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Medieval Aristocracy of Albi Cahors and LeMans

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Mar 17, 2004, 11:27:53 PM3/17/04
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The following is a condensation of a series of letters I wrote recently
to
Ford (which accounts for the traces of repetition and occasional shift of
view that I have try as I might not been able to edit out entirely)
Acknowledging Ford’s kind encouragement and assistance I submit this to you
for your consideration or comment. Thank you

The gist is that I think there was a link from the early Desideri in
Aquitaine to St Salvius of Albi, through Duke Desiderius of Albi and Cahors
to Salvius of Albi (fl 600) to Desiderius of Cahors and on through the
families of Limoges, Clermont and CahorsThe following is a condensation of a
series of letters I wrote recently to
Ford (which accounts for the traces of repetition and occasional shift of
view that I have try as I might not been able to edit out entirely)
Acknowledging Ford’s kind encouragement and assistance I submit this to you
for your consideration or comment. Thank you

The gist is that I think there was a link from the early Desideri in
Aquitaine to St Salvius of Albi, through Duke Desiderius of Albi and Cahors
to Salvius of Albi (fl 600) to Desiderius of Cahors and on through the
families of Limoges, Clermont and Cahors/Albi perhaps to as late as the 700
’s or 800’s plus some observations on the effect that Settipani’s recent
communications might have for such a structure. I additionally hypothesized
that Domnolus of LeMans might be the husband of Ingeltrude and (following
Settipani then) father of Maurilius, and therefore forbears of later Cahors
and Albi aristocracy. The material below is hardly conclusory and needs
much more work in terms of reference to primary sources (see my appeal
concerning Bishop Bertramn’s testamentum) But I hope you will bear with me.

Best Regards

Grady E. Loy

In his communication “Les Origines des comtes de Nevers: noveaux
documents” in Onomastique et Parente Dans L’Occident Medieval
(Prosopographia et Genealogia, 2000) Christian Settipani makes interesting
suggestions about the early Counts of Cahors, (Emeno--> Radulf-->
Godefred ?chart p. 109). Then again in his communication on the Riparian
connections of Arnulf of Metz and his wife Doda, “L’apport de la
onomastique dans l’etudes des genealogies caroloingiens” in the same
publication, (p. 212), he shows Babo and sons Godin, (of Cahors, fl. 643/7),
and Rado or Radbert. Godin's daughter was Sigolena. In the same chart he
gives Chramnsigo, nob. v. Albi, with children Sigoald, (ev. Metz), Babo,
(duc d’Albi), and a daughter, Sigolena. He identifies this family as
relatives of Bertramn, Bishop of Le Mans ca 586-616. Later in the
communication, (p. 229), he proposes that Bertramn is nephew of Maurilio,
eveque Cahors ca 580, (who Gregory of Tours says knew his biblical
genealogies extremely well), and whom Settipani posits as father of the wife
of Mummolinus cte of Soissons ca 570, grandfather and grandmother of Arnulf.
He also suggests the name Arnulf was used frequently in Maurilio's family,
(though whether this name entered that family through Maurilio or his wife
is not clear).

Of course,connections between the Roman and post Roman magnates of Albi and
Cahors go further back. Gregory of Tours suggests that Chilperic's Duke
Desiderius was from Albi; and very probably related to Albi's St Salvius,
about whom Gregory of Tours speaks favorably, and at some length.

Desiderius, (a nephew? A son? of Salvius), had settled in Cahors after
Chilperic's death, with his second wife, (whom he had taken from the count
of Clermont-Ferrand - much to the latter’s consternation); and he may have
also had property or ties in Cahors. It is interesting to note that
Mathison says that Bishop Ruricius of Limoges may have had land in or near
Cahors; and also that the wife and sister of Sidonius Apollinaris' son,
Apollinaris, fled there after some act of political indiscretion in the time
of King Theuderic I - suggesting that perhaps they, (the Apollinari/Aviti),
too, had property there. And Mathieson relates a legend concerning Bishop
Sacerdos of Limoges that may demonstate a tie of Sidonius Apollinaris'
brother-in-law, Ecdicius, son of emperor Avitus, to the Cahors area,
('though both the Apollinari and Aviti seem to have had their primary
centers, at that time, in Clermont-Ferrand or further east).

Duke (Dux) Desiderius had to leave Cahors because the city had been a
morning gift of Chilperic to his Gothic Queen, Goiswinth, (Brunhilda's
sister); and King Guntramn, at some point after Chilperic's death, when he
thought that Childebert II was old enough to begin execising some authority
in the Austrasian realm, turned the city over to Brunhilda, as her sister's
heir. That may have made Desiderius' position precarious since Desiderius
had been a partisan of Chilperic and Brunhilda and Chilperic and his wife
Fredegunda were motal enemies. It may also have had something to do with
the conclusion of the matter of Gundovald, the pretender whom Desiderius,
along with much of the Acquitainian aristocracy, had supported against
Guntramn. I do not think that Desiderius survived much beyond his move to
Albi ? he was killed in an attack on one of the Gothic cities of
Septimania - but the presence of both of the names Salvius and Desiderius in
the family of Bishop Desiderius of Cahors (ca 635) suggests that his family
survived. Since Bishop Desiderius of Cahors was prominent at the court of
Dagobert I, I wondered if a son of Duke Desiderius was not placed in Cahors
after the destruction of Brunhilda, as a restitution of some sort for losses
sustained by a relative and namesake. Desiderius' son’s presence there
would almost coincide with that of Godin, who, Settipani suggests, may have
been a brother of Bishop Goeric of Metz, a relative of Arnulf.
The fact that a posited relative of Arnulf, Maurilio, was also Bishop of
Cahors strengthens this possible connection.

