी, मधु भूषण, ममता, सुशीला, शशांक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, कर्नाटक)
गाब्रिएल (पेन्न उरिमय इयक्कम, मदुरै); गीता रामकृष्णन (USWF); सुतंतिरण, लेनिन, इनामुल हसन, अरुल दोस, विकास (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तमिल नाडु);
विलायोडी, सी आर नीलकंदन, कुसुमम जोसफ, शरथ चेल्लूर, विजयराघवन, मजींदरन, मगलीन (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, केरल)
दयामनी बरला (आदिवासी- मूलनिवासी अस्तित्व रक्षा समिति); बसंत, अलोक, डॉ लियो, अफ़ज़ल, सुषमा, दुर्गा, जीपाल, प्रीति रंजन, अशोक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, झारखण्ड)
आनंद माज़गाओंकर, स्वाति, कृष्णकांत, पार्थ (पर्यावरण सुरक्षा समिति); नीता महादेव, मुदिता (लोक समिति ); देव देसाई, मुजाहिद, रमेश, भरत (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गुजरात)
विमल भाई (माटु जन संगठन); जबर सिंह, उमा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, उत्तराखंड)
मान्शी, हिमशि, हिमधारा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हिमाचल प्रदेश)
एरिक, अभिजीत, तान्या, डयाना, एमिल, कैरोलिन, फ्रांसेस्का (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गोवा)
गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा); कलादास डहरिया (RELAA); अलोक, शालिनी (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, छत्तीसगढ़)
समर, अमिताव, बिनायक, सुजाता, प्रदीप, प्रसारुल, तपस, ताहोमिना, पबित्र, क़ाज़ी मुहम्मद, बिश्वजीत, आयेशा, रूपक, मिलान, असित, मीता, यासीन, मतीउर्रहमान, बाइवाजित (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पश्चिम बंगाल)
सुनीति, संजय, सुहास, प्रसाद, मुक्त, युवराज, गीतांजलि, बिलाल, जमीला (घर बचाओ घर बनाओ आंदोलन); चेतन साल्वे (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन); परवीन जहांगीर (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, महाराष्ट्र)
जे इस वालिया (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हरियाणा)
गुरुवंत सिंह, नरबिंदर सिंह (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पंजाब)
कामायनी, आशीष रंजन (जन-जागरण शक्ति संगठन); महेंद्र यादव (कोसी नवनिर्माण मंच)
राजेंद्र रवि (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); भूपेंद्र सिंह रावत (जन संघर्ष वाहिनी); अंजलि, अमृता जोहरी (सतर्क नागरिक संगठन); संजीव कुमार (दलित आदिवासी शक्ति अधिकार मंच); अनीता कपूर (दिल्ली शहरी महिला कामगार यूनियन); सुनीता रानी (नेशनल डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); नन्हू प्रसाद (नेशनल साइकिलिस्ट यूनियन); मधुरेश, प्रिया, आर्यमन, दिव्यांश, ईविता, अनिल (दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप); एम् जे विजयन (PIPFPD)
अधिक जानकारी के लिए संपर्क करें: ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6,Jangpura B, New Delhi – 110 014
E-mail:napmindia@gmail.com | Web:www.napm-india.org
(हिन्दी वक्तव्य और पोस्टर के लिए कृपया नीचे देखें)
NAPM condemns the alarming rise in state repression and clampdown on
news outlets and journalists exposing the anti-people nature of the establishment
We call for immediate release of arrested journalists, withdrawal of arbitrary charges and protection of media persons facing threats
State is duty-bound to uphold the constitutionally guaranteed right of all media persons and groups reporting in public interest
14th February, 2021: NAPM is outraged at the increasing number of instances of the state blatantly targeting news outlets and journalists who refuse to budge and report the truth in public interest, despite threats from those in power. These threats come either directly from the establishment and its agencies or from those whom the State covertly enables to stifle fair and fearless journalism.
Reports show that over the past decade, more than 150 journalists in India were arrested, had FIRs lodged against them, were detained and interrogated, either under ‘terror’ related charges, sedition charges or UAPA, and, after the beginning of the Coronavirus pandemic, under the Disaster Management Act and Epidemic Diseases Act as well. The year 2020 alone saw 20% of these cases, with the large majority concentrated in BJP ruled states. At a time when many journalists are also staring at retrenchments and livelihood insecurity, the presence of threats entailed by the very nature of reporting under this regime only makes matters worse.
It is now evident that large sections of mainstream media have been steadily converted into a toxic propaganda machine, reflecting solely the voice of the Centre, peddling lies, hate and misinformation incessantly. At the same time, journalists who stand by the ethics of their profession face threats and even violence, with almost 200 physical attacks against them between 2014 and 2019, and multiple deaths.
Less than a month and a half into 2021, the instances of violence against and targeting of journalists are already too many to count. One of the most blatant examples is the recent raid by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on Newsclick, an independent online news platform. Starting the 9th February, over 8 premises, including the office of Newsclick, homes of some of its journalists and senior management were raided. For over a marathon 113 hours, the ED camped at the residence of editor-in-chief Prabir Purkayastha & writer Githa Hariharan, virtually placing them in home detention for 5 days. NewsClick has been consistently reporting on the farmers’ protests and also on an entire range of people’s movements and issues ignored by much of the mainstream media.
On 30th January, Mandeep Punia, a freelance journalist who has contributed for The Caravan magazine and Junputh, was dragged by the Delhi Police across the police barricades at Singhu Border, from where he had been reporting from day 1 of the Farmers’ Protests. His arrest has been the most recent and horrific case of repression by the State against journalists instrumental in speaking truth to power. An FIR was registered against him in Alipur Police Station at 1.21 a.m. for allegedly ‘assaulting a police official’ at around 6.30 p.m, the previous evening. A video of the police brutally dragging him at the border went viral. His is one of the rare cases in recent times in which an arrested journalist receives bail, along with a clear acknowledgement by the Magistrate that ‘bail is a rule and jail is an exception.’
As many as five FIRs have been filed against prominent journalists Rajdeep Sardesai, Mrinal Pande, Zafar Agha, The Caravan magazine’s editor and founder Paresh Nath, its editor Anant Nath and executive editor Vinod K Jose. The given grounds for the FIRs are allegedly ‘promoting enmity between different groups, insult with intent to provoke breach of peace and criminal conspiracy’. These FIRs pertain to tweets and reports which alleged that a farmer was shot on 26th January, during the Farmers’ Republic Day Parade. On 30th January, the UP police filed an FIR against Siddharth Varadarajan, Founder Editor of The Wire for a report that had the allegations of the dead farmer’s family.
Prior to this, on 25th January 2021, three Kanpur based TV journalists, Mohit Kashyap, Amit Singh and Yasin Ali, were booked after they ran a story that showed how children in a government school were shivering in the cold while practising yoga in the open. This took place during a government event which was attended by the technology minister in the UP government, Ajit Singh Pal. On 20th January 2021, a lower court in Gujarat issued a non-bailable arrest warrant against senior journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta in a defamation case filed by Adani against him for stories published in The Wire in 2017. The Gujarat High Court subsequently suspended the warrant and directed him to appear before the lower court in the matter.
Also in January, journalists Dhiren Sadokpam, Paojel Chaoba and M Joy Luwang from Manipur were arrested for a piece in The Frontier Manipur. They were charged with sedition and under the draconian Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), laws which have been used indiscriminately across the country against activists and journalists alike, especially in the past few years.
These cases are proof to the attack on free speech that is underway across the country. They are a continuation of state repression against journalists who have been reporting on the government’s excesses over the rights of its citizens. The arrest and unconstitutional incarceration of Siddique Kappan is symbolic of this repression. He was on his way to report the Hathras rape case in Uttar Pradesh when he and three others were charged and arrested under UAPA. He has been in jail since October 2020 without trial or bail, not even allowed to meet his extremely ill, 90-year-old mother.
On 22nd November 2020, a TV journalist, identified as Pongi Naganna was arrested in Vishakapatnam, on the charge of being a ‘courier’ for the Maoists. This arrest was followed by arrests of many other activists under UAPA. Other major instances of journalists being targeted include the repeated arrests and incarceration over months, of Prashant Kanojia for social media posts calling out the UP Govt. Looking back at 2020 reveals that this trend is not new. In November, 2020 the Meghalaya High Court refused to quash criminal proceedings against Patricia Mukhim, Editor of Shillong Times for a Facebook post which was seen as tantamount to promoting ‘disharmony between communities’. Earlier in November 2019, N Venugupal, the editor of Veekshanam, a progressive Telugu magazine, was charged under UAPA and the Telangana Public Security Act.
On 26th September, 2020 senior journalist Kamal Shukla, editor of Bhumkal Sumatra magazine and head of the Patrakar Suraksha Kanoon Sanyukt Sangharsh Samiti, was physically assaulted in Kanker (North Bastar) district of Chhattisgarh. According to local journalists, the incident took place in the afternoon when Shukla went to the local police station after hearing that a journalist, Satish Yadav, had been assaulted by local municipal corporators belonging to the ruling Congress party. Also in September, 2020 journalist Kishorechandra Wangkhem was arrested by the Manipur Police on charges of sedition to be granted bail only in December.
The continued incarceration, for over 2 years, of Kashmiri journalist Aasif Sultan, who has been charged under UAPA allegedly on grounds unrelated to his journalism, is one of many reminders that journalists in Kashmir have been reporting under atrocious conditions of surveillance and violence, especially after the abrogation of Article 370. It is an extremely sad reflection of our ‘democracy’ that crucial constitutional matters such as blanket media and internet curbs in Kashmir have not been attended to with due urgency even by the Apex Court.
The attitude of the state towards journalists and the many strategies of suppression they employ also include and encourage attacks specifically targeted against women journalists. Journalist Neha Dixit who has been uncovering many uncomfortable truths of state excesses, has recently reported someone barging into her home, as well as stalking; and death and rape threats. Initially the police refused to file an FIR against the accused, in spite of the fact that she was able to provide them with phone numbers. An FIR was filed only after much pursuit, although there is little headway in the matter.
Recently, the Network of Women in Media India expressed concerns over Pushpa Rokde receiving warnings and death threats, allegedly from the ‘Maoist South Bastar Pamed Area Committee’, for her journalistic work as well as for short-term work unconnected to journalism. Considering her ongoing reporting on state violence, as well as on issues faced by Adivasi people in the villages of the area, it is difficult to imagine, though, why she would be accused by ‘Maoists’ of being a ‘police informer’, the statement said.
The journalists mentioned above are by no means representative of the range of attacks that have taken place in the past decade. Journalists working in conflict zones, in non-metro areas, face challenges and forms of repression which often do not even make the news. We, therefore, need to be constantly vigilant to safeguarding the interests of those who are reporting from difficult conditions.
In this context, we mark with increasing worry, the impunity with which so called ‘pro-nation’ individuals and groups can make public threats against journalists and media houses and engage in vitriolic conspiracy theory in the guise of ‘exposes’, inciting viewers to violence and at times even aggressively demanding that the state hang them! Not only is no action taken against them, but their voices are given further platform by position holders within the ruling party and its allies, while those against whom threats are made, are brought under state scrutiny for amplifying voices of dissent, and face arrests, raids and violence.
To return to the most recent events, a youtuber calling for prominent independent media journalists to ‘be hanged’ for questioning state interventions during lockdown and for reporting on the Farmers’ Protests has been brazenly lauded by BJP leaders including Kapil Mishra, Tajinder Bagga and CG Surya, ex Shiv-Sena member Ramesh Solanki, RSS volunteer who led the BJP’s social media campaign in 2014, Vikas Pandey, and others, with no consideration for the grotesque nature of the insinuations and the calls for violence. At the same time, the BJP government issues warnings to social media platforms to curtail what it calls ‘inflammatory content and misinformation,’ showing a convenient disregard for the truth and for the meaning of free speech and journalism.
Article-19 of the Constitution guarantees freedom of speech & expression through writing, printing, pictures, electronic broadcasting and media and it is fundamental to the idea of democracy. The control over information and news by the Central and state governments through brutal measures is nothing but fascist in nature and goes against the democratic framework enshrined in the Indian Constitution. While there is a need for legal frameworks for the protection of journalists, the steps proposed by some states, like the Maharashtra Media Person and Media Institutions Bill (2017) and the proposed Chhattisgarh Protection of Media Persons Act (2020) are insufficient, especially in instances where reporting takes place against government authorities who are then tasked with protecting the journalists.
National Alliance of People’s Movements condemns the violations of freedom of press and expression and the attempts to build a mainstream media entirely under the control of the state. In spite of the Supreme Court’s recent observation that inflammatory content needs to be checked, the patronage provided to media establishments by the current regime, turns them into tools of indoctrination and obfuscation of any form of opposition to government’s catering to corporate, majoritarian interests.
We demand that FIRs against journalists be quashed and those currently incarcerated be released immediately. The State must stop acting as the violator and protect the rights of journalists, especially women subjected to threats of gendered violence.
We denounce the state’s concerted efforts to vilify media houses and journalists who amplify the concerns of people belonging to minority communities, farmers, workers, women, activists, historically oppressed communities asking for their rights; or report on corporate, environmental crimes or provide critical reviews of anti-people policies. The long-standing demand of many journalists to ensure legislative protection for media persons, based on the PUCL draft bill and upholding human rights standards must be duly considered.
We continue to stand in solidarity with all the journalists who have been targeted by the central government or the state governments for reporting on issues that have exposed their anti-people policies, and with media platforms across the country which show the true state of affairs in society, be it in small towns or big cities.
In times of corporate and state-controlled mass media, we firmly believe that democracy can be rescued only if all of us, as citizens actively support and invest in independent journalism.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110 014
ई-मेल :napmindia@gmail.com | वेब:www.napm-india.org
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
सत्ता के जनविरोधी चेहरे को बेनकाब करने वाले समाचार संस्थानों और पत्रकारों पर
शिकंजा कसने और प्रताड़ित करने की तेज़ी से बढ़ रही घटनाओं की एन.ए.पी.एम निंदा करता है
हम गिरफ्तार पत्रकारों को तुरंत छोड़ने, लगाये मनमाने आरोप वापस लेने और
जिन पत्रकारों को धमकियां मिल रही हैं, उन्हें सुरक्षा देने की मांग करते हैं
सत्ता का यह कर्तव्य है कि जनहित में पत्रकारिता कर रहे सभी मीडियाकर्मियों और समूहों के संविधान में गारंटीशुदा अधिकारों का पालन सुनिश्चित हो
14 फरवरी, 2021: सत्ताधारी वर्ग के लोगों से मिल रही धमकियों के बावजूद न झुकने वाले और जनहित में सच का सामने लाने वाली पत्रकारिता करने वाले पत्रकारों और समाचार संस्थानों को सत्ता की तरफ से निशाना बनाये जाने की बढ़ती घटनाओं से एन.ए.पी.एम आक्रोशित है। धमकियां या तो सीधे सत्ता से आ रही हैं या फिर उसकी एजेंसियों से या फिर उन लोगों की तरफ से जिनकी पीठ पर निष्पक्ष व निडर पत्रकारिता को दबाने के लिए परोक्ष रूप से सत्ता का हाथ है।
विभिन्न रिपोर्ट दर्शाती हैं कि पिछले एक दशक में देश में 150 पत्रकारों को गिरफ्तार किया गया, उनके खिलाफ प्राथमिकी दर्ज की गई, उन्हें हिरासत में लिया गया, पूछताछ की गई, ‘आतंकवाद‘, राजद्रोह या गैरकानूनी गतिविधि निरोधक कानून (यू.ए.पी.ए) के तहत आरोप लगाये गये और कोरोनावायरस महामारी की शुरुआत के बाद आपदा प्रबंधन अधिनियम और महामारी बीमारी अधिनियम के तहत भी आरोप लगाये गये। ऐसे मामलों के 20 फीसदी मामले केवल वर्ष 2020 में हुए और अधिकतर यह भाजपा शासित प्रदेशों में हुए। ऐसे समय जब कई पत्रकार छंटनियों औैर आजीविका की असुरक्षा का सामना कर रहे हों, इस शासन में अपना काम करने के साथ उठाये जाने वाले खतरे स्थिति को और बुरा बनाते हैं।
यह साफ दिख रहा है कि मुख्यधारा के मीडिया का बड़ा हिस्सा केवल केंद्र की आवाज दर्शाती, झूठ, नफरत फैलाने वाली विषैली दुष्प्रचार मशीन बन चुका है। ऐसे में पत्रकार जो अपने पेशे के मूल्यों के साथ अडिग खड़े रहेने की कोशिश करते हैं, उन्हें धमकाया जा रहा है, हिंसा का सामना करना पड़ रहा है और 2014 से लेकर 2019 के बीच ही 200 हमलों की घटनाएं हो चुकी है जिनमें कई पत्रकार मारे भी जा चुके हैं।
2021 शुरू हुए डेढ़ महीना ही हुआ है, पत्रकारों को निशाना बनाने व हिंसा की घटनाएं गिनती से बाहर हैं। सबसे ताज़ा उदाहरणों में से एक है, एक स्वतंत्र ऑनलाइन समाचार संस्थान, न्यूज़क्लिक पर प्रवर्तन निदेशालय (ईडी) द्वारा हाल ही में छापा। 9 फरवरी से, 8 से अधिक परिसरों में, न्यूज़क्लिक के कार्यालय सहित, इसके कुछ पत्रकारों और वरिष्ठ प्रबंधन के कार्यालयों व घरों पर छापे मारे गए। एक मैराथन 113 घंटे से अधिक के लिए, ईडी ने प्रधान संपादक प्रबीर पुरकायस्था और लेखिका गीता हरिहरन के घर पर डेरा डाला, और उन्हें 5 दिनों के लिए घर की नजरबंदी में रखा था। न्यूज़क्लिक लगातार किसान आंदोलन की रिपोर्टिंग कर रहा है और ऐसे अन्य जनांदोलनों व मुद्दों पर भी जिन्हे ‘मुख्यधारा के मीडिया’ का बड़ा हिस्सा अनदेखी कर देता है।
कारवां और जनपथ में लिखने वाले एक स्वतंत्र पत्रकार मंदीप पुनिया को सिंघु बॉर्डर पर 30 जनवरी को रिपोर्टिंग करते समय दिल्ली पुलिस ने बैरीकेड से खींचकर हिरासत में लिया। पुनिया किसान आंदोलन की पहले दिन से रिपोर्टिंग कर रहे हैं। उनकी गिरफ्तारी सत्ता को सच का आईना दिखाने वाले पत्रकारों के उत्पीड़न का सबसे ताज़ा और भयावह उदाहरण है। उनके खिलाफ अलीपुर पुलिस स्टेशन में आधी रात के बाद 1.21 बजे ‘एक पुलिसकर्मी पर शाम साढ़े छह बजे हमला करने‘ का आरोप लगाते हुए प्राथमिकी दर्ज की गई। जबकि एक वीडियो वायरल हुआ था जिसमें दिख रहा है कि पुलिस उसे घसीटते ले जा रही है। उनका मामला हाल के समय में एक दुर्लभ मामला था जिसमें किसी गिरफ्तार पत्रकार को जमानत मिल गई जो मजिस्ट्रेट की स्पष्ट स्वीकारोक्ति थी कि ‘जमानत नियम है और जेल अपवाद’|
