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A Political "No-Brainer"
By jcli...@cinci.rr.com
Gamal Nkrumah Reports on AU Inauguration
By kcamm...@aol.com
The African-Family is Constipated. (by Dr. Oloye)
By Aja...@aol.com
Congress- Subcommittee on Africa - July 11, Hearings
By sida...@emirates.net.ae
Afrikan tradtions are Oral and pleasing to the ear
By Blkhrd...@aol.com
!*PA ACTION ALERT - Stop Executions of Mentally Retarded!
By natt...@comcast.net
A Token Crying Out In The Wilderness
By AHug...@ix.netcom.com
------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 09:51:36 -0400
From: Jim Clingman <jcli...@cinci.rr.com>
Subject: A Political "No-Brainer"
Blackonomics
By: James Clingman
A Political "No-Brainer"
I very seldom write about politics, but I could not let this one
slip by
without putting in my two-cents worth. Did you know that Black man
is
running for Governor of the State of Florida? His name is Daryl
Jones,
Democratic State Senator from Miami. I had the pleasure of meeting
Senator Jones at a reception hosted by the National Newspaper
Publishers
Association during its recent conference in Jacksonville, Florida.
Although our meeting was brief, I was impressed with what I heard
from
this Brother. But, other thoughts have persistently haunted me
since my
encounter with the Senator.
Here is an intelligent, experienced (12 years in the legislature),
articulate, educated, and savvy politician, one who not only wants
to be
governor, but one who also has a vision and a plan to make Florida
better. Senator Jones "Florida Wins Plan" is not your typical
political campaign hodge-podge of a "chicken-in-every-pot" and
"vote for me and I'll set you free." Rather, it is a well thought
out plan complete with measurements and a proposed outcomes that
will,
in his words, "Build a better Florida."
I will not get too deeply into the plan itself; the voters in
Florida
can do that themselves, and anyone else interested in the specifics
can
contact Senator Jones' campaign headquarters at 954 530 5687. My
take
on all of this is the irony of a Black man running against Jeb Bush,
you
know, the guy who came up with the One Florida Plan, and folks still
want to run him out of town for that. He is also the brother of
George
W. Bush, who happens to be our President selected by Rehnquist and
the Supremes. Jeb is also the guy who presided over the election
debacle in Florida that disenfranchised thousands of voters and
turned
the election of the President of the United States into a circus.
Yeah,
yeah, that's the guy.
Another irony in the upcoming elections in the great State of
Florida is
a proposed change in voting machines. After the 2000 presidential
election we found that all of the antiquated malfunctioning voting
machines in Florida were placed in Black and poor neighborhoods.
Now
officials are making plans to use new machines. Where is the irony?
Have you heard of Athan Gibbs, the Black man, who has invented a
foolproof, fail-safe voting machine? Gibbs is currently moving
about
the country marketing his invention to government agencies and
social
organizations. He does demonstrations with his machines by using
them
to conduct elections for sororities and others.
Isn't it ironic that after the Presidential Selection, the One
Florida
Program, the alienation of Black voters, and other Florida fiascos,
including the Haitian situation and the police shootings in Miami,
that
we now have a Black man running against Jeb Bush and a Black man who
has
invented the answer to the voter fraud that took place in Florida in
2K?
I think so. I also think that if ever there were an election that
is
a "no-brainer," this is it, folks. The planets are perfectly
aligned, the stars are just right, and the weather is always good in
Florida. So unless there is a hurricane during the next election,
Daryl
Jones should be the next Governor of Florida. Right?
Every Black voter, along with all of the other voters who were
mistreated and cheated in 2K, in addition to doing the normal and
current "get out the vote" campaigns, should advocate for the
purchase of Athan Gibbs' new voting machines in Florida and across
the
country, and they should be preparing right now to vote for Daryl
Jones
for governor.
But, if we hold true to form, and I hope we don't, there will be a
group of Black folks out there saying how good Jeb has been and how
little experience Daryl Jones has (I guess 12 years are
insufficient).
Some of them will probably also find reasons not to support Brother
Gibbs and his extraordinary voting machine, despite the fact that it
is
the most sensible and up-to-date piece of voting equipment to come
along
in years. Let's wait and see what happens when he gets it
completely
certified (September 2002) By the way, Brother Gibbs is doing the
election for the AKA's in Orlando, Florida, during the week of July
8,
2002. You should check out the system at http://www.truvote.com.
Another
no-brainer, brothers and sisters.
Please keep a watchful eye on what happens in Florida, with the
governor's race and with the voting machines. Floridians cannot say
they don't have alternatives "in both cases now. In addition to
doing the same things we always do in yet another "important"
election, like getting out the vote, we must be much more proactive.
I
trust the people in Florida will really get to know Brother Daryl
Jones
and read his "Florida Wins Plan." While I am not saying you should
vote for him just because he is Black, I am saying that, considering
the
choices, this election should be a "no-brainer."
_____Sent To Your Mail Box From: ______
http://www.theMarcusGarveyBBS.com
So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 04:51:10 EDT
From: kcamm...@aol.com
Subject: Gamal Nkrumah Reports on AU Inauguration
Al-Ahram Weekly Online
11 - 17 July 2002
Issue No. 594
A Tall Order
The African Union was inaugurated this week. Gamal Nkrumah, in
Durban,
examines what lies behind the name-change.
This week's official inauguration of the African Union (AU), which
replaces
the moribund Organisation of African Unity (OAU), was held amid
predictable
fanfare. Yet despite high expectations tensions between opposing
factions are
already threatening to sour celebrations marking the birth of an
organisation
African leaders hope will advance African development and democracy.
The
danger is that underlying differences between some of the most
powerful and
influential of the 53 member states may return to haunt the AU
should they
remain unresolved.
South Africa and its ally, Nigeria -- two of the most populous and
politically influential states -- are seeking to ensure that the AU
is
acknowledged as a continental organisation facilitating a
democratisation
process that in the past five years has seen 20 African nations
undergo
smooth and internationally acclaimed transfers of power.
Good governance, the advancement of human rights and political and
economic
liberalisation are also seen by South Africa, Nigeria and their
allies as
cornerstones of the newly inaugurated AU.