I found it interesting in looking at the new books by Mathison, about
Ruricius of Limoges' letters, that letters of Sidonius Apollinaris, Ruricius
of Limoges and Desiderius of Cahors were preserved together at St. Gallen.
The names in Desiderius' family, (Avita, Rusticus, Salvius, etc.), suggest
very wide connections in the south central part of Gaul. It seems to me
that the letters could have been brought to St. Gallen by Abbott or Bishop
Sidonius of Constance (ca 700) - I assume it was some sort of Burgundian
arrangement - in around 700; and that he was a relative, (though I would not
speculate as to just how ? the only other Sidonius I have ever seen is the
Bishop of Mainz in the 500’s). Finally, I saw it in Geary, (_Aristocracy
in Provence_), that during the mid- to late 600's, the Merovingians, or
perhaps more specifically the Nuestrian mayors of the palace, transplanted
some scions of families from the Midi to the area of northern Switzerland
and soutern Germany. One of these families had names beginning with "Rad-"
elements, later seen in the nobility of Cahors. (I realize that this can be
sort of an Agilolfing or Robertin name element and that moves by those
families, in and out of that region, or perhaps just ties across that
region, had been going on for some time ? Geary seemed to think that there
was a relocation of some sort.)

There is a book by Horst Ebling ? _Prospographie Der Amstrager Des
Merowingerreiches_ for the 7th- and early 8th-century Merogvingian Kingdoms
that has names of several additional people, who, from the sound of their
names, and extremely cursory readings of their biograhies, may figure in
this speculation; but I have not had time to search properly, word-by-word,
through the German text.

I am sorry that this presentation is not organized as well as it could be.
To embark on an inquiry like this is to come quickly face-to-face with one’
s limitations. I do not suppose it is in any way original to suggest that
there seems to be much more, waiting to be pieced together, from this
period - just below the surface. The family of Bishop Bertram, (or, for
that matter, the family of Bishop Maurilio, which, judging by the names
used, seems to have been in Neustria for a century or so before Bishop
Maurilio), the concentrations of Arnulf-named individuals, in places like
Sens and Autun, who were not part of the Carolingian house, are interesting.
Also, what arrangements did Austrasian Queen Brunhilda make with the Gallo
Roman Aristocracy? (There is a "Desiderius" Bishop of Auxerre, native of
Cahors, son of a Nectaria, who is said, in his _vita_, to be a relative of
hers.) What kind of people did Chlothilde, (wife of Clovis I), bring into
Neustria from Burgundy, when she came - other than the two bishops of
Tours - and what happened to them? Many other such possibilities come to
mind. Of course these individuals influenced evnts all over Gaul and the
neighboring countries but it seems that the families located in the
Cahors-Albi region could provide a very fertile field for new work. If I
look at Settipani's chart in the Arnulfinga communication above, (Chart VII,
p. 221), and his conclusory Tableau 10, (p. 229), I see that he has Babo as
son of [Ferreolus], and of the daughter of Cloderic, and as a brother of
ANSBERTUS, b. ca. 530. Further he goes into some discussion of the relation
between Goeric Abbo, Godin Hedin, Desiderius and Hedin II in his section of
genealogical fragments. I must reread that part ? and Ebling’s
propsopography - more carefully.

I was last looking in Mathiesons’ to see if it were not possible that
Maurilio's father might not be Domnolus, Bishop of LeMans, (Ingeltrudis's
husband was a Gallo-Roman of note, owning property). He was replaced as
Bishop of LeMans, at about the right time, by a Baudegisel, and Baudegisel
by Bertram. According to Mathieson, the name Domnolus was common in
Burgundy prior to this time; and my thought is that Domnolus' father might
have come to Neustria with Chlothilde, (sort of going against the migration
pattern of that time, but, I think, from the way that Gregory speaks of her,
Chlothilde organized her own court of considerable influence in Tours,
Poitiers and Paris). The name Maurilio occurs in Neustria as a bishop's
name, (It may have been at Rennes or Vannes), prior to Maurilio of Cahors'
appearing. I note also the name Domnola, a rich woman murdered over her
vinyard, probably at Rennes, by Fredegund's referendary, and, it seems to me
from the time, she might have been neice or sister of Domnolus - she was
daughter of Victorius of Rennes. Domnola's second husband was Nectarius who
was brother of Bishop Baudegisel, who succeeded Domnolus in the see of
LeMans. This Baudegisel had been mayor of the Neustrian palace and was run
through the degrees to make him Bishop. He was about the same age as the
purported son of Munderic, who was an Austrasian. Who Badegisel's forbears
were is not clear; but the name of Nectarius, (his brother), may give some
indication as to his origins, and, (were he related to Domnolus), to those
of Domnolus, as well. Domnolus, according to Gregory, had founded a
religious community in Paris, during the reign of Lothar. Prior to that, he
had lived in Paris, (during Childebert I's era), and been a supporter, or
spy, as it were, of Lothar, in that city, against Childebert. When Lothar
was king of that region, Domnolus was in a religious community, and turned
down an offer from Lothar to be made bishop of Avignon. I wonder if
Lothar's offer did not reflect southern ties of Domnolus. He refused,
claiming that the southern senatorial society was too sophisticated for him,
and waited until he was offered the see of Cenomagus. I note Bertramn was
also in Paris, (in the same community), before coming to LeMans; and was
raised to fill the vacancy left by Bodegisel, (brother-in-law of Domnola).
Gregory shows that there was some conflict - Domnolus wanted a certain
Theodulf to succeed him. But if the king were looking to maintain his ties
with a certain family in the region, he may have chosen to make bishop the
person who, he felt, would best represent his interests there, or the person
that the local Gallo-Roman family was most likely to follow. In other
words, I think an argument can be made, based on Gregory, that Domnolus
could have been Ingeltrude's husband. How many Gallo- Romans of his stature
were there in the area at the time? The tight control of the see of
Cenomagus, by one family, (even rival factions of one family), seems
reasonable. There is more to this, (though a persuasive counter-argument,
or different argument altogether, is also always interesting); but it will
take me time, I think, to access and to understand the necessary sources.