राजदीप सरदेसाई, मृणाल पांडे, जफर आगा, कारवां पत्रिका के संपादक व संस्थापक परेश नाथ, संपादक अनंत नाथ और इसके कार्यकारी संपादक विनोद के.जोस जैसे प्रमुख पत्रकारों के खिलाफ पांच प्राथमिकयां दर्ज की गई हैं। प्राथमिकियों का आधार कथित रूप से ‘विभिन्न् समूहों में विद्वेष बढ़ाना, शांति भंग करने के उद्देश्य से किसी को भड़काना व आपराधिक षड्यंत्र‘ है। यह प्राथमिकियां उन ट्वीट व रिपोर्ट पर की गई हैं जिनमें यह आरोप लगाया गया था कि 26 जनवरी को किसान परेड के दौरान एक किसान को गोली लगी थी। 30 फरवरी को उत्तर प्रदेश पुलिस ने द वायर के संस्थापक संपादक सिद्धार्थ वरदराजन के खिलाफ उस रिपोर्ट के लिए प्राथमिकी दाखिल की जो मृत किसान के परिवार के आरोपों पर आधारित थी।
उससे पूर्व 25 जनवरी को कानपुर के तीन टीवी पत्रकारों मोहित कश्यप, अमित सिंह और यासीन अली पर एक मामला दर्ज किया, जिसका आधार वह रिपोर्ट थी जिसमें दिखाया गया था कि कैसे एक सरकारी स्कूल में सर्दी में खुले में योगा कर रहे बच्चे कांप रहे हैं। रिपोर्ट एक सरकारी कार्यक्रम की थी जिसमें उत्तर प्रदेश के प्रौद्योगिकी मंत्री अजित सिंह पाल मौजूद थे।
20 जनवरी को गुजरात में एक निचली अदालत ने 2017 में द वायर पर प्रकाशित खबरों को लेकर अडानी की तरफ से दायर मानहानि के मामले में वरिष्ठ पत्रकार प्रंजोय गुहा ठाकुर्ता के खिलाफ गैर जमानती वारंट जारी किया। बाद में गुजरात उच्च न्यायालय ने वारंट को निलंबित किया और उन्हें मामले में निचली अदालत के समक्ष पेश होने का निर्देश दिया।
जनवरी में द फ्रंटियर मणिपुर में एक लेख के लिए मणिपुर में धीरेन सदाकपम, पोजेल चाओबा और एम जॉय लुवांग को गिरफ्तार किया गया था। उन पर राजद्रोह और यू.ए.पी.ए के तहत आरोप लगाये गये, जिनका पिछले कुछ सालों में देश भर में कार्यकर्ताओं व पत्रकारों के खिलाफ अंधाधुंध इस्तेमाल हो रहा है।
यह मामले देश भर में अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता पर हो रहे हमलों का प्रमाण हैं। यह अपने नागरिकों के अधिकारों के हनन के लिए सरकारों के अत्याचारों की रिपोर्टिं कर रहे पत्रकारों के खिलाफ राज्यसत्ता के उत्पीड़न की निरंतरता को दर्शाते हैं। सिद्धीक कप्पन की गिरफ्तारी व असंवैधानिक कैद इस अत्याचार का नमूना है। वह उत्तर प्रदेश में हाथरस मामले की रिपोर्टिंग के लिए जा रहे थे जब उन्हें व तीन अन्य को गिरफ्तार किया गया व उन पर यू.ए.पी.ए लगाया गया। वह अक्तूबर 2020 से जेल में हैं और न उन्हें जमानत मिली है, न मुकदमा शुरू हुआ है। यहां तक कि उन्हें अपनी 90 वर्षीय बीमार मां से भी मिलने की इजाजत नहीं दी गई है।
22 नवंबर 2020 को टीवी पत्रकार पोंगी नगन्ना को विशाखापत्तनम से गिरफ्तार किया गया था। उन पर माओवादियों के लिए ‘कोरियर’ का कार्य करने का आरोप था। इस गिरफ्तारी के बाद कई कार्यकर्ताओं की गिरफ्तारियां यू.ए.पी.ए के तहत हुईं। पत्रकारों के उत्पीड़न के अन्य प्रमुख मामलों में उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार के खिलाफ सोशल मीडिया पोस्ट को लेकर प्रशांत कनौजिया को बार-बार कई महीनों तक गिरफ्तार करना और जेल में बंद करना शामिल है।
2020 को देखने पर पता चलता है कि यह चलन नया नहीं है। नवंबर 2020 में ही मेघालय उच्च न्यायालय ने शिलांग टाइम्स की संपादक पैट्रिशिया मुकीम के खिलाफ आपराधिक कार्यवाही को रद्द करने से इंकार किया, जो कथित रूप् से ‘समुदायों के बीच दुर्भावना’ पैदा करने वाली एक फेसबुक पोस्ट पर आधारित थी। 2019 में प्रगतिशील तेलुगु पत्रिका विकशणम के संपादक एन.वेणुगोपाल पर यू.ए.पी.ए और तेलंगाना जन सुरक्षा अधिनियम के तहत मामला दर्ज किया गया था|
26 सितंबर 2020 को वरिष्ठ पत्रकार और भूमकाल समुात्रा पत्रिका के संपादक और पत्रकार सुरक्षा कानून संयुक्त संघर्ष समिति के प्रमुख कमल शुक्ला पर कांकेर (उत्तरी बस्तर, छत्तीसगढ़) में हमला किया गया था। स्थानीय पत्रकारों के अनुसार घटना दोपहर में घटी जब शुक्ला एक पत्रकार सतीश यादव पर सत्तारूढ़ कांग्रेस के पार्षदों के हमले के बारे में सुनकर स्थानीय पुलिस थाने में गये थे। सितंबर 2020 में ही पत्रकार किशोरचंद्र वांगखेम को मणिपुर पुलिस ने राजद्रोह के आरोप में गिरफ्तार किया था, बाद में उन्हें दिसंबर में जमानत मिली।
कश्मीरी पत्रकार आसिफ सुल्तान की दो साल से अधिक समय से कैद (उन पर यू.ए.पी.ए के तहत आरोप हैं जो कथित रूप से उनकी पत्रकारिता से असंबद्ध हैं) कश्मीर में पत्रकारों की स्थिति दर्शाती है जो निगाहबीनी व हिंसा के बीच रिपोर्टिंग कर रहे हैं, खासकर अनुच्छेद 370 रद्द करने के बाद। यह हमारे लोकतंत्र का दु:खद पहलू ही है कि मीडिया व इंटरनेट बंदी जैसे गंभीर, संवैधानिक मामले पर उच्चतम न्यायालय में समुचित तेज़ी नहीं दिखाई जाती।
पत्रकारों के प्रति राज्यसत्ता का रवैया और अपनाई जाने वाली उत्पीड़न की कई रणनीतियों में खासकर महिला पत्रकारों पर लक्षित हमलों को बढ़ावा देना है। पत्रकार नेहा दीक्षित, जो सत्ता के अत्याचारों की असुविधाजनक सच्चाईयों को बेनकाब करती रही हैं, ने हाल में बताया कि कोई उनके घर में घुसा, उनका पीछा कर रहा था और उन्हें जान से मारने व बलात्कार की धमकियां दी गईं। पहले तो पुलिस ने आरोपियों के खिलाफ प्राथमिकी दर्ज करने से मना किया, जबकि वह उन्हें फोन नंबर दे रही थीं। काफ़ी प्रयास के बाद ही एफ.आई.आर दर्ज की गई थी, हालांकि इस मामले में कोई बात ठोस रूप से आगे नहीं बढ़ी है |
हाल में नेटवर्क ऑफ वीमन इन मीडिया, इंडिया (NWMI) ने पुष्पा रोकड़े को उनके पत्रकारीय व अल्पकालीन गैर-पत्रकारीय कार्य के संदर्भ में कथित ‘माओस्टि साऊथ बस्तर पामेद एरिया कमिटी’ की तरफ से मिली चेतावनियों व जान से मारने की धमकियों पर चिंता जताई थी। बयान में कहा गया कि सरकारी हिंसा व ग्रामीण इलाकों में आदिवासियों के मुद्दों पर उनकी पत्रकारिता को ध्यान में रखते हुए हालांकि यह कल्पना करना आसान नहीं है कि उन पर माओवादी क्यों ‘पुलिस मुखबिर‘ होने का आरोप लगाएंगे।
ऊपर बताये गये मामले पिछले दशक में हुए हमलों की व्यापकता का प्रतिनिधित्व नहीं करते। संघर्ष जोन, गैर महानगरीय क्षेत्रों में कार्य करने वाले पत्रकारों को जिन चुनौतियों व अत्याचारों का सामना करना पड़ता है, अक्सर उनकी खबरें भी नहीं आतीं। इसीलिए हमें उन लोगों के हितों की सुरक्षा के प्रति और सजग रहना होगा जो मुश्किल हालात में रिपोर्टिंग कर रहे हैं।
इस संदर्भ में हमारी चिंता बढ़ जाती है जब कथित ‘राष्ट्र समर्थक‘ नागरिक और समूह पत्रकारों व मीडिया समूहों के प्रति सार्वजनिक धमकियां जारी करते हैं और उन पर षड्यंत्र रने के आरोप लगाते हैं और दर्शकों को उनके खिलाफ हिंसा के लिए उकसाते हैं व कभी-कभी तो यह मांग भी करते हैं कि सरकार उन्हें फांसी पर लटका दे। ऐसे तत्वों के खिलाफ न सिर्फ कोई कार्रवाई नहीं की जाती बल्कि उनकी आवाज को सत्ताधारी पार्टी व उनके सहयोगी दलों के बीच समर्थन व मंच मिलता है जबकि जिन्हें धमकाया जा रहा है, उन पर सरकारी निगाहबीनी की जाती है, उन्हें गिरफ्तार किया जाता है और उन्हें हिंसा का सामना करना पड़ता है।
एक ताजा घटना की ओर मुड़ें तो एक यूट्यूबर के लॉकडाऊन के दौरान सरकार से सवाल करने और किसान आंदोलन की रिपोर्टिं के लिए प्रमुख स्वतंत्र पत्रकारों को ‘फांसी पर लटकाये जाने‘ की मांग का कपिल मिश्रा, तजिंदर बग्गा, सीजी सूर्या, पूर्व शिवसेना सदस्य रमेश सोलंकी, 2014 में भाजपा की सोशल मीडिया कैंपेन के प्रमुख व आर.एस.एस कार्यकर्ता विकास पांडे जैसे नेताओं ने सराहना की। दूसरी तरफ, भाजपा सरकार सोशल मीडिया मंचों को लगातार चेतावनियां जारी करती है और जिसे वह ‘भड़काऊ सामग्री व दुष्प्रचार‘ मानती है, ऐसी पोस्ट पर अंकुश लगाने के लिए सच, अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता व पत्रकारिता के प्रति पूरी निष्ठुरता दर्शाते हुए।
भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 19 के तहत लेखन, मुद्रण, तस्वीरों व इलेक्ट्रॉनिक प्रसारण व मीडिया के जरिये अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता की गारंटी दी गई है और यह लोकतंत्र के विचार का मूल भी है। सूचना एवं समाचार पर केंद्र सरकार व राज्य सरकारों का क्रूर उपायों से नियंत्रण औैर कुछ नहीं बल्कि फासीवाद है और भारतीय संविधान के लोकतांत्रिक ढांचे के खिलाफ जाता है। एक तरफ जहां पत्रकारों की सुरक्षा के लिए कानूनी फ्रेमवर्क की जरूरत है वहीं दूसरी तरफ कुछ राज्यों में जैसे महाराष्ट्र मीडिया पर्सन एंड मीडिया इंस्टीट्यूशंस बिल (2017) और छत्तीसगढ़ प्रोटेक्शन ऑफ मीडिया पर्संस एक्ट (2020) के सुझायेउपाय अपर्याप्त हैं, खासकर ऐसे मामलों में जहां रिपोर्टिं सरकारी अधिकारियों के खिलाफ जाती है जबकि पत्रकारों की सुरक्षा की जिम्मेदारी भी उन्हीं की बनती है।
जनांदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (एन.ए.पी.एम) प्रेस एवं अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता के उल्लंघनों और ऐसा मुख्यधारा का मीडिया बनाये जाने, जो पूरी तरह से सरकारी नियंत्रण में हो, के प्रयासों की निंदा करता है। उच्चतम न्यायालय के हाल के निर्देशों कि भड़काऊ सामग्री पर अंकुश लगे, वर्तमान शासन की तरफ से कुछ मीडिया संस्थानों को मिला संरक्षण उन्हें कार्पोरेट, बहुसंख्यक हितों को साधने वाली सरकार के किसी भी प्रकार के विरोध को बदनाम करने व लोगों के भावनात्मक उकसावे के उपकरणों के रूप में ढाल रहा है।
हम मांग करते हैं कि पत्रकारों के खिलाफ प्राथमिकियां खारिज की जाएं और जो इस समय हिरासत में हैं, तुरंत रिहा किया जाए। सत्ता पत्रकारों के अधिकारों, खासकर लैंगिक हिंसा व धमकियों का सामना करने वाली महिला पत्रकारों, का हनन करने के बजाय, अधिकारों की रक्षा करे।
हम अल्पसंख्यकों, किसानों, कर्मचारियों, महिलाओं, कार्यकर्ताओं, सदियों से प्रताड़ित समुदायों के समर्थन में और कार्पोरेट, पर्यावरणीय अपराधों या जनविरोधी नीतियों की आलोचनात्मक रिपोर्टिंग करने वाले मीडिया संस्थानों और पत्रकारों का ‘खलनायिकीकरण’ करने के सत्ता के प्रयासों की निंदा करते हैं। हम मांग करते हैँ कि कानूनी सुरक्षा दिलाने की मीडिया कर्मियों की पुरानी मांग को पी.यू.सी.एल के मसौदा कानून के अनुसार दी जाए और मानवाधिकार मानदंडों की बहाली की जाए।
हम केंद्र सरकार या राज्य सरकारों की जनविरोधी नीतियों को बेनकाब करने वाले मुद्दों पर रिपोर्टिंग करने वाले उन सभी पत्रकारों और छोटे शहरों से लेकर महानगरों में समाज का सच दिखाने वाले मीडिया संस्थानों के साथ खड़े हैं, जिन्हें प्रताड़ित किया जा रहा है।
कार्पोरेट और सत्ता नियंत्रित जन मीडिया के इस समय में, हमारा पूरा यकीन है कि लोकतंत्र तभी बच्चा जब हम सभी नागरिक सक्रिय रूप से स्वतंत्र मीडिया का समर्थन और इसमें निवेश करेंगे।
मेधा पाटकर (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन, जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); डॉ सुनीलम, आराधना भार्गव (किसान संघर्ष समिति), राजकुमार सिन्हा (चुटका परमाणु विरोधी संघर्ष समिति);
अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे, शंकर सिंह (मज़दूर किसान शक्ति संगठन); कविता श्रीवास्तव (PUCL); कैलाश मीणा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, राजस्थान); प्रफुल्ल समांतरा (लोक शक्ति अभियान)
लिंगराज आज़ाद (समजवादी जन परिषद्, नियमगिरि सुरक्षा समिति); लिंगराज प्रधान, सत्य बंछोर, अनंत, कल्याण आनंद, अरुण जेना, त्रिलोचन पुंजी, लक्ष्मीप्रिया, बालकृष्ण, मानस पटनायक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, ओडिशा)
संदीप पांडेय (सोशलिस्ट पार्टी ऑफ़ इंडिया); ऋचा सिंह, रामबेटी (संगतिन किसान मज़दूर संगठन, सीतापुर); राजीव यादव, मसीहुद्दीन (रिहाई मंच, लखनऊ); अरुंधति धुरु, ज़ैनब ख़ातून (महिला युवा अधिकार मंच, लखनऊ); सुरेश राठोड (मनरेगा मज़दूर यूनियन, वाराणसी),अरविन्द मूर्ति, अल्तमस अंसारी (इंक़लाबी कामगार यूनियन, मऊ), जाग्रति राही (विज़न संसथान, वाराणसी), सतीश सिंह (सर्वोदयी विकास समिति, वाराणसी); नकुल सिंह साहनी (चल चित्र अभियान)
पी चेन्नय्या (APVVU); रामकृष्णं राजू (यूनाइटेड फोरम फॉर RTI एंड NAPM); चकरी (समालोचना); बालू गाडी, बापजी जुव्वाला (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, आंध्र प्रदेश);
जीवन कुमार, सईद बिलाल (ह्यूमन राइट्स फोरम); पी शंकर (दलित-बहुजन फ्रंट); विस्सा किरण कुमार , कोंदल (रयथु स्वराज्य वेदिका); रवि कनगंटी (रयथु, JAC ); आशालता (मकाम); कृष्णा (TVV); एम् वेंकटय्या (TVVU ); मीरा संघमित्रा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तेलंगाना)
सिस्टर सीलिया (डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); मेजर जनरल (रिटायर्ड) एस जी वोमबतकेरे (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); नलिनी गौड़ा (KRRS); नवाज़, द्विजी गुरु, नलिनी, मधु भूषण, ममता, सुशीला, शशांक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, कर्नाटक)
गाब्रिएल (पेन्न उरिमय इयक्कम, मदुरै); गीता रामकृष्णन (USWF); सुतंतिरण, लेनिन, इनामुल हसन, अरुल दोस, विकास (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, तमिल नाडु);
विलायोडी, सी आर नीलकंदन, कुसुमम जोसफ, शरथ चेल्लूर, विजयराघवन, मजींदरन, मगलीन (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, केरल)
दयामनी बरला (आदिवासी- मूलनिवासी अस्तित्व रक्षा समिति); बसंत, अलोक, डॉ लियो, अफ़ज़ल, सुषमा, दुर्गा, जीपाल, प्रीति रंजन, अशोक (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, झारखण्ड)
आनंद माज़गाओंकर, स्वाति, कृष्णकांत, पार्थ (पर्यावरण सुरक्षा समिति); नीता महादेव, मुदिता (लोक समिति ); देव देसाई, मुजाहिद, रमेश, भरत (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गुजरात)
विमल भाई (माटु जन संगठन); जबर सिंह, उमा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, उत्तराखंड)
मान्शी, हिमशि, हिमधारा (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हिमाचल प्रदेश)
एरिक, अभिजीत, तान्या, डयाना, एमिल, कैरोलिन, फ्रांसेस्का (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, गोवा)
गौतम बंदोपाध्याय (नदी घाटी मोर्चा); कलादास डहरिया (RELAA); अलोक, शालिनी (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, छत्तीसगढ़)
समर, अमिताव, बिनायक, सुजाता, प्रदीप, प्रसारुल, तपस, ताहोमिना, पबित्र, क़ाज़ी मुहम्मद, बिश्वजीत, आयेशा, रूपक, मिलान, असित, मीता, यासीन, मतीउर्रहमान, बाइवाजित (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पश्चिम बंगाल)
सुनीति, संजय, सुहास, प्रसाद, मुक्त, युवराज, गीतांजलि, बिलाल, जमीला (घर बचाओ घर बनाओ आंदोलन); चेतन साल्वे (नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन); परवीन जहांगीर (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, महाराष्ट्र)
जे इस वालिया (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, हरियाणा)
गुरुवंत सिंह, नरबिंदर सिंह (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय, पंजाब)
कामायनी, आशीष रंजन (जन-जागरण शक्ति संगठन); महेंद्र यादव (कोसी नवनिर्माण मंच)
राजेंद्र रवि (जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय); भूपेंद्र सिंह रावत (जन संघर्ष वाहिनी); अंजलि, अमृता जोहरी (सतर्क नागरिक संगठन); संजीव कुमार (दलित आदिवासी शक्ति अधिकार मंच); अनीता कपूर (दिल्ली शहरी महिला कामगार यूनियन); सुनीता रानी (नेशनल डोमेस्टिक वर्कर यूनियन); नन्हू प्रसाद (नेशनल साइकिलिस्ट यूनियन); मधुरेश, प्रिया, आर्यमन, दिव्यांश, ईविता, अनिल (दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप); एम् जे विजयन (PIPFPD)
अधिक जानकारी के लिए संपर्क करें: ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
25 years journey of struggle and reconstruction
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
NAPM condemns the state violence and the attempt to stifle the voices of farmers
expressing their concerns regarding NIMZ - Zaheerabad, Telangana
Review the process of massive land acquisition and flawed ‘public hearing’ for NIMZ - Zaheerabad:
Address all concerns raised by farmers, affected people, scientists and activists
18th February 2021: NAPM is disturbed by the increasing number of instances of blatant police violence against protesting farmers and other people affected by forced and inequitable land acquisition. The recent police action to prevent people’s concerns from being represented at the public hearing for environmental clearance for the National Investment and Manufacturing Zone (NIMZ) Zaheerabad, at Bardipur, on 20th January is only the latest in a long series of instances of disregarding social impact and ecology-related concerns, while compliance with crucial laws related to environment, land acquisition and rehabilitation stand grossly violated.
An environmentally questionable project, so huge as the NIMZ, where almost 12,635 acres of land are to be acquired over 17 villages, displacing thousands of farmers and farm workers, especially women, from their livelihoods, needs a comprehensive multi-dimensional review and broad-based public consultation process, before being implemented. We call upon the Telangana Govt and the Centre to abstain from any kind of forced acquisition or implementation of the project; and take into consideration all the questions raised by people and the long-term ramifications of the project for the local communities and ecology.
Police Violence at the Public Hearing for Environmental Clearance: 20th January, 2021
The Public Hearing (PH) for Environmental Clearance (EC) for NIMZ Hyderabad, initially meant to be held in July 2020, was postponed by the Telangana High Court due to the Coronavirus pandemic, to the temporary relief of the people in the villages to be affected who had already expressed disagreement with the takeover of land. The hearing was finally organized by the district authorities in Bardipur, on the 20th Jan, 2021. More than 1,000 police personnel were deployed at the PH site and villagers planning to attend the hearing in protest were reportedly stopped at barricades raised at several points along the roads, and prevented from attending and expressing their opinion and opposition.
Multiple reports point to the police using physical force against the people including some of them present at the hearing, particularly women, when they began to raise slogans against the NIMZ. About 100 protesters were taken into police custody and 2 of them were arrested on the day of the hearing and later released. As has become the practice with almost all ‘public hearings’, the main aim of the police presence and action appears to have been to prevent public opposition to the NIMZ Environmental Clearance process and to ensure its swift transition into the next stages.
The NIMZ Zaheerabad Project Details
As one of the national investment and manufacturing zones which have been granted approval to be established across India under the Government’s “Make in India” initiative, NIMZ Zaheerabad received its final approval in December 2015, and it functions as an instrument approved by the Center’s Department of Industrial Policy and Promotion, to realize the National Manufacturing Policy (2011). It is intended to emerge as one of several giant industrial ‘greenfield townships’ to promote ‘world-class manufacturing activities’.
NIMZ Zaheerabad is undertaken by Telangana State Industrial Infrastructure Corporation (TSIIC), a wholly owned subsidiary of the Govt. of Telangana, through SPV Zaheerabad NIMZ Ltd. In the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report, NIMZ Zaheerabad promises to contribute Rs 44,000 crores to the annual industry input and to employ 2.66 lakh people by 2040.The setting up of the NIMZ also promises to contribute to local infrastructure, both road and rail and to add to the existing (traditional) industries (Electrical machinery, metals, food processing, non-metal minerals, pharma) while also setting up non-traditional ones, supporting East-West trade.
In order to set it up, 12,635 acres of land have been devoted to NIMZ, comprising 8,773 acres patta land and 3,862 acres assigned land. The land in question is set to be acquired from 17 villages in the Nyalkal (14) and Jharasangam (3) mandals of Zaheerabad Assembly Constituency, and most of it belongs to small farmers and people of scheduled tribes. While Sangareddy has been selected as the region for serving the interest of the future investors and businesses expected to profit from the NIMZ, the land to be acquired is extremely fertile, and yields 3 crops per year, especially commercial crops like sugarcane, ginger, turmeric, mango, guava, sandalwood and leafy vegetables and the acquisition would rob the local people of this source of livelihood generation. Between 2015 and 2016, SPV Zaheerabad NIMZ already acquired 2,900 acres of this land.
Objections to the NIMZ Zaheerabad Project
While financial benefits and creation of employment are emphasized along with the aims to provide infrastructure support and incentives for business in Telangana, the project is set to directly impact 5,000 farmers and 10,000 other people of the area, at the most conservative estimate. The actual long-term and cumulative impact will significantly increase the number of project-affected people. Multiple problematic aspects of the project have been raised over the years, but they have either not been addressed or they have been actively repressed.