There is a consensus that the AU will institute change gradually and
through
mutual agreements. The majority of African leaders opted for a
European
Union-style, continental alliance over a tighter, federal model. Yet
a host
of smaller countries, headed by Libya, have voiced opposition to the
moderate
majority.
The Libya-led front views itself as radical and revolutionary and
insists
that the best way to protect the interests of Africans is for the AU
to adopt
anti-imperialist, anti-globalisation positions. And nowhere was the
difference in outlook more obvious than over the sensitive issue of
the New
Partnership for African Development (NEPAD).
NEPAD was adopted by the AU as a blueprint for African economic
survival and
is based on soliciting foreign investment worth some $64 billion in
a bid to
rescue the continent from economic ruin.
NEPAD's critics, led by Zimbabwe and Libya, warn that there can be
no genuine
partnership between Africa, its former colonisers and the
imperialist powers
of today. They stuck to the anachronistic rhetoric of the 1950s, 60s
and 70s,
arguing that NEPAD is a Western instrument intended to integrate the
continent more fully into the global economy on a subservient and
dependent
basis.
"How can we seriously expect our economic salvation to be guaranteed
by our
former slavers, colonisers and oppressors?" Libyan leader Muammar
Gaddhafi
asked Al-Ahram Weekly.
Moreover, many of Africa's intellectuals and human rights activists,
lament
that NEPAD -- the AU's centre-piece -- is not as people-centred as
its
proponents believe.
"The people of Africa were not consulted. NEPAD was imposed on the
African
masses as a piecemeal solution to the continent's social and
economic ills,"
warned Yao Graham, head of the Accra-based Third World Network.
Shadrack
Gutu, a Kenyan academic and lawyer, concurred. "The onus must now be
on
clean, effective governments that deliver and fulfil the aspirations
of the
African masses."
The leaders of Nigeria and South Africa reject such arguments,
insisting
that NEPAD is an African- centred plan designed to meet the
aspirations of
the African people. "NEPAD and the AU will lay an emphasis on the
economic
and social aspects of our lives," explained Nigerian President
Olusegun
Obasanjo.
Libyan leader Muammar Gaddhafi was the first head of state to arrive
in
Durban ahead of the AU summit. His early arrival stirred a minor
controversy
when South African police detained his convoy of 60 vehicles as they
were
unloaded at Durban International Airport. South African police acted
quickly
to defuse the diplomatic row by denying they had impounded the
vehicles.
One of the most prickly questions concerns how the cash-strapped AU
will be
funded. While the OAU had only four affiliate institutions, the AU
will have
no less than 17, including an African Parliament, an African Central
Bank and
an African Commission, similar in purpose to the European
Commission. AU
member-states were asked to pay $55 million in membership fees and
other
arrears in order to facilitate the transformation of the OAU into
the AU but
few countries can afford to pay up, which could lead to the hi-
jacking of
the agenda by a few wealthy nations.
Libya is effectively bankrolling the AU and in May bailed out 11
heavily
indebted African states that had not paid their dues to the old OAU,
leading
to accusations that it is financially pressuring member states.
Libya also
covered almost all the costs of the last two OAU summits in Lusaka
and Lome.
Some of South Africa's independent papers have insinuated that the
Libyan
leader is attempting to steal the show at Durban, though officially
South
African government officials are at pains to stress that there is no
clash of
interests between the Libyans and the South Africans and Nigerians,
stressing
the cordial relations binding the two countries and South African
President
Thabo Mbeki's recent state visit to Libya.
Mbeki, destined to become the first AU chairman, is a seasoned
consensus
politician who does not want to alienate any African leader, least
of all
Gaddhafi, one of the strongest proponents of a powerful continental
body with
supranational enforcement powers. African leaders seeking to
emphasise the
AU's democratic credentials stress that the organisation will reject
any
African government brought to power by force. And unlike the defunct
OAU, the
AU will permit the intervention of the institution in the internal
affairs of
member states seen as disregarding its democratic principles.
Countries such as Zimbabwe are uneasy with the new arrangement,
stressing
that it is up to Africans, and not Western powers, to decide who is
democratic. Africans must not blindly mimic Western ideals, they
argue.
In Durban, though, it has become ever more clear that the advocates
of
Western-style political pluralism in Africa -- those who wish to
strengthen
African democratic institutions through African social, economic and
regional
integration under the auspices of the AU -- have the upper hand.
Forward Ever (by any means necessary); Backward Never!
Karen-Yaa (YGA)
_____Sent To Your Mail Box From: ______
http://www.theMarcusGarveyBBS.com
So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 12:27:56 EDT
From: Aja...@aol.com
Subject: The African-Family is Constipated. (by Dr. Oloye)
WHO WILL LEAP INTO THE UNKNOWN
Dr. King, went to the mountain top in thought, and he looked
over. He saw
the promise land below. The land of freedom, where human beings can
live out
the creed of their being.
Dr. King should not have returned; because by doing so, fear
blocks the
Family's path (ability) to evolve out of Slavery (the Plantation).
On the
other side of the mountain is the first and last freedom (The
Unknown).
It was a dream (concept), where he discovered a realm where the
human
mind has not been able to comprehend (1619-1968). By lifting himself
above
the plantation; as the moon does every night. He was able to see the
whole
Human-Family below, the (What-Is).
Upon reaching the top of the mountain, he discovered that it was
a one
way trip. For when one reaches that level of thought. There is no
way one can
return to their past state. For when Dr. King reached the top of the
mountain, he should have jumped into the unknown.
The highest minds of the African-Family are now at the mountain
top where
our Father Dr. King once stood looking over. All these years after
he lost
his life; we are unaware of what to do, because none of us have the
ability
to know the unknown.
At the top of the mountain, at the front of the line is Dr.
Kings
disciples. We all know who they are. Living off the greatest of our
Fathers
dream and vision. For they know not what to do, whereas they block
the
pathway to the promise land our Father, Dr. King spoke about.
They are to large to move or go around, they enjoy being in
charge. They
know not how to move out of the way. As they re-enact the ideas of
the past
(bitching, begging, protesting), it creates more blockage, and the
Family is
unable to move forward.
Using reason and logic, is it not true, that our Father Dr. King,
said that
we must purge all of the slave-behavior out of each one of us, to be
free; he
even stated that he had not removed all of the slave-behavior even
from
himself?