The interesting thing for me is that Maurilio and his family seem
well-situated in the north; and then, suddenly, Maurilio went south to
Cahors - during Chilperic's era. This was, of course, the era when his
posited brother in law, Bertram of Bordeaux, was extremely powerful in
Western Acquitaine. (The close ties between Chilperic and Bertrand may have
paralleled those between Domnolus and Chlothar I.) Would Maurilio have had
any ties with the local aristocracy, (with the Desideri or Salvi? the family
of the wife of Apolinaris? the Aviti? the Ruricii? by marriage?). Settipani
follows the supposition that Ingeltrude was a sister to Lothar's wives, one
of whom was Arnegunde - whence the "Arn-" element of the name could have
entered Arnulf's family. There is a book by Christian Bouyer, _Dictionnaire
des Reines de France_, that says that Ingonde, (and Aregonde, and
Ingeltrude, if she is their sister), was "_issu d'au dela du Rhin. Son pere
est Clodomir II, Roi des Germains de la region des Worms _[the old
Burgundian kingdom]_. Sa mere, Arnegonde vient de Saxe_. She was supposed
to have been born ca. 511, which would have put her father in that region
just after Clovis stabilized his relations with the Alemanni, a few
kilometers to the South. I do not know if there is any basis to this story.
I did not see it in Gregory, who contents himself with telling how Lothar's
unbridled lust, and the natural Merovingian penchant for deceit where
marital relations were concerned resulted in his marrying sisters, of which
Gregory is not entirely sure he approves, (but Gregory can not quite come
out to criticize this, as almost all of his patrons were products of those
unions). I do not know of any factual basis for the story of these sisters
being Clodomir's daughters, although Lothar's wives’ children's names show
very great Burgundian influence; and Chlotilde's influence, either in
choosing Lothar's wives, or his children's names seems very great. Clovis
might easily have appointed a Burgundian to control the area around the
ancestral Burgunduian capital of Worms, particularly one with ties to
Chlothilde. It seems less likely to me that Theodoric, or his progeny,
would have done so, once he took control of the region. Except for this
dictionary, I have never heard of this story. The "Saxon wife" has the
aroma of Carolingian fiction on it; ‘though among these Saxon-wife stories
at least Queen Bathilde was no doubt the real article.

My idea about Domnolus really comes from the thought that Domnolus or, his
family was probably connected with Chlothilde; and that, if he were married
to a sister of the women who married Chlothar, it might explain why,
although he was a resident of Paris, he was a partisan of Chlothar, at a
time when Chlothar had not yet ever exercised any authority in Paris - and,
in fact, when Childebert was still very powerful there. As the later case
of Aegidius, Bishop of Rheims, amply shows, split loyalty was a dangerous
game to play, if your patron did not win. Domnolus died in 581, according
to Gregory, and Ingiltrude and Berthegund were fighting over the estate of
Ingiltrude's husband in 589. It may be that Ingiltrude's son, Bertramn,
Bishop of Bordeaux, died that year. Hence, in the sudden absence of a
"paterfamilias" of that family - which was Roman from the father - the two
women struggled over Domnolus’ lands and treasures, (and Bertrand’s too,
no doubt). It is clear, both from the testament of Bertramn of LeMans, (of
which, I must confess, I only know the contents, courtesy of Ian Wood’s
Merovingians), and the stories of Gregory, (not to mention, if the
suppositions of Settipani re. Maurilio and the Arnulfings are accepted),
that Ingiltrude's husband, though not a Merovingian - he was Gallo-Roman -
was extremely influential. It seems virtually impossible that there would
be no record of Ingeltrude’s husband in Gregory, or anywhere else. Gregory
tended to deemphasize the marital status of his formerly secular colleagues,
unless there was a specific lesson to be taught. (He does not mention wives'
names, etc). It just seemed to me that Domnolus, having an old Burgundian
name, (suggesting an association with Chlothilda), strong associations with
Cenomagus, and an extremely close relationship with Chlothar, as well as
having entered the religious life ca. 550's, (as did Ingiltrude), is a
highly likely possibility as Ingeltrude’s huband. According to Mathison, a
Bishop Desiderius of Auxerre was described as "_ex natione Aquitanus ex
matre Nectaria... vir nobilissimus... fuit enim propinquus Brunechildi
reginae_". He also notes that this Nectaria was buried at Cahors. Did
Baudegiselus and Nectarius have Gothic (maternal?) connections? Or did
Brunhilda have blood ties to the Midi, (as did many Goths by this point).
Prior to this Nectaria, born, one assumes, about the first third of the 6th
century, the Nectarii appear to have been located in Burgundy, from Vienne
to Autun. Domnola married Nectarius between 579 and 585. She had been
married to Burgolen, son of Severus, (another rather significant Gallo-Roman
magnate of Neustria). Severus, however, was not a suitable candidate for
Ingiltrude's mysterious husband in that Chilperic took away all of his
property. I think that this Nectaria may be the same or close generation,
(a sister or daughter), of Nectarius by a prior marriage. There seems to me
a good chance that she went to Cahors with Maurilio, and married into the
Desiderii there. She did not marry Desiderius, since that duke had eloped
with Tetradia, wife of Eulalius, Duke of Clermont. Desiderius had grown
sons in 587, the year he died; and, in that year, he left Albi for Toulouse,
and divided his property among his sons and Tetradia. Desiderius had to
leave Albi in 587, because Guntramn was returning that city to Brunhilda.
(I do not know why Guntramn did not take immediate revenge against
Desiderius for his support of Gundovald the Pretender, 'though Desiderius'
role in the matter of Gundovald may have been more complex than Gregory is
able to tell us, or Desiderius may have been too strong). Nectaria, (mother
of Desiderius of Auxerre), could, and well may have, married one of
Desiderius' sons. The Desiderii go back, at least, to the end of the 4th
century in this area, (_Life of Martin of Tours_). It would not necessarily
be unusual for the Chilperic faction, and the Brunhildan faction to work
with different parts of the same family. Mathiesson notes the existance of
some kind of Domnolan/Nectarian/Desiderian Cenomagus-Carducci connection;
but, unfortunately, in his thesis, has Domnolus succeeding Baudegisel as
bishop, (it was Bertramn who succeeded Baudegisel), and not the other way
‘round.