(i) forcible acquisition of land from small farmers and people belonging to scheduled tribes, who are entirely dependent on agriculture for subsistence has been one of the grounds for protest from the beginning.
As early as December 2017, people who had been removed from their land protested, seeking livelihood security and adequate compensation. By June 2020, when the socio-economic survey which was part of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) was to be conducted, local people refused to allow it to take place in two of the three villages where it was proposed. In the one village where it was held, results indicated that around 70% of the people, entirely dependent on agriculture, opposed the setting up of NIMZ.
The argument conveniently brought by the EIA to support land acquisition here was that while most of the land was agricultural, at the time of the visit of the assessment team it was ‘lying barren’. In January 2021, at the public hearing for Environmental Clearance, people who already lost their land expressed their distress over it. Other local people intended to participate in the meeting to demand that what is left of their villages not be bought off and diverted for non-farm purposes. They were prevented from stating their concerns by the police.
(ii) disproportionate impact on women farmers. From the initial stages, women farmers who depend on agriculture as primary source of income, but who do not have land in their names, anticipated the possibility of ‘land acquisition’ and ‘land procurement’, where only the State and the men of the households would be involved. The latter would be persuaded / duped to part with the land for a paltry compensation of as low as INR 5 lakhs per acre, and the promise of jobs after the coming up of NIMZ. The displacement and loss of farmland would have a brutal impact on women’s lives, economically as well as socially.
The women in these and neighbouring villages have been cultivating the land for decades and have been organizing themselves into Sanghams, a system that will collapse with the arrival of NIMZ. In fact, 4 years back, in August, 2016 NIMZ-affected landless agricultural women farmers including Alige Tukkamma, Jayamma and others from Bardipur were instrumental in approaching the High Court and obtaining an order restraining the state government from proceeding with large scale ‘land procurement’ under the controversial GO MS No. 123, which violated provisions of the Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Act, 2013.
(iii) inadequate compensation for land has also been a cause for concern. After the approval of the plans for the NIMZ, land prices in the area grew, reaching as high as INR 25-30 lakhs per acre, while the land owners are offered a paltry sum of INR 7-8 lakhs, during the acquisition process.. It is near impossible to purchase any alternative farmland with the meagre compensation offered. If such an agreement is reached with the people who own the land, the loss of rich agricultural land has to be equitably compensated, in terms of LARR, 2013.
(iv) pollution risks have not been adequately measured and anticipated, as a group of scientists, ‘Scientists for People’, who carefully analysed the draft EIA report, wrote in a petition to the MoEFCC, well before the hearing. They asked for the rejection of the EIA report for presenting fictitious figures for pollution loads and not including the Food Processing Industries, which contribute some of the highest levels of pollution.
The farmers and villages of the affected and neighbouring villages are concerned about the unmitigated impact of land and water pollution, and demand that no polluting industries be set up as part of NIMZ. It is also necessary to take into account the fact that there are four reserved forests within a 5 km radius of the area designated for the NIMZ.
(v) NIMZ is likely to employ local people as unskilled labour, as indicated in the EIA report, rendering the lives of those displaced even more precarious, across multiple generations. No provisions appear to have been made to guarantee employment, provide skill training for the interested youth, or address the loss of livelihood for the older generations and women, in particular.
Protests against NIMZ have taken place over a long period of time, predominantly organized by NIMZ Rythula Poratha Samithi, supported by democratic groups and certain opposition parties in the state.
National Alliance of People’s Movements condemns the blatant disregard of the State and the industrial lobby for the lives of the farmers, farm workers and scheduled tribes whose farming practices not only provide for their subsistence but are also more mindful of the environment.
We share the concerns and support the demands articulated by the farmers, affected villagers and environmental activists during the ongoing protests and in preparation of the public hearing.
WE DEMAND:
(i) The cancelling of all land acquisition undertaken so far for the NIMZ project under the controversial Go.MS.No.123 or through the Telangana State LARR (Amendment) Act 2017, as all land acquisition taken up prior to securing Environmental Clearance is illegal as per order of Supreme Court reported in 2006 6 SEC 371 and 2020 SEC online SC 1005. All lands acquired so far must be returned back to the original landowners without further delay, along with compensation for the interim period.
ii) No further land be acquired from the people, in violation of the safeguards and procedures set out in the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act of 2013 and the EIA Notification, 2006, especially without a free, fair and informed public consultation process.
(iii) Investigation into the use of police force against protestors peacefully participating in the public hearing and action against the concerned authorities for directing and deploying force.
The land acquisition should not proceed until all these concerns are resolved and adequate independent investigation is carried out into the inconsistencies pointed out in the EIA process. The TNSPCB, Expert Appraisal Committee and MoEF&CC must withhold any decision, clearing the project in haste, by disregarding the environmental and social impacts.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh;
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
పోరాటం మరియు పునర్నిర్మాణం యొక్క 25 సంవత్సరాల ప్రయాణం
ప్రజా ఉద్యమాల జాతీయ వేదిక
జాతీయ కార్యాలయం: 6/6, జంగ్పురా-బి, న్యూ ఢిల్లీ - 110014 | ఫో: 011-24374535
ట్విట్టర్: @napmindia | ఇ-మెయిల్: napm...@gmail.com |
బ్లాగ్: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | వెబ్: www.napm-india.org
తెలంగాణలో NIMZ - జహీరాబాద్ విషయంలో రాజ్యహింసకు పాల్పడుతూ,
రైతుల గొంతు నొక్కటానికి జరుగుతున్న ప్రయత్నాలను NAPM ఖండిస్తోంది.
NIMZ - జహీరాబాద్ కోసం భారీ ఎత్తున జరిగిన భూసేకరణ, తప్పుడు ప్రజావిచారణలను పునఃసమీక్షించాలి:
రైతులు, ప్రభావిత ప్రజలు, కార్యకర్తలు, శాస్త్రవేత్తలు లేవనెత్తిన సమస్యలను పరిగణలోకి తీసుకోవాలి.
18 ఫిబ్రవరి, 2021: జహీరాబాద్ నేషనల్ ఇన్వెస్ట్మెంట్ అండ్ మాన్యుఫ్యాక్చరింగ్ జోన్ (NIMZ) కోసం అనుచితంగా జరిగిన భూసేకరణకు విరుద్ధంగా అసమ్మతి వ్యక్తపరుస్తున్న రైతులు, ప్రభావిత ప్రజానీకం పై రోజురోజుకి పెరుగుతున్న పోలీసు హింసకు NAPM ఆందోళన చెందుతోంది. జనవరి 20న (బర్దిపూర్), జహీరాబాద్ లో పర్యావరణ అనుమతికోసం జరిగిన ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణలో ప్రజలు తమఅభిప్రాయాలను, సమస్యలను వ్యక్తపరచనీయకుండా పోలీసులు అణచివేత చర్యలకు పాల్పడి నిర్బంధం విధించారు. ఇది పర్యావరణ, సామాజిక ప్రభావాలను నిర్లక్ష్యం చేసే ఓ సుధీర్ఘమైన పరంపరలో భాగంగానే జరిగింది. అదే విధంగా మరెన్నో పర్యావరణ, భూసేకరణ నియమాలను అతిక్రమించటం కూడా జరిగింది.
దాదాపు 17 గ్రామాల్లో, 12,635 ఎకరాల భూసేకరణను నిర్దేశిస్తూ, వేలామంది రైతులు, వ్యవసాయ కూలీలలను, ముఖ్యంగా మహిళలను, వారి జీవనోపాధుల నుండి తొలగించే NIMZ వంటి విస్తృతమైన, అతిపెద్ద పర్యావరణ పరంగా వివాదాస్పదమైన ప్రాజెక్ట్ ను అమలు చేయడానికి ముందు పలు కోణాల నుండి సమగ్రమైన సమీక్ష, ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణ అత్యవసరం. బలవంతపు భూసేకరణను, ప్రాజెక్ట్ అమలును నిలిపివేయవలసిందిగా మేము తెలంగాణా ప్రభుత్వాన్ని మరియు కేంద్రాన్ని కోరుతున్నాము; ప్రజలు లేవనెత్తిన అన్ని ప్రశార్ధకమైన అంశాల పైన, స్థానిక సముహాలు, జీవావరణం పైన, ప్రాజెక్ట్ కలిగించే దీర్ఘకాలిక ప్రభావాల పైన దృష్టి సారించవలసిందిగా కోరుతున్నాము.
పర్యావరణ అనుమతికోసం జరిగిన ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణను అడ్డుకున్న పోలీసులు: 20 జనవరి, 2021:
జహీరాబాద్ NIMZ కు పర్యావరణ అనుమతికోసం జరగవలసిన ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణ (Public Hearing) 2020, జులై లో జరగవలసి ఉండగా, కోవిడ్ కారణంగా, తెలంగాణా హైకోర్టు తీర్పు మేరకు అది వాయిదా వేయబడింది. అప్పటికే భూసేకరణ ప్రతిపాదనపై ప్రజలు వ్యతిరేకత తెలియజేసారు. ఆ సమయంలో వచ్చిన కోర్టు తీర్పు ప్రజలకు కొంతైనా ఊరటనిచ్చింది. ఎట్టకేలకు జిల్లా అధికారయంత్రాంగం జనవరి 20, 2021 న బర్దిపూర్ లో ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణను ఏర్పాటుచేసింది. ఆరోజు ప్రజాభిప్రాయసేకరణ జరగవలసిన ప్రదేశంలో 1000కి మించి పోలీసులు ఉన్నారు. విచారణకు హాజరవుతున్న గ్రామస్తులను దారిపోడుగునా ఏర్పాటు చేసిన బారికేడ్ల వద్ద ఆపేశారు, ప్రజలు తమ వ్యతిరేకతను, అభిప్రాయాన్ని ప్రకటించటానికి వీలు లేకుండా చేశారు.
NIMZకి వ్యతిరేకంగా ప్రజలు నినాదాలు చేయడం మొదలుపెట్టినప్పుడు, పోలీసులు ప్రజల పైన, ముఖ్యంగా మహిళలపైన బలప్రయోగం చేసినట్లుఅనేక నివేదికలు తెలియ చేస్తున్నాయి. ప్రజాభిప్రాయ సేకరణ జరిగిన రోజున దాదాపు 100 మంది నిరసనకారుల్ని పోలీసులుఅదుపులోకి తీసుకుని, ఇద్దర్ని అరెస్ట్ చేసి వారిని తర్వాత విడుదల చేసారు. ప్రతి ప్రజా విచారణలో పోలీసుల ఇంత పెద్ద సంఖ్యలో హాజరవటం రివాజుగా మారింది. NIMZ పర్యావరణ అనుమతి విషయంలో కూడా ప్రజా వ్యతిరేకతను అడ్డుకుని, అనుమతి పొందే క్రమాన్ని త్వరితపరచడమే వారి ఉద్దేశం.
NIMZ జహిరాబాద్ ప్రాజెక్టుకి సంబంధించిన వివరాలు:
దేశ వ్యాప్తంగా ప్రభుత్వం చేపట్టిన 'మేక్ ఇన్ ఇండియా' ప్రణాళికలో భాగంగా మంజూరు చేసిన నేషనల్ ఇన్వెస్ట్మెంట్ అండ్ మాన్యుఫాక్చరింగ్ జోన్లలో ఒకటి జహిరాబాద్ NIMZ. డిసెంబర్ 2015న దీనికి ఆమోదం లభించింది. ఇది నేషనల్ మేనుఫాక్చరింగ్ పాలసీ (2011)ను నెరవేర్చటానికి కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం పరిధిలోని ఇండస్ట్రీయల్ పాలిసి అండ్ ప్రమోషన్ విభాగంగా పనిచేస్తుంది. ఇది భారీ పారిశ్రామిక “గ్రీన్ ఫీల్డ్ -టౌన్ షిప్” గా ఎదిగి ‘ప్రపంచస్థాయి తయారీ-ఉత్పాదనను ‘ ప్రోత్సాహించటానికి ఉద్దేశింపబడినది.
తెలంగాణా ప్రభుత్వ యాజమాన్యంలోని తెలంగాణ రాష్ట్ర పారిశ్రామిక మౌలిక సదుపాయాల కార్పొరేషన్ (TSIIC) SPV జహీరాబాద్ NIMZ Ltd. ద్వారా NIMZ జహీరాబాద్ ను చేపట్టింది. పర్యావరణ ప్రభావ అంచనా (EIA)నివేదికలో NIMZ జహీరాబాద్ వార్షిక పారిశ్రామిక పెట్టుబడికి 44,000 కోట్ల రూపాయలు సహాయం మరియు 2040 నాటికి 2.66 లక్షల ఉద్యోగ అవకాశాలను మంజూరు చేసేవిధంగా వాగ్దానం చేసింది. అలాగే NIMZ ఏర్పాటు స్థానిక మౌలిక సదుపాయాల కల్పన – రోడ్డు రైలు మార్గాల రవాణా మెరుగుపరచటంతో పాటు, సాంప్రదాయ పరిశ్రమలకు చేయూతనిస్తూ, ఆధునిక పరిశ్రమల స్థాపనలో తోడ్పడటం ద్వారా తూర్పు-పడమర వాణిజ్యానికి దోహదం చేస్తున్నట్లు చెబుతున్నది.
దీన్ని ఏర్పాటు చేయటానికి NIMZ కు 12,635 ఎకరాల భూమిని కేటాయించారు. అందులో 8,773 ఎకరాలు పట్టా భూములు, 3,862 ఎకరాలు అసైన్డు భూములు. ఈ భూములు జాహిరాబాద్ అసెంబ్లీ నియోజకవర్గానికి చెందిన న్యాల్కల్ (14) మరియు ఝరాసంగం (3) మండలాలలోని 14 గ్రామాలలోనివి. ఎక్కువ శాతం చిన్న రైతులు, దళితులకు చెందిన భూములు. సంగారెడ్డి ప్రాంతంలో NIMZ వస్తే భవిష్యత్తు పెట్టుబడులు, వ్యాపార అవకాశాలు మెరుగుపడతాయని గుర్తించినప్పటికీ, ఇప్పుడు సేకరించిన భూమి ఏంతో సారవంతమైనది. సంవత్సరానికి మూడు పంటల చొప్పున, చెఱకు, అల్లము, పసుపు, మామిడి, జామ, గంధపుచెక్క, ఆకుకూరలు మొదలైన వాణిజ్య పంటలు పండుతాయి. అలాంటి భూమిని స్వాదినపరుచుకోవటం వల్ల ఇక్కడి ప్రజల జీవనోపాధిపైన దెబ్బ పడుతుంది. 2015-2016 మధ్య కాలంలో జాహిరాబాద్ SPV NIMZ కు 2900 ఎకరాల భూమిని సేకరించారు.
NIMZ జహీరాబాద్ ప్రాజెక్ట్ కుసంబంధించి అభ్యంతరకరమైన అంశాలు:
తెలంగాణలో వ్యాపారానికి మౌలిక సదుపాయాలు మరియు ప్రోత్సాహకాలను అందించే లక్ష్యాలతో పాటు ఆర్థిక ప్రయోజనాలు మరియు ఉపాధి కల్పన దీని ఉద్దేశంగా నొక్కిచెప్పబడినప్పటికీ, ప్రస్తుత అంచనా ప్రకారం తక్కువలో తక్కువ 5,000 మంది రైతులను, 10,000 మంది స్థానిక ప్రజలను ఈ ప్రాజెక్ట్ ప్రత్యక్షంగా ప్రభావితం చేయగలదు. వాస్తవ దీర్ఘకాలిక ప్రభావం ప్రాజెక్ట్-ప్రభావిత వ్యక్తుల సంఖ్యను గణనీయంగా పెంచగలదు. గత కొన్ని సంవత్సరాలుగా ఈ ప్రాజెక్ట్ పై వేర్వేరు వివాదాస్పద అంశాలు లేవనెత్తబడుతున్నప్పటికీ, వాటిలో ఏదీ పరిష్కరించబడకపోగా, అవన్నీ ఉద్దేశపూర్వకంగా అణచివేయబడ్డాయి.
(i) పొట్టకూటి కోసం పూర్తిగా వ్యవసాయంపైనే ఆధారపడిన చిన్న రైతులు మరియు షెడ్యూల్డ్ తెగలకు చెందిన ప్రజల నుండి బలవంతంగా భూమిని స్వాధీనం చేసుకోవడం, వారు మొదటి నుండి నిరసన తెలపడానికి ఒక కారణం.
2017 డిసెంబర్ నాటికే, బలవంతంగా తమ భూముల నుండి తొలగించబడిన ప్రజలు, తమ జీవనోపాధిభద్రత, సరైన నష్టపరిహారం కోరుతూ నిరసన వ్యక్తం చేశారు. జూన్ 2020 నాటికి, పర్యావరణ ప్రభావ అంచనా (EIA) లో భాగంగా సామాజిక-ఆర్థిక సర్వే నిర్వహించాల్సి ఉండగా, దీనిని ప్రతిపాదించిన మూడు గ్రామాలలో రెండింటిలో స్థానిక ప్రజలు వ్యతిరేకత వ్యక్తంచేసి, సర్వే జరగకుండా అడ్డుకున్నారు. మిగిలిన ఒక గ్రామంలో సర్వే జరిగింది కానీ పూర్తిగా వ్యవసాయం మీద ఆధారపడిన ప్రజలు 70% వరకు నిమ్జ్ ఏర్పాటుకు విముఖంగా ఉన్నట్టు సర్వే ఫలితాలు సూచించాయి.
ఈ క్రమంలో భూసేకరణకు మద్దతుగా EIA తీసుకువచ్చిన వాదన ఏమిటంటే, ఇక్కడివన్నీ వ్యవసాయ భూములైనప్పటికీ, అంచనా బృందం సందర్శించిన సమయంలో అవి ‘బీడుగా పడున్నాయని’. జనవరి 2021 లో, ఎన్విరాన్మెంటల్ అనుమతి కోసం జరిగిన బహిరంగ విచారణలో, అప్పటికే భూమిని కోల్పోయిన ప్రజలు దానిపై తమ ఆందోళనను వ్యక్తం చేశారు. ఇతర స్థానిక ప్రజలు తమ గ్రామాలలో మిగిలి ఉన్న భూముల్ని కొనుగోలు చేసి, వ్యవసాయేతర ప్రయోజనాల కోసం మళ్లించవద్దని కోరుతూ సమావేశంలో పాల్గొనదలిచారు. కానీ పోలీసులు వారిని తమ సమస్యలను వ్యక్తపరచకుండా అడ్డుకున్నారు.
(ii) మహిళా రైతులపై ప్రభావం. ఇక్కడి మహిళా రైతులు ప్రాధమిక ఆదాయ వనరుగా వ్యవసాయంపై ఆధారపడినప్పటికీ, భూమి పట్టాలు సాధారణంగా వారి పేర్లలో ఉండవు. మొదటనుండే, వారు ప్రభుత్వము మరియు పురుషులు మాత్రమే నిర్ణయకర్తలుగా ఉండి 'భూఆక్రమణ' మరియు 'భూ సేకరణ' జరిగే అవకాశాన్ని గ్రహించారు, ప్రధాన వాటాదారులుగా ఉన్న పురుషుల్ని ఎకరానికి 5 లక్షల రూపాయల చొప్పున తక్కువ పరిహారం ముట్టచెప్పి, నిమ్జ్ వచ్చిన తరువాత ఉద్యోగాల వాగ్దానాలు ఎరగా చూపించి భూమిని వదులుకోవడానికి ఒప్పించడం/ మోసగించడం పెద్ద కష్టమైనా పనేమీ కాదు. వ్యవసాయ భూముల్ని కోల్పోవడం అనేది మహిళల జీవితాలపై ఆర్థికంగా, సామాజికంగా క్రూరమైన ప్రభావాన్ని చూపుతుంది.
దశాబ్దాలుగా భూమిని సాగు చేస్తూ, సంఘాలుగా ఏర్పడిన ఇక్కడి గ్రామాల్లోని మహిళల సమిష్టి శక్తిని, సంఘాల వ్యవస్థను NIMZ రాక నిర్వీర్యం చేయగలదు. వాస్తవానికి, 4 సంవత్సరాల క్రితం, ఆగస్టు, 2016 లో, బర్డిపూర్ కి చెందిన భూమిలేని NIMZ-ప్రభావిత మహిళా రైతులు అలిగే తుక్కమ్మ, జయమ్మ తదితరులు హైకోర్టును ఆశ్రయించి, భూసేకరణ మరియు పునరావాస చట్టం, 2013 లోని నిబంధనలను ఉల్లంఘించిన వివాదాస్పద GO MS No. 123 ప్రకారం పెద్ద ఎత్తున జరుగుతున్న భూ సేకరణ ముందుకు సాగకుండా, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాన్ని నిరోధించేవిధంగా స్టే ఉత్తర్వులను పొందడంలో కీలక పాత్ర పోషించారు.
(iii) అనుచితమైన, అతితక్కువ భూపరిహారం కూడా ఆందోళన కలిగించే విషయమే. NIMZ కోసం ప్రణాళికలను ఆమోదించిన తరువాత, ఈ ప్రాంతంలో భూమి ధరలు పెరిగి, దాదాపు ఎకరానికి 25-30 లక్షల రూపాయల వరకు చేరుకోగా, భూసేకరణ క్రమంలో మాత్రం యజమానులకు ఎకరానికి 7-8 లక్షల రూపాయల చొప్పున పరిహారం అందజేయబడుతున్నది. ఈ డబ్బు మొత్తంతో వేరే ఎక్కడైనా ప్రత్యామ్నాయ వ్యవసాయ భూములను కొనడం అసాధ్యం. భూయజమానులతో ఒప్పందం కుదిరితే, భూసేకరణ చట్టం 2013 ప్రకారం, అత్యంత సారవంతమైన వ్యవసాయ భూమిని కోల్పోయినందుకు గాను వారికీ న్యాయంగా నష్టపరిహారం అందచేయాలి.