Because of fear;
1.a. A feeling of agitation and anxiety caused by the presence or
imminence
of danger. b. A state or condition marked by this feeling.
2. A feeling of disquiet or apprehension.
3. Extreme reverence or awe, as toward a supreme power.
4. A reason for dread or apprehension.
Because of greed;
An excessive desire to acquire or possess more than what one needs
or
deserves, especially with respect to material wealth.
Because of jealousy;
1. Fearful or wary of being supplanted; apprehensive of losing
affection or
position.
2.a. Resentful or bitter in rivalry; envious. b. Inclined to suspect
rivalry.
3. Having to do with or arising from feelings of envy, apprehension,
or
bitterness.
4. Vigilant in guarding something.
5. Intolerant of disloyalty or infidelity; autocratic.
The disciples; will not move out of the way
1.a. One who embraces and assists in spreading the teachings of
another. b.
An active adherent, as of a movement or philosophy.
2. Often Disciple. One of the 12 original followers of Jesus.
3. Disciple. A member of the Disciples of Christ.
I, Dr Keita Oloye Ajanaku (First African Village Father); using
reason
and logic. I, Dr. Oloye, now hereby remove all power and glory from
the
disciples. They are pubicliy and officially removed from duty and
responcibility of creating Freedom for the Human-Family.
Now that I have done this; spoken into the Universe these
things, the
Universe will make it happen. The pathway is cleared; the Family can
move
forward to the edge of the mountain, where our Father (Dr King) once
looked
over.
To all my comrades, which one of us will take the first leap into
the
unknown; or will I (Dr. Oloye) have to go first. Which one of us,
has nature
created to go first, or is it possible for us to leap together?
Truly as you stand before the cliff with me, and look over. You
cannot return
to the known, for to do so is death, as our Father Dr. King met his
death.
But for us in line behind him, it will be a mental death.
Who will leap off the mountain with me; why not you?
I love you;
Dr. Keita Oloye Ajanaku (FAVF)
Jan 10, 2002
Writing E-mail in the Slave-cabin.
What is constipation?
1. Difficult, incomplete, or infrequent evacuation of dry, hardened
feces
from the bowels.
2. Obstruction; stultification.
The African-Family is constipated.
_____Sent To Your Mail Box From: ______
http://www.theMarcusGarveyBBS.com
So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 07:46:58 +0400
From: sida...@emirates.net.ae
Subject: Congress- Subcommittee on Africa - July 11, Hearings
TESTIMONY OF JOHN PRENDERGAST
INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
SUBCOMMITTEE
ON AFRICA - JULY 11, 2002 HEARING "IMPLEMENTING U.S. POLICY IN
SUDAN"
In the last two decades of Sudan's civil war, there have been few
hopeful moments, and few windows of opportunity for making peace. In
the
aftermath of the September 11 terrorist attacks, one of those
moments
arrived, and the window of opportunity for peace opened. For a
number of
reasons, however, the window is closing quickly. If more serious
leverage is not immediately brought to bear on the warring parties
in
the context of the current peace talks taking place in Kenya, the
window
will slam shut, condemning the Sudanese people to cumulative levels
of
death and destruction with few parallels to any conflict since World
War
II. The Answer to All Questions: A Just and Comprehensive Peace The
U.S.
has a number of fundamental policy objectives in Sudan: countering
terrorism, promoting human rights and democracy, ending the war, and
supporting humanitarian assistance. All of these objectives are best
addressed through a comprehensive peace agreement which both reforms
the
central government and provides for the exercise of
self-determination
for southern Sudanese. More than any other country in the world, the
U.S. has the ability to move the Sudan peace process forward. The
U.S.
has decided to focus on making the IGAD process in Kenya a more
serious
one. So far, U.S. efforts have been useful but by no means
sufficient.
This is why today's hearing is so timely. In the topsy-turvy debate
over
Sudan policy, the very idea of a negotiated settlement has come
under
fire by those who see negotiating with the Khartoum government as
useless. That may be proven true, but in the absence of a new U.S.
policy objective which has not yet been formulated, such a view
abandons
the Sudanese people, particularly southerners, to endless war. In
fact,
southern Sudanese are prepared to continue the war indefinitely in
the
absence of a just peace, a factor that continues to be
underestimated by
mediators. But as long as an opportunity exists to end the conflict
through the conclusion of a comprehensive peace agreement, we must
urgently and diligently pursue that objective. To be clear, in order
for
peace efforts to have a chance of succeeding, the objective of the
negotiations must emphasize a just settlement. There are indications
from the ongoing talks in Kenya that mediators and observers are
pulling
back from support for self-determination in the form of a referendum
with the full complement of options, including independence. It
cannot
be emphasized enough that southern Sudanese will continue the war,
no
matter what the cost or the outlook, if this fundamental element of
any
potential solution is not part of the deal in some form. Modalities
can
certainly be negotiated, but the essential principle appears to
under
assault, and this guarantees the failure of the negotiations. It is
not
too late to rectify this. The Missing Ingredient in the Peace
Process:
Leverage Because the divergent positions of the parties are so
entrenched, it is unlikely that they can be reconciled through
conventional facilitation alone. More forceful diplomatic
intervention
-- of which leverage is the key element -- will be required than is
currently envisioned. Therefore, the most visible missing ingredient
of
a potentially successful IGAD peace effort is coordination of
pressures
and incentives. Leverage does not grow on trees. It is created
through
leadership in the development of a multilateral strategy of carrots
and
sticks, and its judicious execution. Despite the influence the U.S.
actually possesses over the warring parties, American diplomats have
frequently claimed in the past that they lack the leverage to move
the
parties toward peace. Such claims increase perceptions among
Sudanese
parties that the leverage the U.S. does in fact enTo be effective,
pressures and incentives must be multilateral. As the actor with the
most potential leverage and the only one whom all Sudanese parties
believe can make peace, the U.S. should take the lead in organising
the
judicious and tactically opportune application of these carrots and
sticks. This may be the single most important contribution the U.S.
can
make. Leverage can be increased both through actions and positions
taken
in the context of the peace process, and through wider policies
pursued
by the U.S. Both are discussed below. All of these require U.S.