My hypoethesis, (pre-hypothesis?), to recapitulate, is that Domnolus of
LeMans was second generation of a transplanted Burgundian family, that came
to Neustria with Queen Chlotilda. Through his ties with Chlothar and
Chilperic, he became very powerful, and, in fact, was, (I think),
brother-in-law to Lothar, and uncle to Guntramn and Chilperic. I think that
this family was somehow tied to the family of Baudegisel and Nectarius; and
that, when Maurilio went down to Cahors, he brought parts of that family,
who, then, became part of the dominant Desiderian-Salvian family of the
Cahors-Albi region. Finally this family survived in that region, in some
form or other, until the 800's.

It seems to me that Duke Desiderius of Cahors, (adherent of Chilperic),
ought to be nephew or son of Salivus, Bishop, and of Desiderius, Bishop of
Cahors (ca 600). I think that Desiderius might also have been father of
Salvius, the father of Bishop Desiderius of Cahors (ca 635). Heinzelman
thought Salvius was grandfather of Desiderius of Cahors[Bischofscherrschaft
in Gallien p. 112 n. 100 "Dort hatte ein Salvius um 574-584 den
Bischofsstuhl inne. Bei GvT, HF 7, 1 , wird von ihm erzaehlt, das er lange
"weltlich" geblieben sei u spaeter die Gefangeen seiner patria Albi
ausgeloest habe. Ir ist wohl der Grossvater deer Desiderius, Rusticus,
Syagrius gewesen. Sein Nachfolger als B Albi is in Desideratus..." but the
jump from Salvius, who had been a monk since the mid-500’s to Salvius of
Albi, who was having children ca. 590/600, is very long, and I think the
link between them could be Duke Desiderius of Albi, born in the 530’s or
540’s.

How might the family of Bertram of LeMans fit in? He might have been close
to Germanus of Paris. Ian Wood suggested that Bertram's mother should have
been from Bordeaux, or Saintes, inasmuch as he had property from her there.
But that may not mean that she came from there; just that she got property
from her brother, Bertrand, who was Bishop of Bordeaux - this would support
Settipani’s conclusion. Reading Gregory, it seems that Berthefleda's
husband was probably from Paris or Poitou. He was an unlucky fellow, and
there was an Ennodius in that area, whom Gregory painted as unlucky - but,
assuming that Ennodius was husband of Berthefleda is probably putting too
many eggs in one basket. Anyway, Bertram’s cousins were well located in
Albi, and he had properties in Bourges that may have come from a Bishop
Felix of supposed Apollinarian lineage, (Ian Wood, _Merovingians_ -
Apolinaris’ son, Arcadius, fled to Bourges after angering Theuderic, and
some think that Bishop Felix might have been his son). Finally, in what I
suspect is a family feud of some kind, there was the Domnolus-> Badegisel->
Bertram succession at Lemans.
I do not think that Settipani identified the LeMans Badegisel specifically
in his recent comunication on Arnulf's origins.

Can anyone tell me where can I obtain on the internet, or otherwise, a copy
or the text of Bishop Bertram's (LeMans) Testamentum?

The Desiderii, apparently, date back to the late 300's, (writings of
Sulpicius Severus and of Sidonius Apollinaris).
/Albi perhaps to as late as the 700
’s or 800’s plus some observations on the effect that Settipani’s recent
communications might have for such a structure. I additionally hypothesized
that Domnolus of LeMans might be the husband of Ingeltrude and (following
Settipani then) father of Maurilius, and therefore forbears of later Cahors
and Albi aristocracy. The material below is hardly conclusory and needs
much more work in terms of reference to primary sources (see my appeal
concerning Bishop Bertramn’s testamentum) But I hope you will bear with me.