(iv) కాలుష్య ప్రమాదాలను సరిగా, పూర్తిగా అంచనా వేయలేదని EIA నివేదికను సమగ్రంగా విశ్లేషించిన ‘సైంటిస్ట్స్ ఫర్ పీపుల్’ శాస్త్రవేత్తల బృందం, విచారణకు ముందే MoEFCC కి ఒక పిటిషన్లో దాఖలు చేసారు. కాలుష్య భారం గురించి కల్పిత గణాంకాలను సమర్పించినందుకు, అత్యధిక స్థాయిలో కాలుష్యానికి దోహదం చేసే ఫుడ్ ప్రాసెసింగ్ పరిశ్రమలను అంచనాలో భాగం చేయకపోవడానికి గాను వారు EIA నివేదికను తిరస్కరించాలని కోరారు. భూమి, నీరు, గాలి తీవ్రంగా కలుషితమై పోయి తమపై ప్రభావం పడుతుందని బాధిత గ్రామాల, పొరుగు గ్రామాల ప్రజలు ఆందోళన చెందుతున్నారు. పర్యావరణాన్ని కలుషితం చేసే NIMZ సంబంధిత పరిశ్రమలు ఏర్పాటు చేయరాదని వీరు డిమాండ్ చేస్తున్నారు. NIMZ కోసం కేటాయించిన 5 కిలోమీటర్ల ప్రాంతంలో నాలుగు రిజర్వు అడవులు ఉన్నాయన్నది గుర్తించుకోవాలి.
(v) EIA నివేదికలో సూచించినట్లు స్థానిక ప్రజలను NIMZ లో నైపుణ్యం లేని కార్మికులుగా (Unskilled Labour) నియమించే అవకాశం ఉంది. ఇందువల్ల భూసేకరణ కారణంగా నిర్వాసితులయినవారి జీవితాలు మరింత అతలాకుతలమవుతాయి. ఉపాధి హామీ, యువతకు నైపుణ్య శిక్షణ, ముసలివారికి, మహిళలకు జీవనోపాధి భద్రత వంటి ప్రతిపాదనలు ఏవీ దీనిలో చేయబడలేదు.ఇప్పటికే చాలా కాలంగా NIMZ కు వ్యతిరేకంగా నిరసనలు జరుగుతూ వస్తున్నాయి. NIMZ రైతుల పోరాట సమితి నిర్వహిస్తూన్న ఈ నిరసనలకు ప్రజాస్వామ్య సంస్థలు, రాష్ట్రంలోని కొన్ని ప్రతిపక్ష పార్టీలు మద్దతుగా ఉన్నాయి.
తమ జీవనాధారానికి మాత్రమే కాక పర్యావరణ చైతన్యంతో తగిన వ్యవసాయ పద్ధతులను ఆవలంబిస్తున్న రైతుల, వ్యవసాయ కార్మికుల, షెడ్యూల్డ్ తెగల జీవితాల పట్ల రాజ్యం మరియు పారిశ్రామిక లాబీలు ప్రదర్శిస్తున్న నిర్లక్ష్య వైఖరిని ప్రజాఉద్యమాల జాతీయ వేదిక (NAPM ) ఖండిస్తోంది.
ప్రజా విచారణకు సిద్ధమవుతున్న రైతుల, బాధిత గ్రామస్తుల, పర్యావరణ కార్యకర్తల డిమాండ్లతో మేము ఏకీభవిస్తున్నాము. వారి ఆందోళనలను, ఆలోచనలను ను పంచుకుంటున్నాము.
మా డిమాండ్లు :
(i) వివాదాస్పదమైన Go.MS.No.123 ద్వారా, లేదా తెలంగాణ స్టేట్ LARR (సవరణ) చట్టం 2017 ద్వారా NIMZ ప్రాజెక్ట్ కోసం ఇప్పటివరకు చేపట్టిన భూసేకరణను రద్దు చేయాలి. 2006 SEC 371, 2020 SEC online SC 1005 లోని సుప్రీంకోర్టు ఆదేశాల ప్రకారం పర్యావరణ అనుమతి లేకుండా జరిగిన భూసేకరణ చట్టవిరుద్ధం. ఇదివరకు స్వాధీనం చేసుకున్న భూములన్నీ వాటి యజమానులకు తిరిగిచ్చేయాలి, మధ్యంతర కాలానికి పరిహారం కట్టాలి.
(ii) భూ సేకరణ, పురవాసం, పునరాశ్రయ చట్టం, 2013, EIA నోటిఫికేషన్, 2006 మేరకు విధానాలనూ, భద్రతనూ ఉల్లంఘిస్తూ, ప్రజా సంప్రదింపులు లేకుండా జరిగే భూసేకరణను ఇకపై ఆపివేయాలి.
(iii) ప్రజా విచారణ సమయంలో శాంతియుతంగా నిరసనను తెలియజేసిన ప్రజలపై పోలీసుబలగాన్ని ఉపయోగించడం గురించి దర్యాప్తు చేయాలి. పెద్ద ఎత్తున పోలీసులను మొహరించిన అధికారులపై చర్యలు తీసుకోవాలి.
ఈ సమస్యలన్నిటికీ పరిష్కారం దొరికేదాకా, పర్యావరణ ప్రభావ అంచనా (EIA) ప్రక్రియలో ఎత్తి చూపిన అవకతవకలపై, అసమానతలపై ఓ స్వతంత్ర దర్యాప్తు జరిగే దాకా భూసేకరణను నిలిపివేయాలి. పర్యావరణ, సామాజిక ప్రభావాలను అంచనా వేయకుండా తెలంగాణ రాష్త్ర కాలుష్య నియంత్రణ బోర్డు (TNSPCB), నిపుణుల అంచనా కమిటీ, పర్యావరణ అడవుల మంత్రిత్వ శాఖ (MoEF&CC) ఈ ప్రాజెక్ట్ కు అనుమతిని ఇచ్చే తొందరలో ఎటువంటి నిర్ణయం తీసుకోకూడదు.
వివరాలకు సంప్రదించండి: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
25 years journey of struggle and reconstruction
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
‘Public Sector on Sale’:
Corporate Profits over National Interest and People’s Livelihoods !!
NAPM supports the massive protests in Andhra, seeking withdrawal of Union Govt decision to
privatize the Visakhapatnam Steel Plant
25th Feb, 2021: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) stands in solidarity with the employees and workers of Rashtriya Ispat Nigam Ltd (RINL), commonly known as Visakhapatnam Steel Plant (VSP) in their ongoing protests against the Central Government’s corporate-friendly decision to privatise the plant, misleadingly termed ‘disinvestment’. Over the past few weeks, the struggle has received wide-spread support from all sections of society in Visakhapatnam and across Andhra Pradesh including from trade unions, government employees, democratic groups, intellectuals and some political parties.
Spread over 22,000 acres of land, VSP has aggregate assets worth over 2 lakh crore rupees. The plant employs 15,000 permanent and 20,000 contractual workers. Additionally, it employs 65,000 people indirectly, thus providing livelihood to over one lakh people. The recent decision of the Union Cabinet, which approved in principle 100 % disinvestment in RINL, will have brutal ramifications over the 1 lakh workers. In effect, this means selling off to private players the nation’s first shore-based integrated steel plant, established after significant struggle and sacrifice of the people.
Almost 5 decades back, in 1977, the steel plant was established during the time of the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, after prolonged struggle and agitations. Back then, the slogan “Visakha ukku-Andhrula hakku” (Vizag Steel is Andhra's right) resonated as workers, intellectuals, freedom fighters demanded the establishment of the plant. The intense struggle during the 60s saw 32 deaths, including many due to brutal police firings. These deaths, as well as the 44 villages evacuated to allow for the plant, are sacrifices the people made in the building of a strategic asset for the nation.
While the reasons invoked for privatizing VSP are the losses it incurs, it is worth noting that the Central Government has barely invested in the steel plant, even though it has a 100% stake in it. In the decades since its establishment and particularly, post 90s, neo-liberal state policy has only increased the production costs of the plant.
Despite being a massive public sector undertaking, VSP was not allotted captive iron ore mines, which the government does not shy away from allotting to mega private sector players such as Tata, Mittal and Adani. Consequently, the plant is forced to spend Rs 1,500 to 2,000 crores annually to procure raw material. Reports indicate that due to non-availability of captive mines, VSP incurs costs almost 5 to 6 times higher to mine and process every tonne of ore. The plant also faces other high input costs such as high freight costs, industrial power tariffs etc, which will not be resolved by privatizing.
Moreover, delays in construction in the initial stages led to incurring significant losses on loans, which were only addressed through a restructuring package in 2000. From 2001 to 2016, the plant earned profits. In spite of the clear negligence of successive governments, which has caused a great burden to the operations of VSP, the plant has shown good performance over the years and has also started modernization and capacity expansion, in 2016. As a result of the Centre not providing any funds for the expansion of the plant, VSP was once again forced to incur debt for it. That the plant has managed to survive with some satisfactory output, despite all bottlenecks is testament to the fact that, with adequate state support, PSUs can thrive and cater to public interest and state exchequer.
It is no secret that the privatization of VSP is part of an established trend in the working of the BJP-led Govt of India wherein public entities are sold off to self-serving private players, ensuring the latter’s interests at the expense of the people. This nexus between the Modi Government and the corporate elite comes at a time when the government is trying to push its agenda of ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ and is relinquishing all responsibility towards the Indian public and public sector. Despite analyses showing that this is an ill-advised move towards economic recovery in the current pandemic conditions, the Govt continues to sell such public assets to the ‘highest bidder’.
NAPM condemns the gross negligence of the Central government towards VSP and the callousness in further sacrificing the lives and livelihoods of the more than 1 lakh people dependent on it.
We call upon the Govt. of India to immediately:
· Withdraw its arbitrary and anti-people decision to privatize the Visakhapatnam Steel Plant.
· Safeguard livelihoods and ensure employment guarantee of all the 1 lakh workers.
· Allocate adequate captive mines to the plant, in order to reduce production costs.
We look forward to a strong resolution in the Andhra Pradesh Assembly against the privatization, as announced by the State Cabinet. In true federal spirit, the Centre must respect such a resolution and the appeal by the Chief Minister to the Prime Minister to not privatize RINL.
We also call upon the state government to restrain from use of any form of force against the striking employees and peaceful protestors.
Medha Patkar, Narmada Bachao Andolan (NBA) and National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM); Dr. Sunilam, Adv. Aradhna Bhargava, Kisan Sangharsh Samiti; Rajkumar Sinha, Chutka Parmaanu Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti, Amulya Nidhi, NAPM, Madhya Pradesh;
Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey, Shankar Singh, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan (MKSS), National Campaign for People’s Right to Information; Kavita Srivastava, People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL); Kailash Meena NAPM Rajasthan;
Prafulla Samantara, Lok Shakti Abhiyan; Lingraj Azad, Samajwadi Jan Parishad & Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, Manorama, Posco Pratirodh Sangram Samiti; Lingaraj Pradhan, Satya Banchor, Anant, Kalyan Anand, Arun Jena, Trilochan Punji, Lakshimipriya Mohanty and Balakrishna Sand, Manas Patnaik, NAPM Odisha;
Sandeep Pandey (Socialist Party of India); Richa Singh & Rambeti (Sangatin Kisaan Mazdoor Sangathan, Sitapur); Rajeev Yadav & Masihuddin bhai (Rihai Manch, Lucknow & Azamgadh); Arundhati Dhuru & Zainab Khatun (Mahila Yuva Adhikar Manch, Lucknow), Suresh Rathaur (MNREGA Mazdoor Union, Varanasi); Arvind Murti & Altamas Ansari (Inquilabi Kamgaar Union, Mau), Jagriti Rahi (Vision Sansthan, Varanasi); Satish Singh (Sarvodayi Vikas Samiti, Varanasi); Nakul Singh Sawney (Chal Chitra Abhiyan, Muzaffarnagar); NAPM Uttar Pradesh
P. Chennaiah, Andhra Pradesh Vyavasaya Vruthidarula Union-APVVU, Ramakrishnam Raju, United Forum for RTI and NAPM, Chakri (Samalochana), Balu Gadi, Bapji Juvvala, NAPM Andhra Pradesh;
Jeevan Kumar & Syed Bilal (Human Rights Forum), P. Shankar (Dalit Bahujan Front), Vissa Kiran Kumar & Kondal (Rythu Swarajya Vedika), Ravi Kanneganti (Rythu JAC), Ashalatha (MAKAAM), Krishna (Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika-TVV), M. Venkatayya (Telangana Vyavasaya Vruttidarula Union-TVVU), Meera Sanghamitra, NAPM Telangana;
Sister Celia, Domestic Workers Union; Maj Gen (Retd) S.G.Vombatkere, NAPM, Nalini Gowda, KRRS, Nawaz, Dwiji Guru, Nalini, Madhu Bhushan and Mamatha Yajaman, Susheela, Shashank, NAPM Karnataka
Gabriele Dietrich, Penn Urimay Iyakkam, Madurai; Geetha Ramakrishnan, Unorganised Sector Workers Federation; Suthanthiran, Lenin, Inamul Hasan, Arul Doss, Vikash NAPM Tamilnadu;
Vilayodi Venugopal, CR Neelakandan, Prof. Kusumam Joseph, Sharath Cheloor, Vijayaraghavan Cheliya, Majeendran, Magline, NAPM, Kerala;
Dayamani Barla, Aadivasi-Moolnivasi Astivtva Raksha Samiti; Basant Hetamsaria, Aloka Kujur, Dr. Leo A. Singh, Afzal Anish, Sushma Biruli, Durga Nayak, Jipal Murmu, Priti Ranjan Dash, Ashok Verma, NAPM Jharkhand;
Anand Mazgaonkar, Swati Desai, Krishnakant, Parth, Paryavaran Suraksha Samiti; Nita Mahadev, Mudita, Lok Samiti; Dev Desai, Mujahid Nafees, Ramesh Tadvi and Bharat Jambucha, NAPM Gujarat;
Vimal Bhai, Matu Jan sangathan; Jabar Singh, Uma, NAPM, Uttarakhand;
Manshi Asher and Himshi Singh, Himdhara, NAPM Himachal Pradesh
Eric Pinto, Abhijeet, Tania Devaiah, Caroline, Diana Tavers, Emil, Francesca, NAPM Goa
Gautam Bandopadhyay, Nadi Ghati Morcha; Kaladas Dahariya, RELAA, Alok Shukla, Shalini Gera, NAPM Chhattisgarh; and Amod
Samar Bagchi, Amitava Mitra, Binayak Sen, Sujato Bhadro, Pradip Chatterjee, Pasarul Alam, Amitava Mitra, Tapas Das, Tahomina Mandal, Pabitra Mandal, Kazi Md. Sherif, Biswajit Basak, Ayesha Khatun, Rupak Mukherjee, Milan Das, Asit Roy, Mita Bhatta, Yasin, Matiur Rahman, Baiwajit Basa, NAPM West Bengal;
Suniti SR, Sanjay M G, Suhas Kolhekar, Prasad Bagwe, Mukta Srivastava, Yuvraj Gatkal, Geetanjali Chavan, Bilal Khan, Jameela, Ghar Bachao Ghar Banao Andolan; Chetan Salve, Narmada Bachao Andolan, Pervin Jehangir, NAPM Maharashtra;
J S Walia, NAPM Haryana; Guruwant Singh, Narbinder Singh, NAPM Punjab;
Kamayani Swami, Ashish Ranjan, Jan Jagran Shakti Sangathan; Mahendra Yadav, Kosi Navnirman Manch; NAPM Bihar;
Rajendra Ravi, NAPM; Bhupender Singh Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini; Anjali Bharadwaj and Amrita Johri, Satark Nagrik Sangathan; Sanjeev Kumar, Dalit Adivasi Shakti Adhikar Manch; Anita Kapoor, Delhi Shahri Mahila Kaamgaar Union; Sunita Rani, National Domestic Workers Union; Nanhu Prasad, National Cyclist Union; Madhuresh Kumar, Priya Pillai, Aryaman Jain, Divyansh Khurana, Evita Das; Anil TV, Delhi Solidarity Group, MJ Vijayan (PIPFPD)
For any further details, contact: napm...@gmail.com
పోరాటం మరియు పునర్నిర్మాణం యొక్క 25 సంవత్సరాల ప్రయాణం
ప్రజా ఉద్యమాల జాతీయ వేదిక
జాతీయ కార్యాలయం: 6/6, జంగ్పురా-బి, న్యూ ఢిల్లీ - 110014 | ఫో: 011-24374535
సోషల్ మీడియా: @napmindia | ఇ-మెయిల్: napm...@gmail.com |
‘అమ్మకానికి ప్రభుత్వ రంగం’: దేశ ప్రయోజనాలు మరియు ప్రజల జీవనోపాధుల కన్నా కార్పొరేట్ లాభాలకు ప్రాధాన్యత !!
విశాఖపట్నం స్టీల్ ప్లాంట్ను ప్రైవేటీకరించే కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వ నిర్ణయాన్ని ఉపసంహరించుకోవాలని కోరుతూ, ఆంధ్రలో భారీ నిరసనలకు NAPM మద్దతు తెలుపుతోంది
25 ఫిబ్రవరి, 2021: విశాఖపట్నం స్టీల్ ప్లాంట్ (వి.ఎస్.పి)ని ప్రైవేటీకరించాలన్న కార్పొరేట్- అనుకూల, ‘పెట్టుబడి ఉపసంహరణ’ అని తప్పుగా పిలువబడుతున్న కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం యొక్క నిర్ణయానికి వ్యతిరేకంగా కొనసాగుతున్న నిరసనలలో ఉద్యోగులు మరియు కార్మికులకు ప్రజా ఉద్యమాల జాతీయ వేదిక సంఘీభావం ప్రకటిస్తోంది. వి.ఎస్.పి గా పిలువబడే రాష్ట్రీయ ఇస్పాట్ నిగమ్ లిమిటెడ్ (RINL) యొక్క ప్రైవేటీకరణను వ్యతిరేకిస్తూ గత కొన్ని వారాలుగా, ఈ పోరాటానికి విశాఖపట్నం మరియు ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్లోని కార్మిక సంఘాలు, ప్రభుత్వ ఉద్యోగులు, ప్రజాస్వామ్య సమూహాలు, మేధావులు మరియు కొన్ని రాజకీయ పార్టీలు సహా అన్ని వర్గాల నుండి విస్తృత మద్దతు లభించింది.
22,000 ఎకరాల విస్తీర్ణంలో ఉన్న వి.ఎస్.పి మొత్తం 2 లక్షల కోట్ల రూపాయల ఆస్తులను కలిగి ఉంది. ఈ ప్లాంటులో 15,000 మంది శాశ్వత, 20,000 మంది కాంట్రాక్టు కార్మికులు పనిచేస్తున్నారు. అదనంగా, ఇది పరోక్షంగా 65,000 మందికి ఉపాధి కల్పిస్తున్నందున, మొత్తంగా లక్ష మందికి పైగా జీవనోపాధి లభిస్తుంది. RINL లో పెట్టుబడులను సూత్రప్రాయంగా 100% ఉపసంహరించుకోవాలని ఆమోదిస్తూ కేంద్ర కేబినెట్ ఇటీవల చేసిన నిర్ణయం, ఈ లక్ష మంది కార్మికులపై క్రూరమైన ప్రభావం చూపుతుంది. మొత్తంగా, ప్రజల యొక్క ఘనమైన పోరాటం మరియు త్యాగం తర్వాత స్థాపించబడిన, దేశం యొక్క మొట్టమొదటి తీర-ఆధారిత ఇంటిగ్రేటెడ్ స్టీల్ ప్లాంట్ను ప్రైవేట్ శక్తులకు అమ్మడం దీని అర్థం.
దాదాపు 5 దశాబ్దాల క్రితం, 1977 లో, అప్పటి ప్రధాన మంత్రి ఇందిరా గాంధీ పదవీకాలంలో, సుదీర్ఘ పోరాటం మరియు ఆందోళనల తరువాత, ఉక్కు కర్మాగారం స్థాపించబడింది. అప్పట్లో, కార్మికులు, మేధావులు, స్వాతంత్ర్య సమరయోధులు ఈ ప్లాంటును స్థాపించాలని పట్టు పట్టడంతో “విశాఖ ఉక్కు-ఆంధ్రుల హక్కు” అనే నినాదం ప్రతిధ్వనించింది. 60 వ దశకంలో జరిగిన ఈ తీవ్రమైన పోరాటంలో క్రూరమైన పోలీసు కాల్పుల కారణంగా 32 మంది సహా, చాలా మంది మరణించారు. ఈ మరణాలు, అలాగే ప్లాంట్ కోసం ఖాళీ చేయించబడిన 44 గ్రామాలు, దేశం కోసం ఒక కీలక సంపద నిర్మాణంలో ప్రజలు చేసిన త్యాగాలు.
వి.ఎస్.పిని ప్రైవేటీకరించడానికి గల ముఖ్యకారణాలు అది నష్టాల బాటలో నడుస్తుండటం అయితే, స్టీల్ ప్లాంట్లో 100% వాటాను కలిగి ఉన్నప్పటికీ, కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం నామమాత్రపు పెట్టుబడులు మాత్రమే పెట్టిందనే విషయాన్ని గుర్తించాలి. స్థాపించబడిన తరువాతి దశాబ్దాలలో మరియు ముఖ్యంగా 90 ల తరువాత, నయా ఉదారవాద రాష్ట్ర విధానం వల్ల ప్లాంట్ యొక్క ఉత్పత్తి ఖర్చులు గణనీయంగా పెరుగుతూ పోయాయి.