leadership but would have much greater effect if pursued - through
the
G-8, EU and other bodies - with our European allies as well as with
other countries with influence. Building Leverage Through the Peace
Process Itself The peace process itself provides a number of
opportunities for the U.S. to increase its leverage on the parties
in
support of peace:
1. SUPPORT SELF-DETERMINATION: U.S. support for the right of
self-determination for the southern Sudanese people - in the form of
a
referendum with the full scope of possible outcomes - provides the
single most important point of leverage on both parties for moving
them
toward a negotiated settlement. In the absence of U.S. support for
this
position, the SPLA eventually either will walk away from the talks
or at
best make no meaningful compromises on any other issue, and the
Khartoum
government will have no incentive to compromise as well, as it will
get
what it wants without giving anything up. On the other hand, U.S.
support for self-determination will oblige the SPLA to compromise on
other issues, while creating the most important internal pressure on
Khartoum to implement whatever agreement it makes with the
opposition in
order to create the strongest case for maintaining a unified Sudan.
At
present, mixed signals from the U.S. and others have undercut this
point
of le.
2. INCLUDE THE NORTHERN OPPOSITION: No agreement can be truly
comprehensive if it does not involve or gain the acceptance of the
political parties that comprise the bulk of the Sudanese electorate.
Northern opposition parties in the umbrella National Democratic
Alliance, as well as the Umma Party, should be involved more
directly in
the IGAD process. Their inclusion will act as a moderating influence
on
the Khartoum government and the SPLA, and will better position all
actors to support the implementation of any agreement. Until now,
the
U.S. and the IGAD states have not made the widening of the process a
priority.
3. STRATEGIZE WITH THE IGAD NEIGHBORS: When the U.S. was closely
coordinating its Sudan policy with Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda,
additional leverage was generated which resulted in the acceptance
by
Khartoum of the IGAD Declaration of Principles. Now that the
Eritrea-Ethiopia war is concluded, it is time again to make a
concerted
effort to reconstruct the partnership and focus it on bringing about
a
negotiated solution to the Sudan conflict. This requires more
focused,
consistent and high level U.S. diplomacy than that deployed
currently
4. STRATEGIZE WITH EGYPT: Understandably, focus on Egyptian policy
has
centered on its inflexible opposition to any discussion of southern
self-determination, a damaging position that limits Egypt's role in
any
peace process. Less understood, however, is Egypt's underutilized
leverage that it could apply particularly on Khartoum. Egypt has a
vested interest in a reformed Sudanese state, with a more moderate
government. If strongly and consistently engaged at high levels by
the
U.S., it could be a partner eventually in developing and providing
the
kinds of serious concessions and guarantees that the Khartoum
government
must accept to make unity desirable to southern Sudanese. The U.S.
also
must have the hard discussions with Egypt, again at very high
levels, on
the Egyptian posture regarding self-determination.
5. STRATEGIZE WITH THE EU: The U.S. should work at high levels to
convince the EU that normalization of its relations with Khartoum
should
be made contingent solely on implementation of a comprehensive peace
agreement, rather than on achievement of numerous short-term
individual
humanitarian and human rights benchmarks as is currently the case.
Senator Danforth's upcoming trip to Europe would be an ideal
opportunity
to initiate greater efforts in this regard
. 6. INCLUDE THE PENTAGON: U.S. leverage with both parties is
enhanced
by the degree to which the U.S. Defense Department is perceived to
be
backing the process in a tangible way. To wit, one of the most
effective
elements of the successful U.S. effort to resolve the
Eritrea-Ethiopia
war was to include U.S. military officers as part of the U.S.
negotiating team, and to allow the team to travel on U.S. military
aircraft. Pentagon support for U.S. involvement in the Sudanese
peace
process in the form of personnel and logistics is non-existent at
present, and would be similarly useful now, even moreso after
September 11
. 7. ISSUE AN ULTIMATUM: High level U.S. officials should make clear
a
basic reality of U.S. domestic politics: if Khartoum obstructs the
peace
process and is the reason for its demise, the U.S. will have no
choice
but to walk away from the engagement required of a peace process and
escalate its policy against the government, with very uncertain
outcomes
given the increasing frustration of the American constituency on
Sudan.
The SPLA should be equally warned that if it is responsible for
collapsing the talks it will find far less sympathy in Washington
for
its cause. Broader Carrots and Sticks in Support of the Peace
Process
Beyond the leverage available through the peace process itself,
there
are other key pressures and incentives the U.S. has at its disposal.
The
points of leverage should be deployed solely in the pursuit of a
comprehensive peace agreement, not frittered away for lesser or
incremental objectives. In other words, normalizing relations,
lifting
economic sanctions, ending Sudan's isolation, support in the Bretton
Woods Institutions, ending support to the opposition, and any other
meaningful pressures should only occur when the parties begin
implementing the comprehensive peace agreement that they sign. The
following is an inventory of existing or potential pressures and
incentives that, if multilateralized, could make in an impact on the
calculations of the warring parties. a. Pressures on the
government:joy
will not be used during the negotiations - perceptions that in fact
reduce outside leverage in the manner of a self-fulfilling prophecy.
. It is critical for the U.S. to maintain counter-terrorism pressure
on
Khartoum. This has provided the most potent leverage on Khartoum's
policies in the aftermath of September 2001, since the Sudanese
government remains uncertain what the U.S. may yet do as it pursues
its
declared global war on terrorism. This is particularly salient with
regard to Pentagon calculations. Short-term tactical cooperation
from
Khartoum should not be confused with strategic redirection, which
will
only be ensured through the kind of change that can be expected to
accompany a comprehensive peace agreement which reforms the central
government.
. Continuing opposition to aid in the International Financial
Institutions (IMF and World Bank) make it extremely difficult for
the
Sudanese government to rehabilitate its formal economy, making this,
therefore, a very effective form of leverage. Most crucial is the
huge
debt overhang, one of the largest in the world, that if not
addressed
will continue to be a major obstacle to economic development and
lending. The government needs to get back in a full program with the
IMF
in order to enter the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) program
to
qualify for serious debt relief. U.S. votes on the IMF Board have so
far
prevented Sudan from moving too far up the IMF ladder. The U.S.
should
continue to block aid to Sudan in these institutions until a
comprehensive peace agreement is concluded. Ultimately, Sudan's
economic
recovery depends on an end to the civil war, and nothing should be
done
to alter that fact prematurely.