Best Regards

Grady E. Loy

In his communication “Les Origines des comtes de Nevers: noveaux
documents” in Onomastique et Parente Dans L’Occident Medieval
(Prosopographia et Genealogia, 2000) Christian Settipani makes interesting
suggestions about the early Counts of Cahors, (Emeno--> Radulf-->
Godefred ?chart p. 109). Then again in his communication on the Riparian
connections of Arnulf of Metz and his wife Doda, “L’apport de la
onomastique dans l’etudes des genealogies caroloingiens” in the same
publication, (p. 212), he shows Babo and sons Godin, (of Cahors, fl. 643/7),
and Rado or Radbert. Godin's daughter was Sigolena. In the same chart he
gives Chramnsigo, nob. v. Albi, with children Sigoald, (ev. Metz), Babo,
(duc d’Albi), and a daughter, Sigolena. He identifies this family as
relatives of Bertramn, Bishop of Le Mans ca 586-616. Later in the
communication, (p. 229), he proposes that Bertramn is nephew of Maurilio,
eveque Cahors ca 580, (who Gregory of Tours says knew his biblical
genealogies extremely well), and whom Settipani posits as father of the wife
of Mummolinus cte of Soissons ca 570, grandfather and grandmother of Arnulf.
He also suggests the name Arnulf was used frequently in Maurilio's family,
(though whether this name entered that family through Maurilio or his wife
is not clear).

Of course,connections between the Roman and post Roman magnates of Albi and
Cahors go further back. Gregory of Tours suggests that Chilperic's Duke
Desiderius was from Albi; and very probably related to Albi's St Salvius,
about whom Gregory of Tours speaks favorably, and at some length.

Desiderius, (a nephew? A son? of Salvius), had settled in Cahors after
Chilperic's death, with his second wife, (whom he had taken from the count
of Clermont-Ferrand - much to the latter’s consternation); and he may have
also had property or ties in Cahors. It is interesting to note that
Mathison says that Bishop Ruricius of Limoges may have had land in or near
Cahors; and also that the wife and sister of Sidonius Apollinaris' son,
Apollinaris, fled there after some act of political indiscretion in the time
of King Theuderic I - suggesting that perhaps they, (the Apollinari/Aviti),
too, had property there. And Mathieson relates a legend concerning Bishop
Sacerdos of Limoges that may demonstate a tie of Sidonius Apollinaris'
brother-in-law, Ecdicius, son of emperor Avitus, to the Cahors area,
('though both the Apollinari and Aviti seem to have had their primary
centers, at that time, in Clermont-Ferrand or further east).

Duke (Dux) Desiderius had to leave Cahors because the city had been a
morning gift of Chilperic to his Gothic Queen, Goiswinth, (Brunhilda's
sister); and King Guntramn, at some point after Chilperic's death, when he
thought that Childebert II was old enough to begin execising some authority
in the Austrasian realm, turned the city over to Brunhilda, as her sister's
heir. That may have made Desiderius' position precarious since Desiderius
had been a partisan of Chilperic and Brunhilda and Chilperic and his wife
Fredegunda were motal enemies. It may also have had something to do with
the conclusion of the matter of Gundovald, the pretender whom Desiderius,
along with much of the Acquitainian aristocracy, had supported against
Guntramn. I do not think that Desiderius survived much beyond his move to
Albi ? he was killed in an attack on one of the Gothic cities of
Septimania - but the presence of both of the names Salvius and Desiderius in
the family of Bishop Desiderius of Cahors (ca 635) suggests that his family
survived. Since Bishop Desiderius of Cahors was prominent at the court of
Dagobert I, I wondered if a son of Duke Desiderius was not placed in Cahors
after the destruction of Brunhilda, as a restitution of some sort for losses
sustained by a relative and namesake. Desiderius' son’s presence there
would almost coincide with that of Godin, who, Settipani suggests, may have
been a brother of Bishop Goeric of Metz, a relative of Arnulf.
The fact that a posited relative of Arnulf, Maurilio, was also Bishop of
Cahors strengthens this possible connection.

I found it interesting in looking at the new books by Mathison, about
Ruricius of Limoges' letters, that letters of Sidonius Apollinaris, Ruricius
of Limoges and Desiderius of Cahors were preserved together at St. Gallen.
The names in Desiderius' family, (Avita, Rusticus, Salvius, etc.), suggest
very wide connections in the south central part of Gaul. It seems to me
that the letters could have been brought to St. Gallen by Abbott or Bishop
Sidonius of Constance (ca 700) - I assume it was some sort of Burgundian
arrangement - in around 700; and that he was a relative, (though I would not
speculate as to just how ? the only other Sidonius I have ever seen is the
Bishop of Mainz in the 500’s). Finally, I saw it in Geary, (_Aristocracy
in Provence_), that during the mid- to late 600's, the Merovingians, or
perhaps more specifically the Nuestrian mayors of the palace, transplanted
some scions of families from the Midi to the area of northern Switzerland
and soutern Germany. One of these families had names beginning with "Rad-"
elements, later seen in the nobility of Cahors. (I realize that this can be
sort of an Agilolfing or Robertin name element and that moves by those
families, in and out of that region, or perhaps just ties across that
region, had been going on for some time ? Geary seemed to think that there
was a relocation of some sort.)