భారీ ప్రభుత్వ రంగ సంస్థ అయినప్పటికీ, టాటా, మిట్టల్ మరియు అదానీ వంటి మెగా ప్రైవేట్ రంగ ఆటగాళ్లకు ఇనుము గనులను కేటాయించడంలో వెనుకాడని ప్రభుత్వం, వి.ఎస్.పికి గనులను కేటాయించలేదు. పర్యవసానంగా, ప్లాంట్ ముడిసరుకును సేకరించడానికి ఏటా 1,500 నుండి 2,000 కోట్ల రూపాయలు ఖర్చు చేయవలసి వస్తుంది. గనుల లభ్యత లేకపోవడంతో, గనుల తవ్వకానికి మరియు ధాతువును ప్రాసెస్ చేయటానికి VSP కి దాదాపు ప్రతి టన్నుకి 5 నుండి 6 రెట్లు అధికంగా ఖర్చవుతుందని నివేదికలు సూచిస్తున్నాయి. ఈ ప్లాంట్ ఎదుర్కొనే అధిక సరుకు రవాణా ఖర్చులు, పారిశ్రామిక విద్యుత్ సుంకాలు వంటి ఇతర అధిక ఇన్పుట్ ఖర్చులు ప్రైవేటీకరణ ద్వారా పరిష్కరించబడవు.
అంతేకాకుండా, ప్రారంభ దశలో జరిగిన నిర్మాణంలోని జాప్యాలు రుణాలపై గణనీయమైన నష్టాన్ని కలిగించాయి; 2000 లో పునర్నిర్మాణ ప్యాకేజీ ద్వారా మాత్రమే ఇవి పరిష్కరించబడ్డాయి. 2001 నుండి 2016 వరకు, ప్లాంట్ లాభాలను ఆర్జించింది. వరుస ప్రభుత్వాల స్పష్టమైన నిర్లక్ష్య వైఖరి వి.ఎస్.పి కార్యకలాపాలకు గొప్ప భంగం కలిగించినప్పటికీ, ఈ ప్లాంట్ సంవత్సరాల తరబడి మంచి పనితీరును కనబరిచి, ఆధునీకరణ మరియు సామర్థ్య విస్తరణను కూడా 2016 లో ప్రారంభించింది. ప్లాంట్ విస్తరణకు కేంద్రం ఎటువంటి నిధులు ఇవ్వకపోవడంతో, వి.ఎస్.పి మరోసారి దాని కోసం అప్పులు చేయవలసి వచ్చింది. అన్ని అడ్డంకులు ఉన్నప్పటికీ, ప్లాంట్ కొంతైనా సంతృప్తికరమైన ఉత్పత్తితో ఉనికిలో ఉండటం, తగినంత రాష్ట్ర మద్దతు లభిస్తే ప్రభుత్వ రంగ సంస్థలు (పి.ఎస్.యు.లు) వృద్ధి చెంది, ప్రజా ప్రయోజనాలను నెరవేరుస్తూ, రాష్ట్ర ఖజానాకు సమకూర్చగలవనే సత్యానికి నిదర్శనం.
VSP యొక్క ప్రైవేటీకరణ అనేది బిజెపి నేతృత్వంలోని భారత ప్రభుత్వ కార్యాచరణలో- ప్రభుత్వ సంస్థలను స్వప్రయోజనపరులైన ప్రైవేటు ఆటగాళ్లకు అమ్ముతూ, ప్రజాప్రయోజనాలను పణంగా పెట్టి వారి ప్రయోజనాలను నేరవేర్చడమనే - వేళ్ళూనుకున్న ధోరణిలో భాగం మాత్రమే. మోడీ ప్రభుత్వానికి, కార్పొరేట్ కులీనులకు మధ్య ఉన్న ఈ అనుబంధం ప్రభుత్వం ‘ఆత్మనిర్భర్ భారత్’ ఎజెండాను ముందుకు తెచ్చేందుకు ప్రయత్నిస్తూ, భారత ప్రజలు, ప్రభుత్వ రంగం పట్ల ఉన్న అన్ని బాధ్యతలను వదులుకుంటున్న తరుణంలో స్పష్టంగా వ్యక్తమవుతుంది. ప్రస్తుత మహమ్మారి పరిస్థితులలో ఇది ఆర్థిక పునరుద్ధరణ వైపు అవాంచిత చర్య అని విశ్లేషణలు నిర్ధారించినప్పటికీ, ప్రభుత్వం అటువంటి ప్రజా ఆస్తులను అత్యధిక ధర చెల్లించే కొనుగోలుదారులకు అమ్మడం కొనసాగిస్తోంది.
వి.ఎస్.పి పట్ల కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వ నిర్లక్ష్య వైఖరిని, దానిపై ఆధారపడిన లక్ష మందికి పైగా ప్రజల జీవితాలను, జీవనోపాధిని మరింత త్యాగం చేయడంలోని నిర్దయతను ఎన్.ఎ.పి.ఎం. ఖండిస్తోంది.
కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం నుండి మేము కోరే డిమాండ్లు:
· వి.ఎస్.పిని ప్రైవేటీకరించాలన్న ఏకపక్ష మరియు ప్రజా-వ్యతిరేక నిర్ణయాన్ని కేంద్ర ప్రభుత్వం వెంటనే ఉపసంహరించుకొవాలి.
· జీవనోపాధిని కాపాడాలి, 1 లక్షల మంది కార్మికుల ఉపాధి హామీ కల్పించాలి.
· ఉత్పాదక వ్యయాలను తగ్గించడానికి, తగినంత బందీ గనులను కేటాయించండి.
రాష్ట్ర క్యాబినెట్ ప్రకటించినట్లు, ప్రైవేటీకరణకు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఆంధ్రప్రదేశ్ శాసన సభ బలమైన తీర్మానం చేస్తుందని మేము ఆశిస్తున్నాము. నిజమైన సమాఖ్య (federal) స్ఫూర్తితో, అటువంటి తీర్మానాన్ని మరియు RINL ను ప్రైవేటీకరించవద్దని ముఖ్యమంత్రి చేసిన విజ్ఞప్తిని కేంద్రం గౌరవించాలి. శాంతియుతంగా సమ్మె చేస్తున్న ఉద్యోగులు మరియు నిరసనకారులపై బల ప్రయోగం నిరోధించాలని మేము రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాన్ని కోరుతున్నాము.
మరిన్ని వివరాల కోసం, సంప్రదించండి: napm...@gmail.com
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: 6/6, Jungpura-B, New Delhi – 110014 | Ph: 011-24374535
Twitter: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
2nd March, 2021: The Govt. of West Bengal has acquired 43 acres of land in Samsernagar, West 24 Parganas, to initiate construction of concrete roads on the banks of river Kalindi near Bangladesh border, as part of a flood management scheme executed by the Irrigation and Waterways Department as a response to the destruction caused by cyclone Alia in 2009.
The land acquired belongs to 140 Dalit Poundra families, a vast majority of whom are below the poverty line. The acquisition deprives them of semi-permanent homes, water bodies, small agricultural lands, and other farming areas. The families, which suffered immense losses in the cyclone, are dependent on the Sunderban forests for their daily sustenance. Their meagre incomes are from single season rice farming, apiculture, selling crabs, and daily wage labour.
While the people impacted acknowledge the need for the road, they draw attention to the fact that the government has not provided any just rehabilitation since 2009, and the impetus to construct the new road is due to the upcoming Assembly elections in the state. They have been protesting against the lack of transparency in the acquisition of the land, and against the reported threats received from the panchayat, which serves larger political motives.
The Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Act, 2013 mandates that the government should provide adequate compensation to all affected parties when land is acquired for construction activities that are for common good. This calls for transparency in the acquisition process and ensures that the affected community is compensated justly.
However, in the current instance, it has been claimed that the amount allotted per family, Rs 8,000, is blatantly insufficient to compensate for the loss of land, shelter and livelihood and to enable them to restart their lives. It amounts to injustice and a violation of the provisions of the 2013 Act. The people also claim the market rate for the land is close to Rs. 3-4 lakhs. Recently, on 18th February, several houses were destroyed to kickstart construction work, also leading to an intensification of the protests.
NAPM condemns the West Bengal’s Govt’s violation of human rights of a community already marginalized, and the failure to provide just compensation for their losses, in the terms prescribed by the LARR Act, 2013. We support people’s demand that construction activities must temporarily halt, until the state government ensures fair compensation and rehabilitation of the affected households.
বাংলাদেশ সীমান্ত উত্তর চব্বিশ পরগনার দ্বিতীয় সমেরনগর গ্রামে, কালিন্দী নদীর তীরে কংক্রিট রাস্তা তৈরির জন্য প্রায় ৪৩ একর জমি অধিগ্রহণ করেছে রাজ্য সরকার, ২০০৯ সালে ঘূর্ণিঝড় আলিয়া দ্বারা সৃষ্ট ধ্বংসের প্রতিক্রিয়া হিসাবে সেচ ও নৌপথ বিভাগ দ্বারা পরিচালিত একটি বন্যা ব্যবস্থাপনা প্রকল্পের অংশ হিসাবে। এই অঞ্চলে পরিকল্পিত রাস্তাটি প্রায় 140 টি দলিত পউন্ড্রা পরিবারকে সরাসরি প্রভাবিত করে যাদের অধিকাংশ দারিদ্র্যসীমার নীচে বাস করে. অধিগ্রহণকৃত জমি এবং সম্পত্তির মধ্যে বাড়ি, গাছ, পুকুর, এবং তফসিলি বর্ণের অন্তর্গত স্থানীয় বাসিন্দাদের মালিকানাধীন খামার এবং উদ্ভিজ্জ জমি রয়েছে। মূলত এরা দলিত সমাজের একটি প্রান্তিক অংশ যারা তাদের জীবিকা নির্বাহের জন্য সরাসরি সুন্দরবনের উপর নির্ভর করে। তাদের বার্ষিক আয় একক মরসুমের চাল চাষ, কাঁকড়া সংগ্রহ, মধু সংগ্রহ, দৈনিক মজুরি শ্রম থেকে অর্জিত হয়.
২০১৩ সালের সংশোধিত ভূমি অধিগ্রহণ আইন অনুযায়ী রাষ্ট্র যার যার জমি রাস্তাঘাট, ভবন, কারখানা নির্মাণের জন্য কেড়ে নেয় তাকে ন্যায় ও ন্যায্য ক্ষতিপূরণ প্রদান করা উচিত। এটি অধিগ্রহণ প্রক্রিয়ায় স্বচ্ছতা এনেছে এবং অধিগ্রহণের ফলে ক্ষতিগ্রস্থদের উদার ক্ষতিপূরণ ও পুনর্বাসনের ব্যবস্থা করে। বেশিরভাগ ক্ষেত্রে সংগ্রাহক বা বিশেষ ভূমি অধিগ্রহণ আধিকারিক বাজার মূল্য অনুযায়ী ক্ষতিপূরণ হার নির্ধারণ করেন। ক্ষতিগ্রস্থ প্রতিটি পরিবারের বাস্তু জমির জন্য ক্ষতিপূরণ মাত্র 8,000 টাকায় নেমে এসেছে, যার পরিবার প্রতি বাজারের দাম প্রায় ৩-৪ লক্ষ টাকার কাছাকাছি। তারা বলছেন যে এই অর্থটি একটি ছোট পুকুর কিনতেও যথেষ্ট নয়, বাড়ি নির্মাণ করা খুব কঠিন.
১৮ ফেব্রুয়ারী, সরকার মানুষের দুর্দশা ও দাবী বিবেচনা না করে প্রথম কয়েকটি বাড়িঘর ভেঙে ফেলা শুরু করেছিল। এতে দলিত গোষ্ঠীর মৌলিক অধিকারকে চ্যালেঞ্জ করা হচ্ছে। তারা বলে যে তারা কোনও রাস্তা তৈরির বিরোধী নয়; প্রকৃতপক্ষে ভাঙন ও বাঁধ ভেঙে যাওয়ার ধারাবাহিক প্রবাহ থেকে বজ্রপাতের বন্যার হাত থেকে রক্ষা পেতে তাদের একটি উন্নত সড়ক বেড়িবাঁধের গুরুতর প্রয়োজন। তারা বলেছে যে ২০০৯ সালে আইলা ঘূর্ণিঝড়ের পরে বাঁধ মেরামত বা রাস্তা নির্মানের কোনও চিহ্ন দেখা যায়নি, এই মাসে বঙ্গীয় বিধানসভা নির্বাচনের প্রত্যাশায় আকস্মিকভাবে সড়ক নির্মাণ শুরু করা হয়েছে. তাদের প্রতিবাদের প্রধান কারণ হ'ল তাদের ক্ষতির জন্য তাদের ন্যায্য প্রতিদান দেওয়া হয়েছে তা নিশ্চিত করা, যাতে তারা নিজেরাই পুনর্বাসন করতে পারে এবং তাদের জীবন আবার শুরু করতে পারে। তারা বলেছে যে আট হাজার টাকার পরিমাণ নিছক বিদ্রূপ, এবং ২০১৩ আইনের বিধান লঙ্ঘনের অধীনে পড়ে।
এনএপিএম পশ্চিমবঙ্গ সরকারের প্রান্তিক জনগোষ্ঠীর মানবাধিকার লঙ্ঘন এবং তাদের ক্ষতির জন্য ক্ষতিপূরণ প্রদানের ব্যর্থতার নিন্দা জানায়। আমরা জনগণের দাবিকে সমর্থন করি যে যতক্ষণ না রাজ্য সরকার আক্রান্ত পরিবারগুলির ন্যায্য ক্ষতিপূরণ এবং পুনর্বাসন নিশ্চিত করে, ততক্ষণ নির্মাণ কার্যক্রম অস্থায়ীভাবে বন্ধ করে দেওয়া উচিত।
napm india
25 सालों के संघर्ष - निर्माण का सफरनामा
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: 6/6, जंगपुरा बी, नई दिल्ली – 110014 | फ़ोन: 011-24374535
ट्विटर: @napmindia | ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com |
ब्लॉग: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | वेब: www.napm-india.org |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
अंतर्राष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस और सावित्रीबाई फुले की पुण्यतिथि के अवसर पर
नारीवादी प्रतिरोध और विचार-विमर्श का सप्ताह: 7-14 मार्च, 2021
8 मार्च: जेंडर और आजीविका: कृषि और श्रम क्षेत्र
8 मार्च, 2021: अंतर्राष्ट्रीय महिला दिवस और सावित्री बाई फुले की पुण्यतिथि के अवसर पर 'नारीवादी संघर्ष और विचार-विमर्च का सप्ताह' (7 - 14 मार्च) के आयोजन द्वारा जन-आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM) महिलाओं और सभी शोषित जेंडर के लोगों, जो विविध पहचानों और सामाजिक स्थितियों से सम्बद्ध हैं, की आवाज़ों को बुलंद करने की प्रतिबद्धता ज़ाहिर करता है।
पहले दिन, हम कृषि और असंगठित श्रम क्षेत्रों को प्रतिबिंबित कर रहे हैं, जहाँ अधिकतम लोग रोजगार पाते हैं और हमारी अर्थव्यवस्था की रीढ़ के रूप में काम करते हैं। राज्य और समाज के ताकतवर तबगे श्रमिक वर्ग के काम की प्रायः उपेक्षा करते हैं। व्यापक वैधानिक बदलाव करने के प्रयास किये जाते हैं जो किसानों और श्रमिकों की पहले से ही नाजुक स्थिति को और ख़राब करने की क्षमता रखते हैं। इस सन्दर्भ में हम उन श्रमिकों और उनके संघटनों के साथ पूरी एकजुटता से खड़े हैं जिन्हें व्यवस्था अनदेखा करने की कोशिश करती है। हम उनकी मांगों का समर्थन करते हैं जो पूंजीवाद, संसाधनों की लूट, और श्रम शोषण की असमान प्रणालियों को ख़त्म करने की बात कहती हैं।
कृषि और श्रम क्षेत्र में बड़ी संख्या में लोग सामाजिक-आर्थिक शोषण का सामना करते हैं। मगर जो अक्सर अनदेखा रह जाता है वह है औरतों का श्रम, साथ ही उन सभी लोगों का श्रम जो अपनी लैंगिक और यौनिक पहचान, जाति, वर्ग, क्षेत्र, जातीयता, विकलांगता, धार्मिक, व कार्य सम्बन्धी शोषण का सामना कर रहे हैं। हम इसे कृषि (कृषि श्रम, पशु-पालन, मछली-पालन, वन आदि), विनिर्माण, खनन और खनिज उद्योग, निर्माण, तथा अन्य 'अनौपचारिक' अर्थव्यवस्थाओं और असंगठित क्षेत्रों जैसे प्रवासी कार्य, घरेलू काम, रेहड़ी-पटरी का काम, सेक्स वर्क तथा समूचे 'सेवा क्षेत्र' में देख सकते हैं। पितृसत्तात्मक और जाति-आधारित श्रम का विभाजन; साथ ही हिंसा, भेदभाव और कामकाजी महिलाओं व हाशिये के जेंडर के व्यक्तियों के काम के ख़िलाफ़ बाधाओं के कारण इनका महत्वपूर्ण श्रम उपेक्षित रह जाता है।
महिला-किसानों को प्रायः उनके परिवार व राज्य द्वारा मान्यता तक नहीं दी जाती; जिन ज़मीनों पर वे काम करती हैं वे अक्सर सवर्ण भू-मालिकों या परिवार के आदमियों के नाम होती हैं। कृषि-श्रम के अतिरिक्त उन्हें घरेलु, सामाजिक, व सांस्कृतिक श्रम भी करना पड़ता है जिसकी कहीं कोई गिनती नहीं होती। ज्यादातर महिला किसान छोटे, सीमांत, शेयर-क्रॉपर या भूमिहीन-किसान श्रेणियों से संबंधित हैं। महिला किसान संगठन लगभग एक दशक से नीतियों में बदलाव के लिए लड़ रहे हैं, साथ ही ऐतिहासिक किसान-आंदोलन ने, महिलाओं के सक्षम नेतृत्व में इनमें से कई मुद्दों को सार्वजनिक पटल पर रखा है। मत्स्य-पालन में काम करने वाली महिलाऐं, साथ ही आदिवासी व अन्य महिलाऐं जो वन अधिकार संगठनों के माध्यम से संगठित होते हैं, वे तटों और जंगलों पर कॉर्पोरेट हमले के ख़िलाफ़ अपनी आजीविका के अधिकारों के लिए लगातार लड़ रहे हैं।
लोग हर दिन अपने अधिकारों की मांग करने के लिए आगे आ रहे हैं, खासकर इस साल में, जब महामारी ने उन्हें असंगत रूप से प्रभावित किया है और बहुतों को बिना प्रयाप्त सहायता और आजीविका प्रदान किये जोखिम में डाल दिया है। सफाई कर्मचारी, जो अधिकांश ऐतिहासिक रूप से उत्पीड़ित दलित समुदायों से आते हैं, सदियों से चली आ रही भेदभावपूर्ण प्रथाओं को समाप्त करने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं जो उन्हें असमान, असुरक्षित काम करने और जान गंवाने के लिए मजबूर करती हैं।
आंगनवाड़ी और आशा कार्यकर्ता, जिनका श्रम अति-आवश्यक है, फिर भी राज्य द्वारा वित्तीय रूप से स्वीकार नहीं किया जाता है, यहां तक कि लॉकडाउन और महामारी के ठीक एक साल बाद आये बजट में भी जिसका उल्लेख नहीं मिलता, वे अपने काम की पूरी मान्यता और उचित वेतन की मांग निरंतर कर रही हैं। NREGA जैसी राज्य प्रायोजित योजनाओं में भी महिलाओं का बड़ा कार्यबल और उनके द्वारा कठोर श्रम किये जाने के बावजूद उन्हें पर्याप्त काम और वेतन नहीं मिलता।
निर्माण-श्रमिकों और शहरी दैनिक-मजदूरी श्रमिकों को महामारी की शुरुआत में आय के किसी भी स्रोत के बिना छोड़ दिया गया था।इनमें बहुत सी औरतें शामिल हैं जिनका वेतन पुरुषों के कम वेतन से भी कम होता है। वे मजबूर हैं समस्त परिवार और बच्चों सहित शहरों में पलायन करने को, जिनका ध्यान भी उन्हें ही रखना होता है। महिलाओं, जेंडर मानकों से अलग व्यक्तियों, विकलांगताओं-सहित व्यक्तियों को काम की तलाश में अतिरिक्त यौन शोषण का सामना भी करना पड़ता है।
घरेलु-कामगार, जो अधिकतर दलित और आदिवासी समुदायों से आते हैं, और कभी कभी अंतर्राज्यीय प्रवास का हिस्सा भी होते हैं, को भी महामारी के दौरान बिना किसी आय के, शोषक मालिकों की दया के हवाले छोड़ दिया गया और उनका संघर्ष लगातार जारी है। ट्रांसजेंडर व्यक्तियों और जेंडर मानकों को न मानने वाले व्यक्तियों को देशभर में भेदभाव का सामना करना पड़ता है और ज्यादातर संगठित क्षेत्रों में उन्हें रोज़गार भी नहीं दिया जाता। नर्सिंग से लेकर टीचिंग व सेक्स वर्क तक तमाम कार्यों को न उचित वेतन प्राप्त है, न मान्यता; और सेक्स वर्क परोक्ष रूप से आपराधिक तक समझा जाता है। यह प्रवृत्तियां श्रमिक भेदभाव के गहरे इतिहास में आधारित हैं।
बड़ी संख्या में महिलाएं, ट्रांसजेंडर व्यक्ति, और लैंगिक मानकों से मुक्त साथी, जो अक्सर दलित, बहुजन, आदिवासी, विमुक्त, मुस्लिम/अन्य उत्पीड़ित अल्पसंख्यक समुदायों से आते हैं, विभिन्न यूनियनों और संगठनों के रूप में हिंसा, भेदभाव और उत्पीड़न के ख़िलाफ़ मुक्तिवादी लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं। तीव्र राज्यिक दमन के सामने भी वे अन्यायपूर्ण कानूनों और आजीविका-सम्बंधित क्षेत्रों से राज्य के पलायन के ख़िलाफ़, अपने संघर्ष को जारी रखे हैं और ऐसी नीतियों के लिए लड़ रहे हैं जो उन्हें गरिमा से आजीविका पाने में सक्षम करें।
NAPM न्याय के लिए लड़ने वाले व्यक्तियों के सभी उपरोक्त वर्गों की आवाज़ और दृष्टि को विस्तार देने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध है। इस अवसर पर, हम विशेष रूप से किसानों और मज़दूरों के आंदोलनों के साथ और उनसे जुड़ी महिलाओं के साथ एकजुटता के साथ खड़े हैं, और तीनों कृषि कानूनों और श्रम-संहिता (लेबर कोड) को पूरी तरह से वापस लेने की माँग करते हैं, क्योंकि दोनों ही किसान-श्रमिक वर्ग के लिए प्राणघातक हैं। हम सुरक्षित आय, सभी फसलों के लिए एमएसपी के लिए कानूनी गारंटी, महिला किसानों की औपचारिक मान्यता और समर्थन प्रणाली, मजबूत सामाजिक सुरक्षा तंत्र, पेंशन, खाद्य सुरक्षा, राज्य-प्रायोजित स्वास्थ्य संरक्षण, शिक्षा, सामाजिक न्याय की मांग, और लिंग, लैंगिकता, जाति, जातीयता, धर्म, विकलांगता, आदि के आधार पर उन सभी उत्पीड़ित और हाशिए के लोगों को संगठित और संघबद्ध होने के अधिकार का पूर्ण समर्थन करते हैं।
यदि आप इस सप्ताह में हमे किसी भी आंदोलन से संबंधित नरिवादी सामाग्री भेजना चाहते है तो कृपया जल्द-से-जल्द या 10 मार्च (रात 8 बजे से पहले) तक हमें napms...@gmail.com पर भेजें, या 7618835699 पर व्हाट्सप्प करें। इसके अतिरिक्त, आप प्रत्येक विषय की निर्धारित तिथि पर हमारे सोशल मीडिया लिंक पर इन सामग्रियों के साथ हमें टैग भी कर सकते हैं। (ताज़ी जानकारी के लिए https://napmindia.wordpress.com/upcoming-events/ को फॉलो करें।
ट्विटर: @napmindia
इंस्टाग्राम: napmindia
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM)
napm india
.jpeg?part=0.0.3&view=1)
(हिन्दी वक्तव्य और पोस्टर के लिए कृपया नीचे देखें)
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
National Office: A/29, Haji Habib Bldg., Naigaon Cross Road, Dadar (E), Mumbai – 400014
Social Media: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.orgWithdraw the proposed Coal Mining Project by Adani at Gondalpura, JharkhandNAPM extends solidarity to villagers of Gondalpura
Struggling to Protect their Farms, Forests and Biodiversity
12th March, 2022: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) extends solidarity to the villagers protesting since many months against Adani’s proposed mine at the Gondalpura coal block in Hazaribagh, Jharkhand. It is distressing that both the Centre and the State have paid no heed to the grave concerns raised by the moolvasi and adivasi villagers, (including SCs, STs and OBCs) who are keen to safeguard their lands, river and forest resources from ‘developmental’ destruction.