. Pressure on investors in the oil industry translates into indirect
pressure on the Sudanese government, which is heavily dependent on
the
revenues it receives from that sector. Passage of the Sudan Peace
Act
would thus provide an important leverage point, because it would
deny
critical capital markets to oil firms operating in Sudan. Pressure
on
the Canadian firm Talisman and other Western oil companies that are
considering starting new operations in Sudan is particularly
critical
because these enterprises possess technology that would enable the
rapid
expansion of oil production. Only Talisman and other Western firms
have
this technology, and thus Khartoum is heavily dependent upon them to
unlock the full potential for oil development in the country.
. Secretary O'Neill recently reiterated Bush administration
opposition
to capital market sanctions, saying, "A better way to deal with
Sudan is
to say no one should do any business with Sudan full stop." If the
Secretary is speaking for the administration, this would entail two
actions on the part of the U.S. We should close the exemption on
importing Sudanese gum arabic, Sudan's biggest export to the U.S.
And we
should go to other countries currently doing business in Sudan and
ask
them to suspend their trade and investment, or to invoke unilateral
sanctions just as the U.S. has done. This involves European partners
like the UK, Germany and Switzerland, as well as other governments
that
are investing heavily in and selling arms to Sudan, such as China,
Malaysia and Russia.
. Increased effort could be expended on investigating and
highlighting
the issue of government corruption associated with oil development.
Shining a spotlight on excesses to the domestic Sudanese audience
could
increase accountability. The U.S. could express support for the
recently
launched "Publish What You Pay" NGO campaign which aims for
companies to
disclose their payments to developing countries.
. Various forms and levels of aid to opposition and/or civil
society
elements represent a potentially significant lever. The continuum
begins
with democracy- and peace-building assistance to the SPLA/NDA and/or
civil society groups. In and of itself, this has a positive impact
on
the morale of those struggling for change in Sudan, and helps
sustain
their struggles. Moving along the continuum, support for the
democratic
administration of opposition-controlled areas could demonstrate that
alternative governance can be better. Further along the continuum,
communication and transportation aid could be provided for the
protection of civilian populations in the south, east and
south-center
(Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile) who are subject to the worst
vestiges of the government's war tactics such as forced
displacement,
slave raiding, and repeated aerial bombing by Antonov or helicopter
gunship.
. Opposition to Sudan's status in the World Trade Organization
until it
reaches a comprehensive peace agreement would also frustrate efforts
to
reduce economic isolation prematurely.
. Much more robust and higher level diplomatic efforts could be
expended on reducing the unimpeded flow of arms to the Sudan
government,
which remains on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism. Under
the
Wassenar Agreement, Eastern European countries voluntarily pledge to
maintain certain standards for arms transactions. Sales to Sudan
certainly do not meet those standards, and higher level and more
public
U.S. diplomacy should be deployed to counter these sales, especially
during the peace process. U.S. officials at the highest levels
should
also engage China on its burgeoning arms sales to Khartoum.
. Maintenance of international efforts to isolate Khartoum continues
to
be an irritant to the government, meaning that every move they make
in
international forums is a source of difficulty or controversy. Its
defeat in its quest for a seat on the UN Security Council in 2000
was a
bitter one for the government, and U.S. unilateral sanctions remains
a
stigma and economic hindrance. b. Incentives for the government: Key
incentives aimed at Khartoum could include the following:
. Sudan is eager to reduce its debt and improve its economy as the
government's abidance to IMF-approved shadow structural adjustment
programs attests. Removing U.S. opposition to Paris Club financing,
IMF
lending, and World Bank credits for Sudan when a peace agreement is
concluded probably would be the largest incentive the U.S. could
offer.
This would open the door to HIPC for Sudan, a key to unleashing it
economic potential.
. Sudan used to be one of the largest recipients of U.S.
non-emergency
foreign aid; today it receives none. Implementation of a future
peace
agreement would usher in a new era of improved U.S.-Sudan ties and
once
again make Sudan eligible for foreign assitance. Rather than
uncoordinated bilateral assistance and promises of aid to the
post-war
reconstruction of the south, the U.S. should work with international
donors to create a Sudan Reconstruction Trust Fund aimed at national
reconstruction, from which both the north and the south could
benefit.
. Sudan wants a full-fledged U.S. embassy in Khartoum. An increased
U.S.
embassy presence in Khartoum will allow the U.S. to better monitor
the
government of Sudan and put personal diplomatic pressure on Khartoum
to
implement a comprehensive peace agreement and reduce human rights
abuses.
. Ending efforts to isolate Sudan in international forums is an
important objective of the regime, whether it is removing opposition
to
a seat on the Security Council, removal of U.S. unilateral sanctions
and
designation as a state sponsor of terrorism, or unlocking foreign
assistance and debt relief. The government of Sudan is eager to
legitimize and reintegrate itself within the international
community.
. Potential large-scale U.S. corporate investment in the development
of
the oil sector would be a major boost to the government's
exploration
and exploitation plans. Although Khartoum's oil efforts can continue
without U.S. company participation, the involvement of U.S. majors
is
perceived as ideal. Lifting U.S. unilateral sanctions at the
conclusion
of an agreement would unlock U.S. investment in the oil sector. c.
Pressures on the SPLA: There generally are fewer levers of pressure
on
opposition groups than on governments, but sticks aimed at the SPLA
include the following:
. A major effort could be undertaken to try to reduce arms transfers
to
the SPLA if it is perceived to be obstructing or collapsing the
peace
process. This would include pressuring regional arms suppliers as
well
as invoking the Wassenar Agreement as is suggested above in the
government pressures section. . Regional governments and the United
States are the key political supporters of the opposition. At key
junctures in the negotiations, it will be crucial for these actors
to be
willing to apply diplomatic pressure on the SPLA to participate
constructively in peace talks.
. Through the UN Operation Lifeline Sudan, the SPLA's relief arm,
the
Sudan Relief and Rehabilitation Association, is a member of the
tripartite agreement between the government, SPLA and UN. If the
SPLA
becomes the obstacle to a peaceful settlement of the conflict, the
treatment of the SPLA/SRRA within the OLS framework should be
reconsidered and downgraded.