There is a book by Horst Ebling ? _Prospographie Der Amstrager Des
Merowingerreiches_ for the 7th- and early 8th-century Merogvingian Kingdoms
that has names of several additional people, who, from the sound of their
names, and extremely cursory readings of their biograhies, may figure in
this speculation; but I have not had time to search properly, word-by-word,
through the German text.

I am sorry that this presentation is not organized as well as it could be.
To embark on an inquiry like this is to come quickly face-to-face with one’
s limitations. I do not suppose it is in any way original to suggest that
there seems to be much more, waiting to be pieced together, from this
period - just below the surface. The family of Bishop Bertram, (or, for
that matter, the family of Bishop Maurilio, which, judging by the names
used, seems to have been in Neustria for a century or so before Bishop
Maurilio), the concentrations of Arnulf-named individuals, in places like
Sens and Autun, who were not part of the Carolingian house, are interesting.
Also, what arrangements did Austrasian Queen Brunhilda make with the Gallo
Roman Aristocracy? (There is a "Desiderius" Bishop of Auxerre, native of
Cahors, son of a Nectaria, who is said, in his _vita_, to be a relative of
hers.) What kind of people did Chlothilde, (wife of Clovis I), bring into
Neustria from Burgundy, when she came - other than the two bishops of
Tours - and what happened to them? Many other such possibilities come to
mind. Of course these individuals influenced evnts all over Gaul and the
neighboring countries but it seems that the families located in the
Cahors-Albi region could provide a very fertile field for new work. If I
look at Settipani's chart in the Arnulfinga communication above, (Chart VII,
p. 221), and his conclusory Tableau 10, (p. 229), I see that he has Babo as
son of [Ferreolus], and of the daughter of Cloderic, and as a brother of
ANSBERTUS, b. ca. 530. Further he goes into some discussion of the relation
between Goeric Abbo, Godin Hedin, Desiderius and Hedin II in his section of
genealogical fragments. I must reread that part ? and Ebling’s
propsopography - more carefully.

I was last looking in Mathiesons’ to see if it were not possible that
Maurilio's father might not be Domnolus, Bishop of LeMans, (Ingeltrudis's
husband was a Gallo-Roman of note, owning property). He was replaced as
Bishop of LeMans, at about the right time, by a Baudegisel, and Baudegisel
by Bertram. According to Mathieson, the name Domnolus was common in
Burgundy prior to this time; and my thought is that Domnolus' father might
have come to Neustria with Chlothilde, (sort of going against the migration
pattern of that time, but, I think, from the way that Gregory speaks of her,
Chlothilde organized her own court of considerable influence in Tours,
Poitiers and Paris). The name Maurilio occurs in Neustria as a bishop's
name, (It may have been at Rennes or Vannes), prior to Maurilio of Cahors'
appearing. I note also the name Domnola, a rich woman murdered over her
vinyard, probably at Rennes, by Fredegund's referendary, and, it seems to me
from the time, she might have been neice or sister of Domnolus - she was
daughter of Victorius of Rennes. Domnola's second husband was Nectarius who
was brother of Bishop Baudegisel, who succeeded Domnolus in the see of
LeMans. This Badegisel had been mayor of the Neustrian palace and was run
through the degrees to make him Bishop. He was about the same age as the
purported son of Munderic, who was an Austrasian. Who Badegisel's forbears
were is not clear; but the name of Nectarius, (his brother), may give some
indication as to his origins, and, (were he related to Domnolus), to those
of Domnolus, as well. Domnolus, according to Gregory, had founded a
religious community in Paris, during the reign of Lothar. Prior to that, he
had lived in Paris, (during Childebert I's era), and been a supporter, or
spy, as it were, of Lothar, in that city, against Childebert. When Lothar
was king of that region, Domnolus was in a religious community, and turned
down an offer from Lothar to be made bishop of Avignon. I wonder if
Lothar's offer did not reflect southern ties of Domnolus. He refused,
claiming that the southern senatorial society was too sophisticated for him,
and waited until he was offered the see of Cenomagus. I note Bertramn was
also in Paris, (in the same community), before coming to LeMans; and was
raised to fill the vacancy left by Bodegisel, (brother-in-law of Domnola).
Gregory shows that there was some conflict - Domnolus wanted a certain
Theodulf to succeed him. But if the king were looking to maintain his ties
with a certain family in the region, he may have chosen to make bishop the
person who, he felt, would best represent his interests there, or the person
that the local Gallo-Roman family was most likely to follow. In other
words, I think an argument can be made, based on Gregory, that Domnolus
could have been Ingeltrude's husband. How many Gallo- Romans of his stature
were there in the area at the time? The tight control of the see of
Cenomagus, by one family, (even rival factions of one family), seems
reasonable. There is more to this, (though a persuasive counter-argument,
or different argument altogether, is also always interesting); but it will
take me time, I think, to access and to understand the necessary sources.