The Gondalpura coal block, with an estimated 176 million tonnes of coal reserves was auctioned off to the Adani Enterprises Limited (AEL) in November, 2020, as part of the e-auction for 41 coal blocks, for commercial mining, initiated by the Prime Minister. While the financial cost of this project is estimated to be close to 1 lakh crores, there seems to be little concern for the severe and long-term social and environmental costs.
As per available records, the coal mine is likely to obliterate over 500 hectares of farms, dwellings, and forests, generating over 229 million tonnes of solid waste. At least 5 villages including Gondalpura[1], Phulang, Hahe, Balodar and Gali would be affected adversely by the project. Coal mining activities in the district have already impacted the nearby villages, and hence there is intense resentment to the current project from the people, based on past experience.
While attempts were made to seek clearances and initiate project work in the midst of the second wave of the pandemic, surveyors sent by the district administration, NABARD and few Adani’s officials were not entertained and reportedly chased off by the villagers on a couple of occasions, in the later half of 2021. The villagers of Gali and their Village Forest Conservation Committee also formally objected to proposals of the Govt. seeking ‘Gram Sabha consent’ for the project related surveys, in Dec 2021.
Notably, the villagers have been up in arms against previous attempts of the Govt. as well (since 2006) to open up the area for coal mining. The coal block was then allocated to the Tenughat Vidyut Nigam Limited (TVNL). Villagers fiercely opposed the ‘public hearing’ in 2012, conducted amidst heavy police presence. All this indicates their staunch and consistent refusal to allow mining operations on their lands.
The area under question includes 513.18 hectares of land, of which 219.65 hectares is forest land. The farm land is fertile, which makes agriculture an important source of sustenance for the villagers. Crops like rice, sugarcane, wheat and mustard are part of the cultivation here. A sizable chunk of land is also community land used for grazing, gathering firewood etc. The area is also rich in biodiversity and serves as a wildlife habitat. Villagers state that the project authority is not presenting an accurate picture of the diverse range of flora and fauna in the forest and is showing the areas as sparsely forested and inhabited by only few wild animals, on the project-related documents.
If the coal project moves ahead despite the villagers’ resistance, it will decimate villages, farmlands and forests. Villagers are also worried that the already affected elephant routes will be further disturbed by the coal mining activity, resulting in crop loss and danger to human habitation. They also feel such extensive coal mining would have severe climatic impacts over time, including erratic crop cycles and unseasonal rains etc. Concerns have also been expressed regarding the pollution that would be caused to the Badmahi river, an important lifeline of the region. Environmental experts fear that the actual waste generated due to mining, could be much higher than indicated by project proponents and this would imply an additional land destruction of 103.26 hectares, over and above land used for the actual mining.
Gondalpura coal block, which is part of the North Karanpura mining block, was scheduled in MoEF’s ‘No-Go Zone (Category-A areas) indicating that any mining activity here would have serious adverse impact on forests and wildlife and even with afforestation and reclamation, it would not be possible to restore the region’s biodiversity. Questions have also been raised about the circumstances in which the coal block was auctioned to AEL and the approach of the Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) of MoEF in diluting its own previous requirements and overlooking its past minutes, especially on the pollution and depletion of the Badmahi river and the forest biodiversity.
In the above context, we extend our full solidarity to the villagers of Gondalpura, Phulang, Hahe, Balodar and Gali, fighting the State and mega corporations like Adani, to protect their lands, forests and livelihoods.
We demand that:
· The Govt. of India must immediately revoke the decision to permit coal mining by Adani Enterprises Limited at the Gondalpura coal block.
· No process / survey work / land acquisition must be undertaken in violation of the provisions of the Forest Rights Act, 2006, Wildlife (Protection) Act, 1972, Environment Protection Act, 1986, Biological Diversity Act, 2002, Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation Act, PESA Act, 1996 and the judgements of the Supreme Court on mining and rights of Gram Sabha.
· As per its commitments in global fora, India must proactively de-prioritize coal-based mining and shift towards environmentally sustainable, non-displacing modes of renewable energy generation.
Issued by the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) in solidarity with the villages struggling against the Gondalpura Coal Project
For more details:
https://www.adaniwatch.org/villagers_fight_land_takeover_for_adani_s_gondulpara_coal_mine
27 सालों का संघर्ष, एकजुटता और निर्माण का सफरनामा
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: ए/29, हाजी हबीब बिल्डिंग, नायगांव क्रॉस रोड, दादर (ई), मुंबई - 400014
सोशल मीडिया: @napmindia | ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com |
ब्लॉग: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | वेब: www.napm-india.org |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
गोंडलपुरा, झारखंड में अडानी द्वारा प्रस्तावित
कोयला खनन परियोजना रद्द करो !
अपने खेतों, जंगलों और जैव-विविधता की रक्षा के लिए संघर्षरत
गोंडलपुरा के ग्रामीणों के साथ NAPM की एकजुटता
12 मार्च, 2022: जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (एन.ए.पी.एम), झारखंड के हजारीबाग में अडानी की प्रस्तावित गोंडलपुरा कोयला ब्लॉक खदान के खिलाफ कई महीनों से विरोध कर रहे ग्रामीणों के साथ एकजुटता प्रकट करता है। यह दुखद है कि केंद्र और राज्य सरकार, दोनों ने मूलवासी और आदिवासी ग्रामीणों (एस.सी, एस.टी और ओ.बी.सी सहित) द्वारा उठाई गई गंभीर चिंताओं पर कोई ध्यान नहीं दिया, जबकि ग्रामीण अपने भूमि, नदी और वन संसाधनों को ‘विकास’ के नाम पर विनाश से बचाने के लिए तत्पर हैं।
गोंडलपुरा कोयला ब्लॉक, अनुमानित 176 मिलियन टन कोयला भंडार के साथ, नवंबर, 2020 में अडानी एंटरप्राइजेज लिमिटेड (एईएल) को नीलाम किया गया था, जो कि प्रधान मंत्री द्वारा शुरू किए गए वाणिज्यिक खनन के लिए 41 कोयला ब्लॉकों की ई-नीलामी के हिस्से के रूप में था। हालाँकि इस परियोजना की वित्तीय लागत 1 लाख करोड़ के करीब होने का अनुमान है, फिर भी इसकी दूरगामी सामाजिक और पर्यावरणीय लागत की तरफ कोई चिंता नहीं दिखाई देती।
उपलब्ध रिकॉर्ड के अनुसार, इस कोयले की खदान से 500 हेक्टेयर से अधिक खेतों, आवासों और जंगलों के नष्ट होने की संभावना है, जिससे 229 मिलियन टन से अधिक सालिड कचरा पैदा होगा। गोंडलपुरा[1], फूलंग, हाहे, बालोदर और गाली सहित कम से कम 5 गांव परियोजना से प्रतिकूल रूप से प्रभावित होंगे। जिले में कोयला खनन गतिविधियों ने पहले से ही आसपास के गांवों को प्रभावित किया है, और इसलिए लोगों में पिछले अनुभव के आधार पर वर्तमान परियोजना के प्रति तीव्र आक्रोश है।
महामारी की दूसरी लहर के बीच मंजूरी लेने और परियोजना कार्य शुरू करने का प्रयास किया गया और इसके तहत जिला प्रशासन, नाबार्ड और कुछ अदानी के अधिकारियों द्वारा सर्वेक्षकों को भेजा गया, जिन्हें कुछ मौकों पर ग्रामीणों ने भगा दिया। गाली ग्राम के ग्रामीणों और उनकी ग्राम वन संरक्षण समिति ने भी सरकार के दिसंबर 2021 में परियोजना से संबंधित सर्वेक्षणों के लिए 'ग्राम सभाओं की सहमति' की मांग करते प्रस्तावों पर औपचारिक रूप से आपत्ति जताई।
गौरतलब है कि कोयला खनन के लिए क्षेत्र को खोलने के पिछले सरकारी प्रयासों के खिलाफ भी (2006 से) ग्रामीण आक्रोशित रहे हैं। कोयला ब्लॉक तब तेनुघाट विद्युत निगम लिमिटेड (टी.वी.एन.एल) को आवंटित किया गया था। 2012 में भारी पुलिस बल के बीच आयोजित ‘जन सुनवाई’ का ग्रामीणों ने जमकर विरोध किया। यह सब उनके स्पष्ट और लगातार अपनी जमीन पर खनन कार्यों की अनुमति ने देने का प्रमाण है।
उक्त क्षेत्र में 513.18 हेक्टेयर भूमि शामिल है, जिसमें से 219.65 हेक्टेयर वन भूमि है। कृषि भूमि उपजाऊ है, जो कृषि को ग्रामीणों के लिए जीविका का एक महत्वपूर्ण स्रोत बनाती है। चावल, गन्ना, गेहूं और सरसों जैसी फसलें यहां की खेती का हिस्सा हैं। भूमि का एक बड़ा हिस्सा सामुदायिक भूमि भी है, जिसका उपयोग चारे, जलाऊ लकड़ी इकट्ठा करने आदि के लिए किया जाता है। यह क्षेत्र जैव विविधता में भी समृद्ध है और वन्यजीवों के आवास के रूप में कार्य करता है। ग्रामीणों का कहना है कि परियोजना प्राधिकरण जंगल में विभिन्न प्रकार के वनस्पतियों और जीवों की सही तस्वीर पेश नहीं कर रहा है और परियोजना-संबंधी दस्तावेज़ों में दर्शाया जा rयह है कि यहाँ गहन जंगल नहीं है और कुछ ही जंगली जानवर रहते हैं!
यदि ग्रामीणों के विरोध के बावजूद कोयला परियोजना आगे बढ़ती है, तो यह गांवों, खेतों और जंगलों को नष्ट कर देगी। ग्रामीण इस बात से भी चिंतित हैं कि पहले से ही प्रभावित हाथियों के मार्ग कोयला खनन गतिविधि से और अधिक बाधित होंगे, जिससे फसल का नुकसान होगा और मानव निवास के लिए खतरा पैदा होगा। वे यह भी महसूस करते हैं कि इस तरह के व्यापक कोयला खनन का समय के साथ गंभीर जलवायु प्रभाव होगा, जिसमें अनियमित बारिश, फसल चक्र का प्रभावित होना आदि शामिल हैं। इस क्षेत्र की एक महत्वपूर्ण जीवन रेखा, बादमही नदी के प्रादूधित होने को लेकर भी चिंता व्यक्त की गई है। पर्यावर्णीय विशेषज्ञों को डर है कि खनन के कारण उत्पन्न वास्तविक अपशिष्ट, परियोजना समर्थकों द्वारा बताए गए अनुमान से बहुत अधिक हो सकता है और इसका मतलब होगा कि वास्तविक खनन के लिए उपयोग की जाने वाली भूमि के अतिरिक्त, 103.26 हेक्टेयर भूमि का और विनाश होगा।
गोंडलपुरा कोयला ब्लॉक, जो उत्तरी करनपुरा खनन ब्लॉक का हिस्सा है, को केन्द्रीय पर्यावरण मंत्रालय (MoEF) के 'नो-गो ज़ोन (श्रेणी-ए क्षेत्रों) में चिन्हित किया गया था, जो कि यह दर्शाता है कि यहां किसी भी खनन गतिविधि का वनों और वन्यजीवों पर गंभीर प्रतिकूल प्रभाव पड़ेगा और वनों के पुनः उत्थान और सुधार के साथ, क्षेत्र की जैव विविधता को बहाल करना संभव नहीं होगा। उन परिस्थितियों पर भी सवाल उठाए गए हैं जिनमें एईएल को कोयला ब्लॉक की नीलामी की गई थी और केन्द्रीय पर्यावरण मंत्रालय की विशेषज्ञ मूल्यांकन समिति (EAC) की अपनी पिछली मानदंडों को कम करने और अपने पिछले मिनटों की अनदेखी करने की बात सामने आयी, विशेष रूप से प्रदूषण, बादमही नदी का विनाश और जैव विविधता पर असर के मुद्दों पर।
उपरोक्त संदर्भ में, हम गोंडलपुरा, फुलंग, हाहे, बालोदर और गाली के ग्रामीणों को अपना पूरा समर्थन देते हैं, जो राज्य और अडानी जैसे बड़े कॉरपोरेट्स से, अपनी भूमि, जंगलों और आजीविका की रक्षा के लिए लड़ रहे हैं। हम मांग करते हैं कि:
· भारत सरकार द्वारा अडानी एंटरप्राइजेज़ लिमिटेड को गोंडलपुरा कोयला ब्लॉक में खनन के लिए दी गई अनुमति तुरंत रद्द करे।
· वन अधिकार अधिनियम, 2006, वन्यजीव (संरक्षण) अधिनियम, 1972, पर्यावरण संरक्षण अधिनियम, 1986, जैविक विविधता अधिनियम, 2002, भूमि अधिग्रहण एवं पुनर्वास अधिनियम, पेसा अधिनियम, 1996 के प्रावधानों और खनन और ग्राम सभा के अधिकारों पर सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के निर्णयों का उल्लंघन करते हुए कोई कार्यवाही/सर्वेक्षण कार्य/भूमि अधिग्रहण नहीं किया जाना चाहिए।
· वैश्विक मंचों पर अपनी प्रतिबद्धताओं के अनुसार, भारत को सक्रिय रूप से कोयला आधारित खनन को प्राथमिकता से हटा देना चाहिए और अक्षय ऊर्जा उत्पादन के पर्यावरणीय रूप से टिकाऊ, गैर-विस्थापनीय प्रणाली की ओर बढ़ना चाहिए।
गोंडलपुरा कोयला परियोजना के खिलाफ संघर्ष कर रहे गाँव-वासियों के साथ एकजुटता में, एन.ए.पी.एम द्वारा जारी:
अधिक जानकारी के लिए:
https://www.adaniwatch.org/villagers_fight_land_takeover_for_adani_s_gondulpara_coal_mine
.jpeg?part=0.0.4&view=1)
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: A/29, Haji Habib Bldg., Naigaon Cross Road, Dadar (E), Mumbai – 400014
Social Media: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
NAPM condemns the arbitrary arrest of activist and MLA Jignesh Mevani: Demands Immediate Release!Unite to Resist BJP Govt's Repression on Young Social Justice Voices21st April, 2022: NAPM strongly condemns the absolutely arbitrary manner in which Mr. Jignesh Mevani, MLA of the Gujarat Assembly and dalit, social activist was arrested late night on 20th April by police from Kokrajhar in Assam, who came all the way to Gujarat to take him into custody.It is reported that Mevani was arrested following a mere tweet which asked the Indian Prime Minister Modi to appeal for peace after anti-Muslim and communal violence had erupted in the state following Ram Navami.In his tweet, Jignesh addressed PM Modi as 'someone who worships Gandhi’s killer Godse, and called upon him to take action in the areas of Himmat Nagar, Khambhat and Veraval to ensure communal harmony.' Upon receipt of a complaint against this tweet from one Mr. Arup Kumar Dey, the Assam Police travelled all the way to Gujarat to arrest Jignesh late at night from the Palanpur Circuit House.It is learnt that Jignesh has been booked under various sections of the Indian Penal Code, including 153A and 295A for 'promotion of enmity between communities' and 'intention to insult a religious community', as well as 120-B (criminal conspiracy). The complaint registered against him shows he has also been charged under Sec 66 of the draconian IT Act.NAPM strongly condemns this vindictive behaviour of the BJP-led state government and the Assam Police, which is yet another clear case of misuse of institutions of law.We call upon the authorities to release him at the earliest, withdraw the FIR and comply with constitutional rights to freedom of speech, expression and due process of law.As elections come closer in Gujarat, these actions of the establishment reek of a clear plan to censor and intimidate opposition leaders, especially Dalit and marginalised voices. We must unite to resist the increasing onslaught of the BJP Govt. on politically assertive youth seeking justice especially from dalit, muslim and other oppressed backgrounds.Immediately Release Jignesh Mevani!
Issued by the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
Endorse here: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
Withdraw the trumped-up FIR filed against Medha Patkar and other trustees of Narmada Nav Nirman Abhiyan
End the persecution of civil rights and social movement activists for standing with the oppressed sections of society
11th July, 2022: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) strongly condemns the FIR filed against social activist Medha Patkar and 11 other trustees of Narmada Nav Nirman Abhiyan (NNNA), under Sec 420 IPC at the Badwani Police Station in MP, as widely reported in the media. It is indeed atrocious that a public-spirited Trust like NNNA (regd. in Mumbai) which has been working for over two decades in the interest of the displacement-affected adivasi and rural communities in the Narmada valley in Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, especially children, is having to face such bizarre allegations from vested interests.
It is learnt that the complaint alleging ‘misuse of funds’, ‘cheating’, 'financial irregularities’, ’anti-national activities’ etc. has been filed by one Mr. Pritam Raj Badole, who, as per his public profile on Koo social media is an activist of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), student wing of the ruling BJP in Khargone, MP. It may be noted that a few months back, a similar false allegation was leveled against Medha Patkar and NNNA by one Mr. Sanjeev Jha, resident of Ghaziabad. Although sections of the media reported that an FIR was filed by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), no notice has been issued so far. Through a clarification dated 6th April, 2022, NNNA already countered those allegations pertaining to 17-year-old financial transactions. NNNA has stated that all their accounts are up-to-date and the Trust is willing to co-operate in any process of inquiry. It is, however, clear that the BJP Govt. is on an all-out attempt to vilify Medha Patkar and the organizations she is associated with.
All the persons named in the FIR dt. 9th July, 2022 have been associated with people’s issues in Narmada valley for long. They include families affected by the Sardar Sarovar Project who have struggled for decades against unjust displacement, seeking fair rehabilitation, as per judicial orders. Other trustees have been supporters of the people’s movement for rights and justice in the valley and have facilitated constructive work on education, health etc.
It needs to be pointed out that there has been a long history to the persecution and vilification that people from Narmada valley and their supporters have faced from the Governments and vested interests. Way back in 2007, the Hon’ble Supreme Court dismissed an ill-motivated petition filed by one Mr. VK Saxena (current LG of Delhi), calling it a ‘private interest litigation’, imposing costs on him for the same and stating that the work of Medha Patkar was in the interest of rehabilitation of the dam oustees. (Judgement[1] dated 10 July, 2007 in National Council for Civil Liberties vs Union of India & Ors)
Despite many challenges from the State, Narmada Bachao Andolan has been working relentlessly for the past 37 years, within the framework of the law of the land and Constitution, through peaceful struggle and constructive means to organize the farmers, adivasis, fisher people and other communities for their rights, while also undertaking educational and other initiatives for the children in the interior adivasi regions, where the Governments have miserably failed in extending basic entitlements. Medha Patkar has always supported and strengthened people’s struggles across the country, over three decades. It is a matter of utter shame that the Government chooses to criminalize well-meaning people working for the oppressed sections, instead of enabling their efforts.
