The U.S. Economic Situation
at the end of the first quarter of 2011
by Art Perlo
Based on a report to the National
Board of the Communist Party, March 17, 2011.
Claims of recovery are not entirely
empty. Let's look at them, before we examine, what kind of recovery
and for whom?
GDP rose at a modest 3.1% rate in the
fourth quarter of 2010.
1
Many other indicators of economic activity -- freight tonnage, hotel
occupancy, industrial production -- have rebounded significantly from
their low in 2009
2.
Like GDP, they are increasing moderately, but hardly at the rate of
vigorous expansion.
Employment is growing faster than
necessary to absorb new workers, but not by much. The rate of layoffs
has declined more than 1/3 from its peak
3
, and job openings are above the low point in 2009, though still too
few to make a significant dent in the numbers looking for work.
4
The official unemployment rate has declined modestly over the past
year, but only because so many of the unemployed gave up looking for
work and are no longer counted.
Despite some positive signs, in many
ways the US economy is still in the depression phase of a capitalist
cycle. This is seen in continued high levels of unemployment, large
inventory of unsold goods (especially housing and commercial real
estate) and excess capacity, though all of these have improved from
their worst. And a large surplus of idle capital.
Recovery for who?
As far as the capitalist system is
concerned, the crisis is over at least for now. For capitalists, the
most important things are profits and stability.
Profits have been restored -- by
speeding up workers, cutting wages, and getting rid of or swallowing
up competitors. You can hear that from the horse's mouth:
"Corporations are taking huge advantage of the slack in the
labor market [unemployment] - they are in a very strong position and
workers are in a very weak position. They are using that bargaining
power to cut benefits and wages, and to shorten hours." That
from Desmond Lachman, a former managing director at Salomon Smith
Barney.
5
The "slack in the labor
market" is unlikely to end any time soon. At the rate jobs have
been created for the last six months, the unemployment rate will
continue above 6% for the next seven years!
Stability is restored, or at least the
illusion of stability. The corporate class believe they have
contained any gains made by the working class in the first two years
of the Obama administration, and have launched a broad
counter-offensive, aimed at smashing unions, further
institutionalizing corporate domination, and substantially lowering
the working class standard of living. The breadth of the right-wing
corporate attack is stunning. Even with Republicans controlling only
one house of Congress, the offensive is more sweeping than at the
height of Bush administration power.
For the rest of us, the recovery means
a new normal. Older workers forced out of work, but can't afford to
retire, competing with grandchildren for minimum-wage jobs. Workers
who formerly had stable jobs, along with growing numbers of young
people, are forced into the always-present contingent workforce on
the margins of the economy, moving from one to another part-time
insecure, low-wage, no-benefit jobs. The jobs lost in 2008-2009 were
weighted toward the better paying jobs; the few jobs gained in the
past year were weighted toward the lowest-paying.
6
College students are graduating with huge outstanding loans and
Starbucks-level jobs. Crises of youth, especially African Americans,
and immigrants, and rural, consign whole communities to economic and
social wastelands.
We can't separate economic prospects
from the political situation. This is seen in the two biggest
obstacles to recovery: home mortgage crisis and fiscal policy, which
threaten to tip even this partial recovery into a new crisis.
Home Mortgage Crisis
A few words about the mortgage policy.
A ruthless gang of 3-piece-suit thugs have driven 3-5 million
families from their homes, with another million in the pipeline for
this year. They used massive fraud, and have not only escaped jail,
but been rewarded with bonuses and golden parachutes. One quarter of
homeowners with mortgages owe more than the houses is worth, and
every week thousands more fall behind on their unsupportable
payments. The most effective though modest measure proposed by the
Obama administration -- giving bankruptcy judges the right to lower
mortgage principal -- was defeated in 2009 by Senate Republicans with
help from 12 Democrats. The administration's HAMP program to adjust
mortgages has been largely ineffective, relying as it does on the
cooperation of the same banksters who profit from the crisis. Yet
even this is being threatened with repeal by House Republicans, who
also are attacking other administration efforts that slightly
mitigate effects of the crisis. The financial industry policy is to
squeeze every possible last penny out of homeowners, plundering any
savings they and their families might have, before evicting them from
their homes. The economic effects of this crisis has been to depress
consumer demand by about $700 billion per year, and keep housing
construction (and employment) at record-low levels -- a drag on the
economy that will continue for several years. The human effects are
incalculable.
Fiscal Policy
The more immediate obstacle to recovery
is fiscal policy. That's a fancy word for government spending. The
money from the stimulus bill (ARRA), passed in February 2009, has
mostly dried up. The debate in Congress is whether to enact a small
or a large anti-stimulus program -- that is, whether to cut essential
services by $40 billion/year or $100 billion/year or $250 billion/per
year. The recent agreement to keep the government running is a cut of
$77 billion per year from the 2010 budget level. Republicans are
demanding far deeper cuts in the coming year.
The Congressional Progressive Caucus
has released an alternative Peoples Budget
7
which maintains vital services, invests in green energy,
infrastructure and education, and taxes the rich. It is an practical
and reasonable alternative. Not surprisingly, the mass media have
almost completely refused to cover this proposal.