The interesting thing for me is that Maurilio and his family seem
well-situated in the north; and then, suddenly, Maurilio went south to
Cahors - during Chilperic's era. This was, of course, the era when his
posited brother in law, Bertram of Bordeaux, was extremely powerful in
Western Acquitaine. (The close ties between Chilperic and Bertrand may have
paralleled those between Domnolus and Chlothar I.) Would Maurilio have had
any ties with the local aristocracy, (with the Desideri or Salvi? the family
of the wife of Apolinaris? the Aviti? the Ruricii? by marriage?). Settipani
follows the supposition that Ingeltrude was a sister to Lothar's wives, one
of whom was Arnegunde - whence the "Arn-" element of the name could have
entered Arnulf's family. There is a book by Christian Bouyer, _Dictionnaire
des Reines de France_, that says that Ingonde, (and Aregonde, and
Ingeltrude, if she is their sister), was "_issu d'au dela du Rhin. Son pere
est Clodomir II, Roi des Germains de la region des Worms _[the old
Burgundian kingdom]_. Sa mere, Arnegonde vient de Saxe_. She was supposed
to have been born ca. 511, which would have put her father in that region
just after Clovis stabilized his relations with the Alemanni, a few
kilometers to the South. I do not know if there is any basis to this story.
I did not see it in Gregory, who contents himself with telling how Lothar's
unbridled lust, and the natural Merovingian penchant for deceit where
marital relations were concerned resulted in his marrying sisters, of which
Gregory is not entirely sure he approves, (but Gregory can not quite come
out to criticize this, as almost all of his patrons were products of those
unions). I do not know of any factual basis for the story of these sisters
being Clodomir's daughters, although Lothar's wives’ children's names show
very great Burgundian influence; and Chlotilde's influence, either in
choosing Lothar's wives, or his children's names seems very great. Clovis
might easily have appointed a Burgundian to control the area around the
ancestral Burgunduian capital of Worms, particularly one with ties to
Chlothilde. It seems less likely to me that Theodoric, or his progeny,
would have done so, once he took control of the region. Except for this
dictionary, I have never heard of this story. The "Saxon wife" has the
aroma of Carolingian fiction on it; ‘though among these Saxon-wife stories
at least Queen Bathilde was no doubt the real article.

My idea about Domnolus really comes from the thought that Domnolus or, his
family was probably connected with Chlothilde; and that, if he were married
to a sister of the women who married Chlothar, it might explain why,
although he was a resident of Paris, he was a partisan of Chlothar, at a
time when Chlothar had not yet ever exercised any authority in Paris - and,
in fact, when Childebert was still very powerful there. As the later case
of Aegidius, Bishop of Rheims, amply shows, split loyalty was a dangerous
game to play, if your patron did not win. Domnolus died in 581, according
to Gregory, and Ingiltrude and Berthegund were fighting over the estate of
Ingiltrude's husband in 589. It may be that Ingiltrude's son, Bertramn,
Bishop of Bordeaux, died that year. Hence, in the sudden absence of a
"paterfamilias" of that family - which was Roman from the father - the two
women struggled over Domnolus’ lands and treasures, (and Bertrand’s too,
no doubt). It is clear, both from the testament of Bertramn of LeMans, (of
which, I must confess, I only know the contents, courtesy of Ian Wood’s
Merovingians), and the stories of Gregory, (not to mention, if the
suppositions of Settipani re. Maurilio and the Arnulfings are accepted),
that Ingiltrude's husband, though not a Merovingian - he was Gallo-Roman -
was extremely influential. It seems virtually impossible that there would
be no record of Ingeltrude’s husband in Gregory, or anywhere else. Gregory
tended to deemphasize the marital status of his formerly secular colleagues,
unless there was a specific lesson to be taught. (He does not mention wives'
names, etc). It just seemed to me that Domnolus, having an old Burgundian
name, (suggesting an association with Chlothilda), strong associations with
Cenomagus, and an extremely close relationship with Chlothar, as well as
having entered the religious life ca. 550's, (as did Ingiltrude), is a
highly likely possibility as Ingeltrude’s huband. According to Mathison, a
Bishop Desiderius of Auxerre was described as "_ex natione Aquitanus ex
matre Nectaria... vir nobilissimus... fuit enim propinquus Brunechildi
reginae_". He also notes that this Nectaria was buried at Cahors. Did
Baudegiselus and Nectarius have Gothic (maternal?) connections? Or did
Brunhilda have blood ties to the Midi, (as did many Goths by this point).
Prior to this Nectaria, born, one assumes, about the first third of the 6th
century, the Nectarii appear to have been located in Burgundy, from Vienne
to Autun. Domnola married Nectarius between 579 and 585. She had been
married to Burgolen, son of Severus, (another rather significant Gallo-Roman
magnate of Neustria). Severus, however, was not a suitable candidate for
Ingiltrude's mysterious husband in that Chilperic took away all of his
property. I think that this Nectaria may be the same or close generation,
(a sister or daughter), of Nectarius by a prior marriage. There seems to me
a good chance that she went to Cahors with Maurilio, and married into the
Desiderii there. She did not marry Desiderius, since that duke had eloped
with Tetradia, wife of Eulalius, Duke of Clermont. Desiderius had grown
sons in 587, the year he died; and, in that year, he left Albi for Toulouse,
and divided his property among his sons and Tetradia. Desiderius had to
leave Albi in 587, because Guntramn was returning that city to Brunhilda.
(I do not know why Guntramn did not take immediate revenge against
Desiderius for his support of Gundovald the Pretender, 'though Desiderius'
role in the matter of Gundovald may have been more complex than Gregory is
able to tell us, or Desiderius may have been too strong). Nectaria, (mother
of Desiderius of Auxerre), could, and well may have, married one of
Desiderius' sons. The Desiderii go back, at least, to the end of the 4th
century in this area, (_Life of Martin of Tours_). It would not necessarily
be unusual for the Chilperic faction, and the Brunhildan faction to work
with different parts of the same family. Mathiesson notes the existance of
some kind of Domnolan/Nectarian/Desiderian Cenomagus-Carducci connection;
but, unfortunately, in his thesis, has Domnolus succeeding Baudegisel as
bishop, (it was Bertramn who succeeded Baudegisel), and not the other way
‘round.