There is no doubt that these false cases, allegations and media trial are part of a continuing spree of persecution against rights defenders, civil liberties activists, fact-checkers, students etc. who have been speaking truth to power, exposing the anti-people nature of this Government and questioning the injustice being meted out to marginalized sections of our society.
NAPM condemns these vengeful actions of the BJP Government against persons working in public interest.
· We call for immediate withdrawal of the FIR against Medha Patkar and all trustees of NNNA.
· We also warn the Govt. to refrain from undertaking any coercive action through its investigative and law enforcement agencies.
· We assert the constitutional rights to organize and the right to liberty of all activists who are facing state repression for their public-spirited work.
Issued by: National Alliance of People’s Movements
Click to Endorse here: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
Encl: Press Note by members of Narmada Bachao Andolan below:
नर्मदा नवनिर्माण अभियानको बदनाम करने की साजिश और असत्यवादी FIR निरस्त किया जाए
11 जुलाई, 2022: नर्मदा नवनिर्माण अभियान, नर्मदा घाटीके आदिवासी, किसान, मजदूर, मछुआरे आदि समुदायोंके साथ दशकोंसे कार्यरत संस्थाके खिलाफ झूटे आरोप लगानेकी साजिश फिरसे शुरू हुई है । मेधा पाटकर औऱ नर्मदा नवनिर्माणके 11 विश्वस्तोंके नाम दाखील की हुई शिकायत के आधारपर दर्ज किया FIR अभीतक कोई जाँच न होते हुए ही दर्ज किया गया है ।
उसमें किये गये आरोप,जैसे जीवनशालाओंके बच्चोंकी शिक्षा तथा अन्य शिक्षाविषयक कार्यके लिए पायी राशि राष्ट्रविरोधी कार्यपर खर्च की गयी,तद्दन झूठे है । पूर्वमें की गई इस प्रकारकी शिकायतोंपर हमारे साथी और विश्वस्त जवाब दे चुके हैं । सर्वोच्च अदालतने जुलै 2007 में जो फेसला दिया, उसमे नर्मदा आंदोलनपर लगाये आर्थिक स्त्रोतो के संबंध मे किये गये आरोप झूठा साबित हो चुके है !
शिकायतकर्ताने,प्रितमराज बडौले,जो अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद एवम राजनीतिसे जुड़ा व्यक्ति है,उसके वक़्तव्यमें कहा है कि नर्मदा नवनिर्माण अभियानकी जीवनशालाऍ अस्तित्वमेंही नही है । यह सरासर झूठ एवं मेधा पाटकर और अभियान के निर्माण कार्यको बदनाम करनेकी साजिश है । हम इसे धिक्कारते हुए यह दावा करते हैं कि करीबन 30 वर्षोंसे शुरू होकर जारी रही जीवनशालाओंसे हजारों आदिवासी बच्चे शिक्षित होकर आगे बढ़े है । जीवनशालाओं के ही लिए दिया गया कोई भी चंदा किसी भी राष्ट्र विरोधी कार्य के लिए उपयोग में नहीं लाया गया है ।
नर्मदा नवनिर्माण अभियान संवैधानिक मूल्यों की चौखट में शिक्षा के साथ पुनर्वास और अन्य कार्यक्षेत्रों में भी सक्रिय है । हमारे हर कार्य के लिए जमा की गयी तथा खर्च की गयी राशि का हिसाब,ऑडिट एवं सभी कागजात वैध रूप से रखे जाते हैं । इस पर बेबुनियाद आरोप की शिकायत पर निष्पक्ष जाँच ही सच्चाई साबित कर सकती थी । बिना जाँच के आपराधिक प्रकरण दर्ज करने की प्रक्रिया यही दर्शाती है कि हमारे सामाजिक कार्य को बदनाम और बरबाद करने की साजिश है! हमारे राष्ट्रहितमें,गरीब,श्रमिकोंके साथ चल रहा कार्य इस साजीश से रुकेगा नहीं । हमारे सहयोगी, साथी हमपर विश्वास के साथ जरूर जुड़े रहेंगे,यही विश्वास है ।
नुरजी वसावे देवराम कनेरा कमला यादव
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
हिंदी के लिए कृपया नीचे देखें | Word and PDF of Press Release attached
PRESS RELEASE
More than 1,400 activists, academics, citizens across India call for
withdrawal of dubious FIR against Medha Patkar and Narmada Abhiyan Trustees
Petition open for Endorsements here: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
14th July, 2022: In response to a petition initiated by the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM), more than 1,400 people from 23 + states signed up, to demand the immediate withdrawal of a dubious FIR filed against social activist Medha Patkar and 11 other trustees of Narmada Nav Nirman Abhiyan (NNNA) alleging ‘misuse of funds’ for ‘anti-national’ activities! It is no surprise that the so-called ‘complainant’ is affiliated to the ABVP, student wing of the BJP. Expressing outrage at the vindictive actions of the Govt., solidarity has been pouring in from a large number of people’s movements, farmers and workers organizations, trade unions, national networks, campaigns and alliances across the country, in the past four days. Protests are also being held in different states.
The signatories to the petition include activists, academics, lawyers, retired officials, independent media persons, film makers, feminists, representatives of mass organizations, trade unions, political leaders etc. such as Sr. Adv. Prashant Bhushan, Prof. Roop Rekha Verma, E A S Sarma, Admiral L Ramdas, Aruna Roy, Nikhil Dey and Shankar Singh, Arundhati Roy, Subhashini Ali, Bhanwar Meghwanshi, Annie Raja, Devaki Jain, Fr. Cedric Prakash, Ulka Mahajan, Holiram Terang, Rohit Prajapati, Harsing Jamre and Madhuri JADS, Kavita Kuruganti, Yogendra Yadav, Chayanika Shah, Nityanand Jayaraman, Dr. Lata PM, Sadhana Saheli, Sujato Bhadra, Hasina Khan, Geetha Ramakrishnan, Shabnam Hashmi, Alok Shukla, Dr. Gabriele Dietrich, Anuradha Talwar, Maj. Genl. (Retd.) SG Vombatkere, CR Neelakandan, Agnes Kharshiing, Pamela Philipose, Prof. Walter Fernandes, Roma Malik, Bela Bhatia, Dr. Veena Shatrugna, Irfan Engineer, Kalyani Menon Sen, Prof. Padmaja Shaw, Henri Tiphagne, Dr. Ram Puniyani, Prof. Nandini Sundar, Dr. Sugan Baranth, Sagar Dhara, Pranab Doley, Dr. Nandita Narain, Clifton Rozario, Dr Sandeep Pandey, Kavita Srivastava, Gurtej Singh, John Dayal, Siraj Dutta, Sajaya Kakarla, Maimoona Mollah, Prof B N Reddy, Manshi Asher, Pradip Chatterjee, Himanshu Thakkar, Kaladas Deheria, Mallika Virdi, Rohini Hensman, Sanjay Kak, Eric Pinto, Prafulla Samantara, Sunita Vishwanath, Dr. Mira Shiva, Shalmali Guttal, Dr. Shaikh Gulaam Rasool, Virginia Saldanha etc. (and numerous others)
They acknowledged the work of NNNA as a welfare Trust that has only strived to support the educational, health and related activities in the dam-affected rural and adivasi regions of the Narmada valley in MP and Maharashtra. All trustees are public-spirited persons and many are oustees themselves. They also said that Narmada Bachao Andolan, has organized displacement-affected communities in the past 37 years, struggling to assert people’s constitutional rights, despite a history of state repression and vilification. The current BJP Govt. is again raking up false allegations to persecute the people’s movement and activists.
The signatories felt that the FIR against Medha Patkar and NNNA trustees is part of a continuing spree of persecution against rights defenders, civil liberties activists, fact-checkers, students etc. who have been speaking truth to power, exposing the anti-people nature of this Government and questioning the injustice being meted out to marginalized sections of our society. Condemning the vengeful actions of the BJP Government against persons working in public interest, they called for:
· Immediate withdrawal of FIR against Medha Patkar and all trustees of NNNA.
· No coercive action be undertaken by investigative and law enforcement agencies.
· Upholding the constitutional rights to organize and the right to liberty of all activists who are facing state repression for their public-spirited work.
Access the full petition with list of 1400 signatories here: https://tinyurl.com/yzfh8hcn
Petition open for Endorsements here: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
Write to napm...@gmail.com for further queries
प्रेस विज्ञप्ति
भारत भर से 1,400 सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं व नागरिकों द्वारा मेधा पाटकर और
नर्मदा अभियान ट्रस्टियों के खिलाफ मनमानी FIR वापस लेने का आह्वान
हस्ताक्षर के लिए याचिका खुली है: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
14 जुलाई, 2022: जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM) द्वारा शुरू की गई याचिका पर 23+ राज्यों के 1,400 से अधिक लोगों ने हस्ताक्षर किए, और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता मेधा पाटकर और नर्मदा नव निर्माण अभियान (NNNA) के अन्य ट्रस्टियों पर 'राष्ट्र-विरोधी' गतिविधियों के लिए 'धन के दुरुपयोग' का आरोप लगाती हुई दर्ज मनमानी प्राथमिकी (FIR) को तत्काल वापस लेने की मांग की।! इसमें कोई आश्चर्य की बात नहीं है कि तथाकथित 'शिकायतकर्ता' भाजपा की छात्र शाखा एबीवीपी अ.भा.वि.प. से संबद्ध है। सरकार के दमनकारी रवय्ये पर आक्रोश व्यक्त करते हुए, पिछले चार दिनों में देश-भर में बड़ी संख्या में जन आंदोलनों, किसानों और श्रमिक संगठनों, ट्रेड यूनियनों, राष्ट्रीय नेटवर्क, अभियानों और समन्वयों ने एकजुटता दिखाई है। अलग-अलग राज्यों में विरोध प्रदर्शन भी हो रहे हैं।
हस्ताक्षरकर्ताओं में सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता, शिक्षाविद, वकील, सेवानिवृत्त अधिकारी, स्वतंत्र मीडियाकर्मी, फिल्म निर्माता, नारीवादी, जन संगठनों के प्रतिनिधि, ट्रेड यूनियन, राजनीतिक नेता आदि शामिल हैं, जैसे वरिष्ठ अधिवक्ता प्रशांत भूषण, प्रो. रूपरेखा वर्मा, ई.ए.एस. सरमा, एडमिरल रामदास, अरुणा रॉय, निखिल डे व शंकर सिंह, अरुंधति रॉय, सुभाषिनी अली, भंवर मेघवंशी, एनी राजा, देवकी जैन, फादर सेड्रिक प्रकाश, अल्का महाजन, होलिराम तेरांग, रोहित प्रजापति, हरसिंग जमरे व माधुरी JADS, कविता कुरुगंती, योगेंद्र यादव, चयनिका शाह, नित्यानंद जयरामन, डॉ. लता पी.एम., साधन सहेली, सुजातो भद्रा, हसीना खान, गीता रामकृष्णन, शबनम हाशमी, आलोक शुक्ला, डॉ. गैब्रिएल डिट्रिच, अनुराधा तलवार, , मेजर जनरल (सेवानिवृत्त) एस.जी वोम्बटकेरे, सी.आर नीलकंदन, एग्नेस खर्शिंग, पामेला फिलिपोज, प्रो. वाल्टर फर्नांडीज़, रोमा मलिक, बेला भाटिया, डॉ वीना शत्रुघ्न, इरफान इंजिनीर, कल्याणी मेनन सेन, प्रो पद्मजा शॉ, हेनरी टिफागने, डॉ राम पुनियानी, प्रो नंदिनी सुंदर, डॉ. सुगन बरंथ, सागर धारा, प्रणब डोले, डॉ नंदिता नारायण, क्लिफ्टन रोजारियो, डॉ संदीप पांडे, कविता श्रीवास्तव, गुरतेज सिंह, जॉन दयाल, सिराज दत्त, सजया काकरला, मैमूना मोल्ला, प्रो. बीएन रेड्डी, मानशी अशर, प्रदीप चटर्जी, हिमांशु ठक्कर, कलादास डेहरिया, मल्लिका विर्दी, रोहिणी हेन्समैन, संजा काक, एरिक पिंटो, प्रफुल्ल सामंतरा, सुनीता विश्वनाथ, डॉ मीरा शिवा, शलमाली गुट्टल, डॉ शेख गुलाम रसूल, वर्जीनिया सल्दान्हा (और कई अन्य लोग )
उन्होंने कहा कि NNNA केवल एक कल्याणकारी ट्रस्ट के रूप में कार्य करता है, जिसने मध्य प्रदेश और महाराष्ट्र में नर्मदा घाटी के बांध प्रभावित ग्रामीण और आदिवासी क्षेत्रों में शैक्षिक, स्वास्थ्य और संबंधित गतिविधियों को सुसंचालित करने का प्रयास किया है। सभी न्यासी जनहित के लिए तत्पर व्यक्ति हैं और कई स्वयं विस्थापित परिवार से। उन्होंने यह भी कहा कि नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन ने पिछले 37 वर्षों में विस्थापित समुदायों को संगठित किया है, और राज्य के दमन और अपराधीकरण के इतिहास के बावजूद, लोगों के संवैधानिक अधिकारों को क़ायम रखने के लिए संघर्ष किया हैं। वर्तमान भाजपा सरकार जन आंदोलनों और कार्यकर्ताओं को उत्पीड़ित करने के लिए एक बार फिर झूठे आरोप लगा रही है।
हस्ताक्षरकर्ता समझते हैं कि मेधा पाटकर और NNNA ट्रस्टियों के खिलाफ झूठे आरोप और प्राथमिकी, उन मानवाधिकार रक्षकों, नागरिक स्वतंत्रता कार्यकर्ताओं, तथ्य-जांचकर्ताओं, छात्रों आदि के खिलाफ उत्पीड़न की निरंतर होड़ का हिस्सा है, जो सत्ता की सच्चाई उजागर कर रहे हैं और इस सरकार की जन-विरोधी चरित्र और हमारे समाज के हाशिए के वर्गों के साथ हो रहे अन्याय पर सवाल उठा रहे हैं। जनहित में काम करने वाले व्यक्तियों के खिलाफ भाजपा सरकार की बदले की भावना से की गयी कार्रवाई की निंदा करते हुए, उन्होंने मांग किया कि:
- मेधा पाटकर और NNNA के सभी ट्रस्टियों के खिलाफ FIR तत्काल वापस ली जाए।
- जांच और कानून प्रवर्तन एजेंसियों द्वारा कोई दंडात्मक कार्रवाई नहीं की जाए।
- उन सभी कार्यकर्ताओं के संगठित होने के संवैधानिक अधिकार और स्वतंत्रता के अधिकार की रक्षा की जाए जो अपने जन-समर्थक कार्यों के लिए राज्य के दमन का सामना कर रहे हैं।
सभी 1400 हस्ताक्षरकर्ताओं की सूची के साथ पूरी याचिका यहाँ पढ़ें: https://tinyurl.com/yzfh8hcn
हस्ताक्षर के लिए याचिका खुली है: https://forms.gle/P1D1Q8QoWzEzCoPt7
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: A/29, Haji Habib Bldg., Naigaon Cross Road, Dadar (E), Mumbai – 400014
Social Media: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
Vimal bhai Lives on! In Our Hearts! In our Andolans for Azadi and Justice!
Salutes to the Rainbow of Resistance: Vimalbhai (1962 to 2022)
15th Aug, 2022, New Delhi: It breaks our heart to share the most devastating news of Vimal bhai, well-known social and environmental activist, and one of the key leaders of NAPM, succumbing today at the AIIMS, New Delhi. The past 6 days were extremely harrowing for Vimal bhai and everyone caring for him, as he bravely battled for life, minute by minute. We trust all the doctors tried their best to save him, but owing to multiple organ failure, his body gave up. On 10th Aug, he was taken to the Safdarjang hospital and the same evening admitted to AIIMS, because of severe complications related to lungs, liver, kidney, due to long covid, amidst reduced immunity.
That Vimal bhai touched thousands of lives in a deeply personal and political way, is evident from the non-stop messages of concern, hope and prayers that have been streaming in from across the country, ever since information of his being unwell was out. Be it with the Ganga or Narmada, his passion for rivers to remain free and flowing, remains the hallmark of his activism that spans over 4 decades. He worked relentlessly to oppose mindless damming of rivers, pollution and supported people’s rights to be involved in the ‘developmental processes’, especially in the Tehri-Garhwal region of Uttarakhand, as part of Matu Jan Sangathan.
Vimalbhai indeed represented the true rainbow of resistance in his work of struggle and solidarity. From being an active organizer in the anti-dam and ecological movements to supporting basti-dwellers of Khorigaon, to helping anti-mining struggles in Rajasthan, being at the forefront of campaigns against hate and communal violence via Aman ki Pehel, to standing up for trans and queer rights, to supporting release of political prisoners and asserting the right to self-determination of Kashmiris, he was always with people and nature. He was one of the national co-ordinators and convenors of NAPM for many years. He participated with Pride in many LGBTQIA+ Pride Marches and was a key bridge between queer and other movements.
In the last two years of the raging covid pandemic, in addition to enormous relief work, he immersed himself in assisting thousands of families of Khorigaon who were brutally evicted by the Haryana Govt. and denied fair rehabilitation. Fondly addressed as Kakaji, Khori-wasis, old and young waited on him day and night at the hospital and did all they could to save him. While we bid salaams to Vimalbhai, we must commit to lend increased solidarity to the people of Khorigaon, whose struggle continues.
His last letter was to the new President Ms. Draupadi Murmu, on 25th July, 2022 in which he called upon her to take substantive steps to end repression on adivasis, uphold their rights in V Schedule areas and protect their unique cultural, linguistic, religious lifestyle. He remained a steadfast supporter of the Narmada struggle for decades and hoped the President would meet the adivasi students of the Narmada Jeevanshalas, to understand the ill-motivated attack on Narmada Abhiyan by the current regime.
A person who remained down-to-earth and non-consumerist throughout his life, Vimalbhai was often one of the ‘go-to’ persons for many movement saathis who would land up in Delhi with plans for dharnas, demonstrations and delegations. His home was always open to karyakartas of all movements. He was an excellent cook, artist, poet, docu-film maker, campaigner, friend; all packed into one. He was extremely resourceful as a movement activist and diligently used all democratic tools to hold authorities and institutions accountable to people’s rights and laws of the land. He was someone who firmly believed in ‘sangharsh - nirman’ from zameen to Courts to Parliament. His imprint on many of the SC and NGT judgements, legislations over the years on environmental matters are part of his legacy. He was always keen on engaging with and training young people and so many of us have benefitted from our association with him, over the years.
In this painful moment, we convey our deepest condolences to his family members, movement co-travellers and friends across India and beyond. Zindabad to people of Khorigaon, Delhi civil society, lawyers, doctors, medical staff at AIIMS and Safdarjang and volunteers who worked round the clock with the hope to bring back Vimal bhai.
We will sorely and eternally miss you, Vimal bhai, but we shall cherish you in our hearts, in our ongoing struggles, as we have no option but to continue to save our democracy from fascist and corporate onslaught, from the deepening ecological and climate crisis.
Inquilab Zindabad, Satrangi Salam Vimalbhai: A True Son of the Soil of Sangharsh and Rivers of Resistance!
National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) and Delhi Solidarity Group (DSG)
Messages can be sent to napm...@gmail.com
Few links to Vimalbhai’s work are below:
Matu Jan Sangathan: matuganga.in and matuganga.blogspot.in
For, films on you tube, type: bandh katha
Struggle of people of Khorigaon: https://khorigaon.in/
napm india
27 सालों का संघर्ष, एकजुटता और निर्माण का सफरनामा
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: ए/29, हाजी हबीब बिल्डिंग, नायगांव क्रॉस रोड, दादर (ई), मुंबई - 400014
सोशल मीडिया: @napmindia | ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com |
ब्लॉग: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | वेब: www.napm-india.org |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
विमल भाई अमर हैं! हमारे दिलों में! आज़ादी और न्याय के लिए हमारे आंदोलनों में!