. Any institution-building support for the SPLA/NDA and its civil
administration capacity should be terminated if the SPLA becomes the
obstacle to a peaceful settlement. . African countries that support
the
SPLA and NDA militarily have the most leverage over the opposition.
This
leverage should be utilized in support of the peace process and the
objective of a comprehensive peace agreement. d. Incentives for the
SPLA: There are also fewer incentives for the opposition, but
carrots
for the SPLA might include:
. Promises of regional and international support for the
implementation
of whatever emerges in a comprehensive peace agreement are the most
important incentives for the opposition. For example, an
international
observer force will be key in guaranteeing the peace, external
monitoring of any wealth sharing agreements will be needed to ensure
implementation, and human rights monitoring will be required to
guard
against continuing abuses or retribution. . The creation of a major
blueprint for the reconstruction of the south, including governance,
infrastructure, and social safety nets, will be a major incentive
for
southern negotiators and - if widely advertised - will be an element
of
popular accountability for the SPLA to negotiate in good faith.
<http://g.msn.com/1HM1ENXX/c152??PI=31901>
_____________________________________________________________
Never violate the sacredness of your individual
self-respect
**** A Dollar For Peace in Sudan****
Justice, Equality and PEACE to Save Sudan
SAVE NUBIA****NO to' Kajbar Dam" to SAVE NUBIA
_____________________________________________________________
Architect
AAIA/ACI/SARS/ASQ/NYA/IBC(Cambridge-21st Century Scholars Directory)
Web Author: Awsome Library Editor Choice Web Site at:
http://www.thenubian.net
LinksGo Award Winner Sudan resource Site at:
http://lexicorient.com/private/abubakr/nubia/index.htm
Nubian Editor: The Orient Encyclopedia
:www.lexicorient.com/abubakr.htm
POBox 8970 Dubai Fax(+9714)3517386
______________________________________________________________
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So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 01:44:25 EDT
From: Blkhrd...@aol.com
Subject: Afrikan tradtions are Oral and pleasing to the ear
Greetings Afrikan Family!
I am constantly amazed at how many of us are on the same page these
days.
My brotha I feel you on the below comments. I would like to add to
them by
saying this.
If we want to be liberated we must think hard and long about whose
culture we
will embrace. Many of us refuse or are ashamed to turn to the
shores of
Afrika, from where we came to draw up the water from the wells of
our
ancestors. If we think that we can sit at our computers and just
"talk", it
is just not enough! We have children who come after us who need
direction.
We must unite in some form to agree on whose culture will be
embraced and let
it be. I
If you want reparations for injury to your Afrikan ancestors be able
to tell
their stories! Afrikans have never written anything down. And it
is not
because they were illiterate. Traditions in Afrika have always been
oral from
antiquity. The stories of old are held in the hearts and minds of
it's
people. From village to village, from shore to shore, Afrikans can
tell you
their history, beginning with the history of their own family! The
stories
of their gods, sacred scripture are all in the hearts and minds of
the
people. There is no "afrikan" bible from antiquity. The sacred
scriptures
of our ancestors are not written down. Everything is oral and is a
joy to
hear from our elders. This is something we need to begin in our own
families
and stress to our children. We need to recall the joy of our own
rich,
living history and to keep it close in our own hearts and minds
where it
cannot be taken by anyone.
Remember Chicken George in the movie "Roots"? You rememember how
when his
family arrived on their own land and finally had "freedom", what did
he do?
He cried, "Oh Afrikan! We is free!". Then he began to recite his
family's
history from the beginning of time, as did generations before him.
He gave
honor first to the ancestors. Then recounted the history for the
living. If
you recall, the history was handed down to him "orally", as it was
from his
elder who arrived as a slave from afrika. This slave was able to
recall his
own history and hang onto his own sanity in the belly of the beast
by the
recounting of his own history by elders before him in his native
village.
My brothers and sistahs, look to the skies and behold the only thing
greater
than yourselves! After you do this, can you recite your own
history? Can
you teach it to your children and will then in turn do the same?
There is no
man greater then you! Only you can tell your own stories.
Ifa says that one can escape death if he can recite his own history.
Who
knows, maybe one day we as a people may have to do just that!
May we all be blessed.
Ademide Meji
=======================================
Before the times of literacy cultures nevertheless had strongly
developed oral traditions of story telling, music, and such that
accustomed even the illiterate to the literature and traditions
that were often passed along in poetic frames, which tended to
retain the original versions, allegedly over many centuries
according to my theological training many decades ago.
However, if one now flips through the TV channels that kids of all
ages are likely to center their brain development on one has to note
the diminished places of words, oral or written. Cartoons are all
too frequently loud noise sequences with action figures and, pace
the younger generation, so are the offerings of MTV and most of
our contemporary popular music. Jazz at least had some relationship
to a classical music tradition and one could follow lyrics. No
more, so far as I can 'hear'.
It should be no surprise, then, that our children are beset by what
I would call an ADD (Attention Deficit Disorder) learning
experience.
It is extremely difficult to keep the attention of classes with
students migrating in and out of the room, in class one day or week
and out the next. I find myself resorting to all sorts of
subsidiary devices to sustain attention. Sure, there are some
students who seem to be traditional readers -- but the numbers seem
to be fewer each year and decade. I can remember as a kid
listening to two or 3 late afternoon programs of 15 minutes length
with actual plot lines (The Shadow Knows; Jack Armstrong, the All
American Boy) and Uncle Don (until his on air gaff put him in
outer limbo -- "That ought to hold the little bastards") actually
read stories to kids as did my grandmother each day while she lived
over the phone -- the Peter Rabbit things published daily in, I
think, the NY Herald Tribune.
I am using autobiography to make a point here. I was surrounded
by all sorts of books. My rainy day entertainment was falling into
a book -- we had such as the horror tales of Poe and the Complete
Works of Sherlock Holmes that teased me into advanced vocabularies
as a 10-year-old and the comic books that had real words and
sentences in them as well as plot lines in addition to "Shazam"
brought me to reading very early on. I went to a Connecticut
public school with a cross-section of kids from every conceivable
background (except African American back then -- restricted to
the ghetto in central Hartford) -- and all of us were either
reading as we entered first grade or ready to go.