The just-enacted cuts will cost about
450,000 jobs this year alone. State and local governments, which have
shed 400,000 jobs over the past 2 years, will likely double that
number this year. Job loss from government cuts are almost entirely
negating the modest gains in private-sector employment.
This goes beyond the loss of government
jobs. And beyond the loss of jobs providing goods and services to the
now-laid-off government workers. The effect of Republican policies is
to convince private capital not to invest in productive or green
industries. We have the example of Wisconsin, where a
train-manufacturing facility will be shut down because of Gov.
Walker's decision to kill high-speed rail in the state.
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With the tremendous investments needed, why would a company invest in
rail, mass transit, advanced wind and solar power, or any of the
other technologies and infrastructure we so urgently need, when
funding or tax benefits can be withdrawn at a moment's notice.
The anti-stimulus fiscal policies being
enacted at the national state and local levels, combined with the
failure to take meaningful action on the home mortgage crisis,
threaten to derail the fragile stability the capitalist economy has
achieved.
There are some establishment
individuals and institutions that recognize the danger. For example,
a recent editorial, the New York Times summarized the economic impact
of anti-stimulus budget cuts:
"On the federal level, the fixation on the deficit above all else is
particularly dangerous. An economy with significant labor slack
requires more — not less — government spending. Unfortunately,
Republicans have successfully framed the debate so that spending cuts
are inevitable, and the best one can hope for is that the White House
and Congressional Democrats will hold down the size of the cuts.
"Clearly, it is not uncertainty about government that is impeding
hiring; it is lack of work. And lack of work is due to the fallout
from the financial crisis and recession. It stands to reason that
government spending, job-creation programs and regulations to ensure
that there isn’t another crash would help the economy and lead to
more jobs. Reason, however, is in short supply.
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"
Destructive, anti-stimulus policies are not unique to the United
States. In almost every European country, the powerful banks and
financial institutions are insisting, successfully, that governments
institute sharp austerity measures. These include, as in the the
U.S., sharp attacks on public services and public sector workers,
dismantling of many hard-fought pension, job security and other
benefits, and soaring unemployment. The same destructive "medicine"
that global capital, still dominated by U.S. financial interests,
forced on developing countries and former socialist countries in the
last two decades is now being applied to the developed capitalist
countries. Resistance and solidarity are also growing on a world
scale.
Class Interest
Reason, as
the Times suggested,
may be in short supply. But it is not because all the Tea Partiers
and Republicans in Congress, the establishment think tank economists
and media pundits, and the deficit hawks within the Obama
administration are unreasonable, stupid, or can't count. It is not a
question of reason. It is a question of class interest. As the early
20th century author and socialist Sinclair Lewis said,
"It
is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary
depends upon his not understanding it!"10
Profits are rising, wealth and power
are even more concentrated in a few dozen corporate empires and a few
thousand ultra-rich families. The ruling class is profiting
financially in this broken economy. They also hope to profit
politically. By blocking effective recovery, they hope the Obama
administration will get the blame. Further, after forcing the
administration to accept harmful cuts as the price of keeping the
government running, they can blame Obama for the bad effects of those
cuts.
The potential game-changer is the class
struggle. Six months ago, who would have thought that hundreds of
thousands of U.S. workers would be marching, rallying, occupying
state capitols, sitting in, in explicit defense of working class
rights against corporate greed; that not only the leadership, but rank
and file workers would be talking about class struggle and class
unity; that the emerging slogan would be "we are one"
explicitly calling for unity of employed, unemployed and retirees,
youth and seniors, private sector and public sector, unions and
community.
The attacks, launched by a right wing
emboldened by electoral victories last November, have made clear to
millions of workers that the crises they face are political as well
as economic. The deficit is used as an excuse to accomplish
political goals of destroying any concept that government exists to
promote the general welfare. Health, education, safety, environment
are all on the chopping block. The deficit is also used as an excuse
to attack any government function that gets in the way of the
capitalist class. (One minor example is Republican attempts to defund
IRS enforcement, giving a green light to tax evasion that will cost
many times in lost revenue.)
Political struggles ahead
Political and economic struggles are
now focused on budget battles in Washington and state capitols. The
newly-energized working class and broad mass movements will at best
be able to limit the damage done by the rightward political shift
this year. Defeating the right in the 2012 elections will be an
essential part of reversing the destructive, anti-working class
policies.
As long as the "deficit reduction"
is the context for policy discussion, the best that can be hoped for
is to limit the damage (See
The
Deficit Trap, Peoples World, Nov. 16 2010).
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The economic and social security of our country, now and for future
generations, cannot be met without focusing on real needs: useful and
productive jobs providing health and education, safe and
environmentally friendly infrastructure, renewable energy and clean,
efficient transportation, with major research, development and
production in the U.S. Such a program is achievable, along with a
sustainable budget and rising living standards for the vast majority.
It requires only that the unprecedented inequality in our nation's
wealth be reversed, and that surplus wealth be applied to the public
good instead of financial speculation and the export of jobs.