प्रतिरोध के इंद्रधनुष को सलाम: विमलभाई (1962 से 2022)
15 अगस्त, 2022: नई दिल्ली: बहुत दुःख के साथ हमें साझा करना पड़ रहा है कि जाने-माने सामाजिक और पर्यावरण कार्यकर्ता विमल भाई की आज एम्स, नई दिल्ली में देहांत हुआ। विमल भाई और उनकी देखभाल करने वाले सभी लोगों के लिए पिछले छ: दिन बेहद कठिन थे, जब विमल भाई जीवन के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे थे। हमें विश्वास है कि डॉक्टरों ने उन्हें बचाने की पूरी कोशिश की, लेकिन कई अंग खराब होने के कारण, उनके शरीर ने हार मान ली। 10 अगस्त को उन्हें सफदरजंग अस्पताल ले जाया गया था और उसी शाम उन्हें फेफड़े, गुर्दा और किडनी आदि से संबंधित गंभीर जटिलताओं के कारण एम्स में भर्ती कराया गया।
जब से विमल भाई के अस्वस्थ होने की खबर सामने आयी है, देश भर से लगातार आते चिंता, आशा और प्रार्थनाओं के सन्देश यह दिखाता हैं कि विमल भाई ने हजारों लोगों के जीवन को व्यक्तिगत और राजनीतिक रूप से प्रभावित किया। गंगा हो या नर्मदा, नदियों के मुक्त रूप से बहते रहने के प्रति उनका जुनून चार दशकों से अधिक समय तक चलते हुए, उनके काम की पहचान बन गया है। उन्होंने नदियों पर आधाधुंध तरीके से निर्मित बांधों और प्रदूषण का लगातार विरोध किया और खासकर टेहरी-गढ़वाल इलाके, उत्तराखंड में माटू जन संगठन से जुड़कर ‘विकास’ की प्रक्रियाओं में आम जन की भागीदारी के अधिकार के लिए लड़ते रहे।
विमलभाई ने वास्तव में अपने संघर्ष और एकजुटता के काम में प्रतिरोध के इंद्रधनुषीय रंगों का प्रतिनिधित्व किया। बांध विरोधी और पारिस्थितिक आंदोलनों में सक्रिय आयोजक होने से लेकर खोरीगांव के बस्ती वासियों के संघर्ष तक, राजस्थान में खनन विरोधी संघर्षों में मदद करने से लेकर ‘अमन की पहल’ के माध्यम से नफरत और सांप्रदायिक हिंसा के खिलाफ अभियानों में सबसे आगे रहना, ट्रांस और क्वीअर अधिकारों के लिए खड़े होने से लेकर राजनीतिक बंदियों की रिहाई का समर्थन करने और कश्मीरियों के आत्मनिर्णय के अधिकार पर जोर देने तक, वह हमेशा लोगों और प्रकृति के साथ थे। वे कई वर्षों से NAPM के राष्ट्रीय संयोजकों में से एक थे। उन्होंने कई LGBTQIA+ प्राइड मार्च में गर्व के साथ भाग लिया और क्वीअर आंदोलन और अन्य आंदोलनों के बीच एक महत्वपूर्ण सेतु की तरह बने रहे।
प्रचंड महामारी के पिछले दो वर्षों में, राहत कार्य के साथ-साथ, उन्होंने खोरीगांव के उन हजारों परिवारों की सहायता करने में खुद को झोंक दिया, जिन्हें बेरहमी से बेघर कर दिया गया और उचित पुनर्वास से वंचित रखा गया। खोरी वासियों द्वारा प्यार से ‘काकाजी’ बुलाये जाने वाले विमल भाई का खोरी के बच्चे, बूढ़े और जवान साथियों ने दिन-रात अस्पताल में ध्यान रखा और उन्हें बचाने के लिए हर संभव कोशिश की।
उनका अंतिम पत्र 25 जुलाई, 2022 को नई राष्ट्रपति द्रौपदी मुर्मू जी को लिखा गया था, जिसमें उन्होंने आदिवासियों पर दमन को समाप्त करने, पांचवे अनुसूची क्षेत्रों में उनके अधिकारों को बनाए रखने, और आदिवासियों के अद्वितीय सांस्कृतिक, भाषाई, धार्मिक जीवन शैली की सुरक्षा के लिए ठोस कदम उठाने का आह्वान किया था। वह दशकों तक नर्मदा संघर्ष के दृढ़ समर्थक रहे और उन्हें उम्मीद थी कि राष्ट्रपति नर्मदा जीवनशालाओं के आदिवासी छात्रों से मिलेंगी, ताकि मौजूदा सरकार द्वारा नर्मदा अभियान पर गलत तरीके से किए गए हमले को वह समझ सकें।
हमेशा सादा और गैर-उपभोक्तावादी बने रहने वाले विमलभाई अक्सर उन आंदोलन साथियों के लिए 'गो-टू' व्यक्तियों में से एक थे, जो धरने, प्रदर्शनों और प्रतिनिधिमंडलों की योजना के साथ दिल्ली आते थे। उनका घर हमेशा सभी आंदोलनों के कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए खुला रहता था। वह एक उत्कृष्ट रसोइया, कलाकार, कवि, डाक्यूमेंट्री निर्माता, प्रचारक, मित्र- एक पैक में सब थे। एक आंदोलन कार्यकर्ता के रूप में अत्यंत कुशल, वे अधिकारियों और संस्थानों को लोगों के अधिकारों और देश के जनवादी कानूनों के प्रति जवाबदेह ठहराने के लिए सभी लोकतांत्रिक साधनों का सुघड़ उपयोग किया करते थे। वह ऐसे व्यक्ति थे जो 'संघर्ष-निर्माण' के ज़मीन से लेकर अदालतों व संसद तक हिलाने में दृढ़ विश्वास रखते थे। सुप्रीम कोर्ट और एनजीटी के कई फैसलों, कानूनों पर उनकी छाप निश्चित रूप से देखी जा सकती है। वह हमेशा युवाओं के साथ जुड़ने और उन्हें प्रशिक्षित करने के लिए उत्सुक रहते थे और हममें से कई लोगों ने वर्षों से उनके साथ अपने जुड़ाव से बहुत कुछ पाया है।
हम उनके परिवार के सदस्यों, आंदोलन सह-यात्रियों और पूरे भारत और उसके बाहर के दोस्तों के प्रति अपनी गहरी संवेदना व्यक्त करते हैं। खोरीगांव के वासियों, दिल्ली सिविल सोसाइटी के लोगों, वकीलों, डॉक्टरों, एम्स और सफदरजंग में मेडिकल स्टाफ और कार्यकर्ताओं को ज़िंदाबाद, जिन्होंने विमल भाई को वापस लाने की उम्मीद के साथ चौबीसों घंटे काम किया। विमल भाई, हम आपको हमेशा याद करेंगे, और हम आपको अपने दिलों में, हमारे चल रहे संघर्षों द्वारा संजोएंगे, क्योंकि हमारे पास अपने लोकतंत्र को फासीवादी और कॉर्पोरेट हमले से, गहराते पारिस्थितिक और जलवायु संकट से बचाने के अलावा कोई विकल्प नहीं है।
इंकलाब जिंदाबाद, सतरंगी सलाम विमलभाई, आप धरती और नदियों के सच्चे संतान हो!
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM) और दिल्ली सॉलिडेरिटी ग्रुप (DSG)
संदेश napm...@gmail.com पर भेजे जा सकते हैं
विमल भाई के कार्य के कुछ लिंक: माटू जन संगठन: matuganga.in और matuganga.blogspot.in
फिल्मों के लिए यू ट्यूब पर bandh katha टाइप करे | खोरी गाँव के लोगों का संघर्ष: https://khorigaon.in/
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)
Social Media: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.orgDelhi Police Must Arrest and hold Violent Right-Wing Goons Accountable!
Time to Expose the Nexus between ABVP and Law Enforcement Agencies!
Uphold Democratic Spirit of University Campuses: Stop Converting them into Unsafe Spaces!
NAPM extends solidarity to Progressive Student Movements Fighting Fascism on the Streets12th Dec, 2022: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) stands in solidarity with students from Delhi University (DU) who have been bravely resisting Akhil Bharatiya Vidya Parishad’s (ABVP’s) repeated attempts at turning educational campuses in the country into hostile and polarised spaces fuelled by the language of religious intolerance and Brahminical patriarchy.On 1st December, DU students campaigning for the release of Dr. GN Saibaba, former DU professor who has been facing arbitrary jail sentence, were beaten up by ABVP members using lathis and bricks. In response to this dastardly act, students organised a protest meet against such hooliganism the following day, which is when ABVP goons attacked students again.More recently, a group of students had organised a sit-in on the 8th to appeal for peace and for the right to democratic dissent where they were struck by ABVP members without provocation.Delhi Police’s response to the ABVP violence is appalling to see – following its established patterns, instead of taking action against the actual culprits, the Police assaulted and detained the students peacefully opposing these attacks, thereby continuing its streak of enabling ABVP miscreants who instigate such acts in university campuses.This is only the latest of instances where the ABVP, the RSS-BJP’s student wing, has created violent disturbances in an educational institution. Over the last 7 years, wherever students and teachers have tried to organise meetings and conventions on themes reflecting the spirit of the Indian Constitution, such attacks have become expected and have only increased in frequency over time.ABVP has had a long history of opposing the culture of debate, democracy and peaceful dissent which colleges and universities are supposed to foster, and has instead created an environment of needless violence and fear. By refusing to lodge FIRs against the accused, the police force keeps putting common students in danger and fails to fulfil its responsibility in keeping everyone safe. Knowing that they will get away with intimidation and assault each time has emboldened ABVP into scaling up the extent of their attacks with complete impunity.We unequivocally demand that all authorities uphold the constitutional rights to education, dissent and remediation, and take strict action against the recurrent crimes of the saffron brigade.We steadfastly hope that relevant authorities return campuses to students who want to learn, and put a stop to this culture of volatility and violence, perpetuated by systemic efforts to curb all diversity of thoughts and practice.We stand in solidarity with students all over the country committed to the pursuit of knowledge who are fighting to keep academic spaces safe and intellectually and creatively vibrant.
National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)
napm india
National Alliance of People's Movements (NAPM)National Office: A/29, Haji Habib Bldg., Naigaon Cross Road, Dadar (E), Mumbai – 400014
Social Media: @napmindia | E-mail: napm...@gmail.com |
Blog: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | Web: www.napm-india.org
NAPM supports the legitimate demands of Uttarakhand Berozgar Andolan
Condemns BJP Govt’s repression and failure to address concerns of unemployed youth
Institute Court-monitored CBI Inquiry into all the Paper Leak Scams
FREE ALL ARRESTED YOUTH IMMEDIATELY
12th February, 2022: National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) unequivocally condemns the repressive high-handedness of the BJP Government on the unemployed youth of Uttarakhand, who hit the streets last week, exposing the paper leak scams and seeking a fair recruitment mechanism and employment. We demand that all the arrested youth be immediately released and a court-monitored CBI inquiry into all the exam-paper leak scams be instituted.
While the nation’s attention is riveted on the Adani exposé, here is another mega-scam rocking the hill state of Uttarakhand: The Paper Leak Corruption Scandal or infamously called Nakal Mafia. It is outrageous that instead of dialoguing with the agitated youth and responding to their legitimate demands, the Pushkar Singh Dhami Govt. ordered multiple rounds of lathi charge, grievously injuring some youngsters. As if this were not enough, key members of Uttarakhand Berozgar Sangh including Bobby Panwar, Ram Kandwal, Sandeep Singh, Mukesh Singh, Anil Kumar, Aman Chauhan, Shubham Singh Negi, Lusoon Toradia, Hariom, Mohan Kainthola, Ramesh Tomar, Nitin Dutt, Amit Panwar have been arrested and a range of arbitrary charges have been foisted against them. Reportedly, cases have been filed against many other youth who were part of the peaceful mobilization in the past few days.
The history of exam scams in Uttarakhand goes back at least until 2016, and over the years there have been multiple paper leaks; including for recruitments as village panchayat development officers, UKPCS, UKSSSC, AE/JE and other exams. In quite a few of these, there have been strong allegations against certain persons close to the ruling BJP as well as some officers, responsible for the paper leaks. The blatant complicity of people like Sanjay Dhariwal, Hakam Singh, Chandan Manral, Sanjeev Chaturvedi etc. has been in the open and owing to intense public pressure, some action had to be taken against a few of these alleged scamsters. However, with the kind of crackdown it has unleashed, it is evident that the State Government has not only deliberately failed in taking effective action against the culprits, but wants to shield those who are responsible for the paper leaks, at any cost.
As a face-saving measure, the Chief Minister, with the assent of the Governor, has now promulgated an ordinance called the Uttarakhand Competitive Exams (Measures for Prevention of Unfair Means in Recruitment) Ordinance, 2023, which the youth term as a ‘hogwash’ and are firm on CBI inquiry and stringent action against the violators. There is also widespread outrage against the hurried conduct of the patwari and accountant (lekhapal) exams on 12th Feb, when the concerned key officer in the Exam Dept. (Mr. Chaturvedi) has been suspended for being part of the paper leak scam.
As we all know, Uttarakhand is still reeling under the recent Joshimath disaster, which is yet another warning in a series of development-induced mishaps. Even as affected people have been struggling for fair support and rehabilitation, those who have been challenging the reckless ‘development’ and its impacts are being called names and even termed anti-nationals! This has now become a predictable trend for the BJP Govt. to brand anyone who challenges its anti-people policies and crimes as ‘anti-nationals’.
India is going through a severe crisis of joblessness and the BJP Government, in particular, has miserably failed to address these concerns of millions of youth and has only been resorting to jumla, name-calling, fake cases, arrests and violence. We are given to understand that the unrest amongst the youth is intensifying across districts of Uttarakhand and there are plans for further mobilization towards Dehradun and Delhi, if the State does not relent. We are of the considered view that the Government must take meaningful measures immediately to reassure the youth, instead of responding with an iron fist.
We extend our full solidarity to the struggling youth of Uttarakhand and demand that:
· The Govt of Uttarakhand end this spree of repression and enter into immediate and constructive dialogue with youth on their legitimate demands.
· All the 13 arrested youth be released immediately and charges foisted against them and others be dropped forthwith.
· High level Court-monitored and time-bound CBI Inquiry into all-Paper Leak Scams in the state since 2016, be instituted and stringent action be taken against all violators, fixing command responsibility.
· Action be taken against those officers and police personnel who ordered and executed brutal lathi charge and injured students.
NAPM salutes the thousands of young people who have taken to streets to expose these scams and despite the chilling repression, continue to challenge the corruption, brutality and might of the State through peaceful mass organizing.
The youth of India and Uttarakhand have a right to employment. They equally have a right to a fair examination and recruitment system, free of corruption and malpractices.
We appeal to the Uttarakhand Berozgar Sangh and youth of the state to continue their struggle in a firm and peaceful way. The democratic movements of India are with you.
Issued by National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)
napm india
29 सालों का संघर्ष, एकजुटता और निर्माण का सफरनामा
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय
राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय: ए/29, हाजी हबीब बिल्डिंग, नायगांव क्रॉस रोड, दादर (ई), मुंबई - 400014
सोशल मीडिया: @napmindia | ई-मेल: napm...@gmail.com |
ब्लॉग: www.napmindia.wordpress.com | वेब: www.napm-india.org |
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
उत्तराखण्ड बेरोज़गार आंदोलन की मांगों का NAPM समर्थन करती है!
BJP सरकार के दमन व बेरोज़गारी की मार झेल रहे
युवाओं की समस्याएँ का समाधान न करना निंदनीय!
सभी पेपर लीक घोटालों पर न्यायिक निगरानी में CBI जांच हो!
सभी गिरफ़्तार युवाओं को तुरंत रिहा करो !
13 फरवरी, 2023: जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (एन.ए.पी.एम), उत्तराखंड के बेरोज़गार युवाओं पर भा.ज.पा सरकार के दमन की कड़ी निंदा करती है, जिन्होंने पिछले हफ्ते सड़कों पर उतरकर पेपर लीक घोटाले का पर्दाफाश किया और एक निष्पक्ष भर्ती तंत्र और रोजगार की मांग उठाई। हम मांग करते हैं कि सभी गिरफ्तार किये गए युवाओं को तुरंत रिहा किया जाए और सभी पेपर-लीक घोटालों की न्यायिक निगरानी में सी.बी.आई जांच शुरू की जाए।
जबकि एक तरफ, देश का ध्यान अडानी खुलासे पर टिका हुआ है, वहीं दूसरी ओर उत्तराखंड के पहाड़ी राज्य में महा-घोटाला सामने आया है: पेपर लीक भ्रष्टाचार कांड या कुख़्यात ‘नकल माफिया’। यह कड़ी निंदा की बात है कि पुष्कर सिंह धामी सरकार ने आक्रोशित युवाओं से बातचीत करने और उनकी जायज़ मांगों पर ध्यान देने के बजाय, कई राउंड लाठीचार्ज का आदेश दिया, जिसमें कुछ युवक गंभीर रूप से घायल हो गए। इसके अतिरिक्त, बॉबी पंवार, राम कंडवाल, संदीप सिंह, मुकेश सिंह, अनिल कुमार, अमन चौहान, शुभम सिंह नेगी, लुसून तोराडिया, हरिओम, मोहन कैंथोला, रमेश तोमर, नितिन दत्त, अमित पंवार सहित उत्तराखंड बेरोजगार संघ के 13 प्रमुख सदस्यों को गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया है और उन पर कई तरह के मनमाने आरोप लगाए गए हैं। खबर है कि कई अन्य युवाओं के ख़िलाफ़ भी मामले दर्ज किए गए हैं जो पिछले कुछ दिनों में शांतिपूर्ण आंदोलन का हिस्सा थे।
उत्तराखंड में परीक्षा घोटालों का इतिहास कम से कम 2016 तक जाता है, और पिछले कुछ वर्षों में कई पेपर लीक हुए हैं; ग्राम पंचायत विकास अधिकारी, यू.के.पी.सी.एस, यू.केएस.एस.एस.सी, एई/जेई और अन्य परीक्षाओं इसमें शामिल हैं। इनमें से कुछ में, पेपर लीक के लिए सत्तारूढ़ भा.ज.पा के कुछ करीबी लोगों और कुछ अधिकारियों के खिलाफ गंभीर आरोप लगाए गए हैं। संजय धारीवाल, हाकम सिंह, चंदन मनराल, संजीव चतुर्वेदी आदि जैसे लोगों की मिलीभगत खुलकर सामने आ गई है और जनता के भारी दबाव के कारण, इन कथित घोटालेबाजों में से कुछ के खिलाफ एक हद तक कार्रवाई हो पायी। हालांकि, जिस तरह की दमनकारी तरीका राज्य सरकार ने अपनाया है, उससे यह स्पष्ट है कि वह न केवल दोषियों के ख़िलाफ़ प्रभावी कार्रवाई करने में जानबूझकर विफल रही है, बल्कि पेपर लीक के लिए ज़िम्मेदार लोगों को किसी भी क़ीमत पर बचाना चाहती है।
अपनी साख़ बचाने के लिए, मुख्यमंत्री ने राज्यपाल की सहमति के साथ, उत्तराखंड प्रतियोगी परीक्षा (भर्ती में अनुचित प्रयासों की रोकथाम के लिए उपाय) अध्यादेश, 2023 नामक एक अध्यादेश जारी किया है, जिसे युवा ‘लफ़्फ़ाज़ी’ कह रहे हैं, और सी.बी.आई जांच द्वारा उल्लंघनकर्ताओं के ख़िलाफ़ कड़ी कार्रवाई पर की मांग पर अडिग हैं। 12 फरवरी को पटवारी और लेखपाल की परीक्षा जल्दबाजी में आयोजित करने के खिलाफ भी व्यापक आक्रोश है, जबकि परीक्षा विभाग से संबंधित प्रमुख अधिकारी (श्री चतुर्वेदी) को पेपर लीक घोटाले का हिस्सा होने के कारण निलंबित कर दिया गया है।
जैसा कि हम सभी जानते हैं, उत्तराखंड अभी भी हाल की जोशीमठ आपदा से जूझ रहा है, जो विकास-प्रेरित हादसों की श्रृंखला में एक और चेतावनी है। जबकि प्रभावित लोग उचित सहायता और पुनर्वास के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे हैं, अंधाधुंध 'विकास' और इसके प्रभावों को चुनौती देने वाले लोगों को तरह-तरह के नाम दिए जा रहे हैं और उन्हें ‘देश-द्रोही’ भी कहा जा रहा है! यह अब भा.जपा सरकार की एक जानी-मानी प्रवृत्ति बन गई है कि उसकी जनविरोधी नीतियों और अपराधों को चुनौती देने वालों को 'देशद्रोही' करार दिया जाए।
भारत एक गंभीर बेरोज़गारी संकट से गुजर रहा है, और विशेष रूप से भा.ज.पा सरकार लाखों युवाओं की इन चिंताओं को दूर करने में बुरी तरह से विफल रही है। वह केवल जुमले, प्रतिरोध करने वालों को भद्दे नाम से पुकारना, फर्जी प्रकरण, गिरफ्तारी और हिंसा का सहारा लेती आ रही है। हम यह देख रहे हैं कि उत्तराखंड के जिलों में युवाओं में अशांति तेज़ हो रही है और अगर राज्य ने उनकी चिंताओं पर ध्यान नहीं दिया तो देहरादून और दिल्ली की ओर आंदोलित होने की योजना प्रस्तावित है। हमारी सुविचारित राय है कि सरकार को सख़्ती से पेश आने के बजाय, युवाओं को आश्वस्त करने के लिए तत्काल सार्थक कदम उठाना चाहिए।
हम उत्तराखंड के संघर्षरत युवाओं के साथ अपनी पूरी एकजुटता प्रकट करते हैं और मांग करते हैं कि:
· उत्तराखंड सरकार दमन की इस होड़ को समाप्त करे और युवाओं की जायज़ मांगों पर तत्काल और सकारात्मक संवाद करे।
· गिरफ्तार किए गए सभी 13 युवकों को तुरंत रिहा किया जाए और उनके तथा अन्य के खिलाफ लगाए गए आरोप तत्काल हटाए जाएं।
· 2016 के बाद से राज्य में सभी पेपर लीक घोटालों की उच्च स्तरीय न्यायिक निगरानी और समयबद्ध सी.बी.आई जांच स्थापित की जाए और सभी उल्लंघनकर्ताओं के खिलाफ कड़ी कार्रवाई की जाए।
· उन अधिकारियों और पुलिस कर्मियों के ख़िलाफ़ कार्रवाई की जाए जिन्होंने क्रूर लाठीचार्ज का आदेश दिया और उसे अंजाम देते हुए कई छात्रों को घायल किया।
एन.ए.पी.एम उन हजारों युवाओं को सलाम करता है जो इन घोटालों का पर्दाफाश करने के लिए सड़कों पर उतरे हैं और दमन के बावजूद, शांतिपूर्ण आंदोलन के माध्यम से राज्य के भ्रष्टाचार, क्रूरता और सत्ता को चुनौती देना जारी रखे हुए हैं।
भारत और उत्तराखंड के युवाओं को रोज़गार का अधिकार है। इसी तरह, उन्हें भ्रष्टाचार और कदाचार से मुक्त एक निष्पक्ष परीक्षा और भर्ती प्रणाली का भी अधिकार है।
हम उत्तराखंड बेरोजगार संघ और राज्य के युवाओं से अपील करते हैं कि वे अपना संघर्ष दृढ़ता और शांतिपूर्ण तरीके से जारी रखें। भारत के लोकतांत्रिक आंदोलन आपके साथ हैं।
जन आंदोलनों का राष्ट्रीय समन्वय (NAPM) द्वारा जारी