It should be no surprise that our kids here in NYC as those out
in rural upstate NY are not reading "up to level." Reading is
something that one largely teaches oneself because one has
self-starting incentives -- there are interesting things to be
discovered in books. Have you looked at a textbook of late? To
me they look like chopped up TV commercials -- ish! There are
some words on the page, but they have been largely dumbed down
to "reading level." One is no longer forced to stop to figure out
what a large word means from the context. I doubt that kids --
judging from my college students -- do much more reading than
they are forced by threats to do -- and one does not teach oneself
anything by doing such forced reading -- one simply learns to
resent the whole process.
What we need is above all story reading to kids in our schools, but
one would almost have to act out such stories to compete with the
TV crap to which our kids are being exposed. I saw the sequence
with my own children -- we did not have TV when our oldest was
getting started and then were induced by Sesame St. to relent --
our third child became our 'TV child' and had reading and writing
problems, although she ended up an honors English major at Barnard.
So where to we go from here. Harold Levy cannot do it in the face
of a countering culture that does not even support an oral
tradition! Have you been to a rave recently? It is emblematic
for me of what we are becoming. Such mindlessness can destroy
civilizations, let alone individuals. 'See Bush run! He don't run
fast or straight! He jus run.'
Help!
--
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So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 11 Jul 2002 00:11:03 -0400
From: natt...@comcast.net
Subject: !*PA ACTION ALERT - Stop Executions of Mentally Retarded!
ACTION ALERT
==================
From: luisa brehm <lub...@clix.pt>
Date: Wed, 10 Jul 2002 20:34:01 +0100
Dear Friends and Supporters:
Yesterday, prominent death penalty opponent State Senator Edward
Helfrick (R-Northumberland) sent a letter to Governor Mark
Schweiker, calling on him to commute the death sentences of all
mentally retarded prisoners on death row in Pennsylvania. We are
asking you to join him in this appeal to the governor, and to call
on Gov. Schweiker to join governors Glendenning (Maryland) and Ryan
(Illinois) in imposing on a moratorium on executions.
Sen. Helfrick, the prime sponsor of Senate Bill 25 (Moratorium on
Executions) and Senate Bill 26 (Banning the Death Penalty for the
Mentally Retarded), cited both the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in the
Atkins case banning the execution of the mentally retarded, as well
as testimony given by the District Attorney's Association during
the
Pa. Senate Judiciary Committee hearings on SB 26 on March 18, 2002.
In those hearings, the D.A.'s Association (a lobbying group
committed to advancing legislation that favors prosecutors) went on
the record in favor of executing the mentally retarded, noting that
they had contacted the Department of Corrections to determine how
many death row prisoners had I.Q. scores lower than 70. They
testified that the D.O.C. had already identified at least 26
mentally retarded people on Pennsylvania's death row. (Perhaps
now,
they are regretting putting that information on the record.)
Sen. Helfrick's appeal for a commutation is fair, simple, and
straighforward. Since there are at least 26 mentally retarded
people that the Commonwealth already knows are imprisoned on Death
Row UNCONSTITUTIONALLY, and since there are no clear procedural
standards for resolving the issue, it is more than reasonable to
look to the governor to resolve the issue by commuting these
death sentences to life sentences. It also seems clearer than ever
that an immediate moratorium on executions is absolutely necessary.
Recognizing that the mentally retarded currently comprise more than
10% of the state's death row population (and there may be even more
mentally retarded people unconstitutionally sentenced to death than
those already acknowledged by the D.O.C.), a halt to executions and
the signing of death warrants is essential.
Please take a moment today, to call, write, fax, or email Governor
Schweiker, asking him to commute these unconstitutional death
sentences to join Maryland Governor Glendenning and Illinois
Governor Ryan in imposing on a moratorium on executions. Be sure
to
state the reasons why you as a Pennsylvania resident/taxpayer/voter
feel that he should take these actions. Remind him of the legacy
that he would like history to record of tenure as governor when
he leaves office in 7 months.
CONTACT INFORMATION:
Governor Mark Schweiker
225 Main Capitol
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania 17120
Telephone: (717) 787-2500
Fax: (717) 783-3369 or (717) 772-8284
Email: go to
http://sites.state.pa.us/PA_Exec/Governor/govmail.html>
Also, consider sending a letter to the editor of your local
newspaper.
The energy and momentum for abolition of the death penalty is
accelerating at a rapid pace. It is absolutely critical that we
make
the most of every opportunity to rid our society of state-sponsored
killing.
Peace,
Jeff Garis, Executive Director
FOR COPIES OF PA. ABOLITIONISTS PRESS RELEASE, SCROLL DOWN:
______________________________________________________________
Moratorium Advocates Applaud Pa. Senator Helfrick's Appeal to Gov.
Schweiker to Commute Death Sentences for the Mentally Retarded;
Renew
Call for a Halt to Executions in the State
July 10, 2002 (Philadelphia) - Pennsylvania Abolitionists United
Against the Death Penalty commends State Senator Edward Helfrick
(R-Northumberland) for calling on Governor Mark Schweiker to commute
the unconstitutional death sentences of 26 mentally retarded people
currently imprisoned on death row in Pennsylvania. The grassroots,
citizen-led organization further renews its appeal to the governor
to
suspend executions in the state by imposing a moratorium similar to
those declared by the governors of Illinois and Maryland.
"In light of last month's Supreme Court ruling that it is
unconstitutional to execute the mentally retarded, and based on the
testimony by the District Attorney's Association (Pa. Senate
Judiciary Committee hearings, March 18, 2002) that the Department of
Corrections has already identified at least 26 mentally retarded
people on Pennsylvania's death row, we join Sen. Helfrick in
appealing to Governor Schweiker to immediately commute these death
sentences to life sentences," said Jeffrey Garis, executive director
of Pa. Abolitionists. Advocates of commuting these cases also point
to the high expense to tax-payers if the Commonwealth attempts to
preserve these death sentences - attempts that they believe would
ultimately be unsuccessful in light of the high court's decision.
"Recognizing that the mentally retarded comprise more than 10% of
the state's death row population, and that there may be even more
mentally retarded people unconstitutionally sentenced to death than
those already acknowledged by the D.O.C., we again call on our
governor to suspend the signing of death warrants until this issue
is
fully resolved," stated Garis.