My hypoethesis, (pre-hypothesis?), to recapitulate, is that Domnolus of
LeMans was second generation of a transplanted Burgundian family, that came
to Neustria with Queen Chlotilda. Through his ties with Chlothar and
Chilperic, he became very powerful, and, in fact, was, (I think),
brother-in-law to Lothar, and uncle to Guntramn and Chilperic. I think that
this family was somehow tied to the family of Baudegisel and Nectarius; and
that, when Maurilio went down to Cahors, he brought parts of that family,
who, then, became part of the dominant Desiderian-Salvian family of the
Cahors-Albi region. Finally this family survived in that region, in some
form or other, until the 800's.

It seems to me that Duke Desiderius of Cahors, (adherent of Chilperic),
ought to be nephew or son of Salivus, Bishop, and of Desiderius, Bishop of
Cahors (ca 600). I think that Desiderius might also have been father of
Salvius, the father of Bishop Desiderius of Cahors (ca 635). Heinzelman
thought Salvius was grandfather of Desiderius of Cahors[Bischofscherrschaft
in Gallien p. 112 n. 100 "Dort hatte ein Salvius um 574-584 den
Bischofsstuhl inne. Bei GvT, HF 7, 1 , wird von ihm erzaehlt, das er lange
"weltlich" geblieben sei u spaeter die Gefangeen seiner patria Albi
ausgeloest habe. Ir ist wohl der Grossvater deer Desiderius, Rusticus,
Syagrius gewesen. Sein Nachfolger als B Albi is in Desideratus..." but the
jump from Salvius, who had been a monk since the mid-500’s to Salvius of
Albi, who was having children ca. 590/600, is very long, and I think the
link between them could be Duke Desiderius of Albi, born in the 530’s or
540’s.

How might the family of Bertram of LeMans fit in? He might have been close
to Germanus of Paris. Ian Wood suggested that Bertram's mother should have
been from Bordeaux, or Saintes, inasmuch as he had property from her there.
But that may not mean that she came from there; just that she got property
from her brother, Bertrand, who was Bishop of Bordeaux - this would support
Settipani’s conclusion. Reading Gregory, it seems that Berthefleda's
husband was probably from Paris or Poitou. He was an unlucky fellow, and
there was an Ennodius in that area, whom Gregory painted as unlucky - but,
assuming that Ennodius was husband of Berthefleda is probably putting too
many eggs in one basket. Anyway, people with names matching or similar
to Bertram’s relatives were well located in
Albi, (and Bertram had properties in Bourges that may have come from a
Bishop
Felix of supposed Apollinarian lineage, (Ian Wood, _Merovingians_ -
Apolinaris’ son, Arcadius, fled to Bourges after angering Theuderic, and
some think that Bishop Felix might have been his son). Finally, in what I
suspect is a family feud of some kind, there was the Domnolus-> Badegisel->
Bertram succession at Lemans. Domnolus had wanted Theodulf to succeed
him but the King chose the above mentioned mayor of the palace Badegisel
instead.
Bertram was chosen next out of a monastic institution in Paris.
I do not think that Settipani identified the LeMans Badegisel specifically
in his recent comunication on Arnulf's origins.

Can anyone tell me where can I obtain on the internet, or otherwise, a copy
or the text of Bishop Bertram's (LeMans) Testamentum?

The Desiderii, apparently, date back to the late 300's, (writings of
Sulpicius Severus and of Sidonius Apollinaris).

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Best Regards

Grady E. Loy

Best Regards

Grady E. Loy

reginae_". (Latin Text from Mathieson's thesis) He also notes that this


Nectaria was buried at Cahors. Did Baudegiselus and Nectarius have Gothic
(maternal?) connections? Or did Brunhilda have blood ties to the Midi,
(as did many Goths by this point).

Prior to this Nectaria, born, one assumes, about the first third of the 6th
century, the Nectarii appear to have been located in Burgundy, from Vienne
to Autun. Domnola married Nectarius between 579 and 585. She had been
married to Burgolen, son of Severus, (another rather significant Gallo-Roman
magnate of Neustria). Severus, however, was not a suitable candidate for
Ingiltrude's mysterious husband in that Chilperic took away all of his
property. I think that this Nectaria may be the same or close generation,
(a sister or daughter), of Nectarius by a prior marriage. There seems to me
a good chance that she went to Cahors with Maurilio, and married into the
Desiderii there. She did not marry Desiderius, since that duke had eloped
with Tetradia, wife of Eulalius, Duke of Clermont. Desiderius had grown
sons in 587, the year he died; and, in that year, he left Albi for Toulouse,

and divided his property among his sons and Tetradia (HE had sons by
Tetradia
as well but they would have been too young for this purpose and a court in
Clermont later judged them illegitimate so I do not know if they could
inherit.).

Bertram was chosen next out of a monastic institution in Paris. Domnolus had
been in charge of St Laurentius in the time of Lothar: "Tempore enim
Chlothari regis apud Parisius ad basilicam sancti Laurenti gregi
monasteriali praefuerat." and Berthram was also in Paris "In cuius loco
Berthramnus Parisiacus archidiaconus subrogatus est." though St Laurentius
is not identified (Latin text from "The Latin Library") I do not think that

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