Supporters of a moratorium on executions - including many who do
not
categorically reject capital punishment - also cite concerns about
funding and training standards for court-appointed counsel for
impoverished defendants, issues of racial disparities in the
Commonwealth's death sentencing patterns (nearly 70% of Pa.'s death
row is African-American or Latino), and the growing number of
exonerations of those formerly sentenced to death; in the past 20
months, two individuals sentenced to death - William Nieves of
Philadelphia and Thomas Kimbell, Jr., of Lawrence County -
were acquitted and released by retrial juries after hearing
previously-withheld evidence. Kimbell, acquitted on May 3, 2002,
became the 101st person sentenced to death to be released in the
U.S.
since capital punishment was reintroduced in 1976; he is the fourth
to be released in Pennsylvania under the current death penalty
statute, while three individuals have been executed. One of only 20
states that permitted the execution of the mentally retarded prior
to
the Court's decision, Pennsylvania currently has the fourth-largest
death row in the U.S., with 245 sentenced to death by lethal
injection.
Pennsylvania Abolitionists United Against the Death Penalty is a
nonviolent direct action movement to abolish the death penalty in
Pennsylvania, with 6,000+ supporters throughout the state.
###
**************************************************
PENNSYLVANIA ABOLITIONISTS
United Against the Death Penalty
P.O. Box 58128, Philadelphia, PA 19102
Phone: 215-724-6120 Fax: 215-729-6189 Website:
http://www.pa-abolitionists.org
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So Now We KNOW! What Now?
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 12 Jul 2002 14:31:53 -0700
From: Djehuti Sundaka <AHug...@ix.netcom.com>
Subject: A Token Crying Out In The Wilderness
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2002/07/07/wcolin
07.xml&sSheet=/news/2002/07/07/ixnewstop.html
Powell: 'Bastards Won't Drive Me Out'
By David Wastell, in Washington
Telegraph UK
Sunday, 7 July, 2002
Colin Powell, the beleaguered Secretary of State, has delivered an
angry
riposte to the Pentagon
hardliners responsible for his recent string of policy defeats -
insisting to allies that he "won't let those
bastards drive me out".
Colin Powell: does not intend to quit before the next presidential
election Despite his frustration at
President Bush's tendency to side with Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence
Secretary, on issues ranging from
the Middle East to the International Criminal Court, Gen Powell is
making it clear that he does not intend
to quit before the next presidential election.
"He won't resign because to do so would be tantamount to admitting
defeat," said a senior Washington
official. "He would only go earlier if he thought he had lost the
president's confidence and there is no sign
of that. He thinks it is better to carry on and have some influence
from
inside the administration than to
leave and have none."
Gen Powell's blunt observations, which are being discreetly and
deliberately circulated in Washington by
senior State Department officials, are the first clear sign that he
acknowledges the damaging criticisms
he has taken from a combination of Mr Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, the
deputy defence secretary, and
Dick Cheney, the vice-president.
In public he has appeared unperturbed by his setbacks but privately
he
has expressed concern at the
gyrations he has been forced to perform amid rumours that he was
prepared to resign after November's
mid-term elections unless he obtained more support.
The most dramatic problem was over the Middle East, on which Mr Bush
jettisoned Gen Powell's advice
and declared in a long-awaited speech last month that there could be
no
negotiations with the
Palestinians until Yasser Arafat was replaced as leader.
Just days after Gen Powell argued that America must work with the
Palestinians' own chosen leaders,
he was forced to do a public reverse, suggesting last weekend that
Mr
Arafat would be beyond the pale
even if he were re-elected.
Last week the Pentagon persuaded Mr Bush to insist on a hard line
over
the International Criminal Court
that almost led to the collapse of United Nations peacekeeping
efforts
around the world and which is still
unresolved.
"It has made America look ridiculous," said one official. "Instead
of
being pragmatic and accepting the
safeguards that have been won, there is an almost theological
position
being taken against it. It would
never have come to this had Powell been able to prevail."
Officials are attempting to bolster Gen Powell's standing abroad,
where
many governments are worried at
suggestions that he is becoming an isolated figure within the
administration, with less influence over Mr
Bush on key foreign policy matters than Mr Rumsfeld and Mr Cheney.
Last
month there were damaging
rumours that the Secretary of State was planning to step down
towards
the end of this year, after the
mid-term elections.
Gen Powell is regarded overseas as a lonely voice of moderation and
pragmatism within an strongly
unilateralist administration, and his departure would dismay most
foreign capitals. Partly for that reason
he has been the subject of a whispering campaign of criticism by
conservative Republicans, both within
the administration and on Capitol Hill.
The departure of the former Gulf war chief and America's first black
secretary of state would also be a
blow to the White House - no least because his ratings are better
than
those of the president himself.
A Gallup poll in early May found that 85 per cent of voters regarded
him
favourably, while in a Harris poll
last month 79 per cent said his job performance was either
"excellent"
or "pretty good". Mr Bush's own
rating has fallen below 70 per cent.
Friends of Gen Powell say that he is buoyed by his personal
popularity
rating, which he reaches for "like
a comfort blanket" as proof that he is still in step with most
American
voters. He also receives strong
support from his combative deputy, Richard Armitage, a former navy
Seal
who, like his boss, saw
extensive military action in Vietnam.
The two men are said to share a contempt for the Pentagon's civilian
chiefs, despite a superficial
cordiality in public. "They are combat-hardened and that affects
their
outlook," said one official. "There's
no love lost on either side."
Some officials believe that the outcome of the administration's
debate
on the Middle East is even less
helpful to Gen Powell's view than at first appeared. Mr Bush's
speech
was at first seen as a sign that he
would remain engaged in the region during efforts to develop a
Palestinian state.
Now some believe that the decision to support "provisional"
Palestinian
statehood only after a string of
preconditions have been met, will be used by the White House to
"park"
the issue beyond the
congressional elections - and perhaps beyond the 2004 presidential
race.
One former State Department official said: "I can't see why Powell
is
putting up with it. He is losing every
argument that matters. He'd do more good now if he did resign - it
might
just give the White House the
jolt it needs."
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~//~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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