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Abhijit K
- abhijit
http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=14111
Interview with Mr. H.H. Nerurkar (HN), vice president, Tata Steel
by Nityanand Jayaraman, Special to CorpWatch
June 10th, 2006
10 June, 2006. Chennai. 4 p.m. to 5 p.m.
On May 24, 2006, www.corpwatch.org published the article
"Stolen for Steel: Tata Takes Tribal Lands in India." The article
dealt with the Kalinganagar incident, where police opened fire on a
group of adivasis (indigenous peoples) who had gathered to stop
construction of a steel factory by Tata Steel in Jajpur district of
Orissa. Thirty six people were injured and 13, including a boy, were
killed. Adivasi communities have flatly refused industrialization on
grounds that it pollutes and robs local communities to enrich
corporate bosses.
The Tatas would like to be known for their philanthropy. But
scratch beneath the surface, and one finds all the markings of just
another corporation.
In response to the Corpwatch article, Mr. H.H. Nerurkar, vice
president Tata Steel, met me in Chennai to "clarify" Tata's position.
In the course of an hour-long conversation, Nerurkar laid out a
roadmap according to which Tatas will mine ore, build factories in
Orissa, and contribute to the upliftment of Orissa in general, and the
adivasis in particular. He outlined the details of a program to train
youth from families evicted to make way for industries to become
construction labourers sent to work on industrial and infrastructural
projects in various parts of the country.
The Government of India considers construction workers as "one
of the most numerous and vulnerable segments of the unorganized sector
in India . The building and other construction works are characterized
by their inherent risk to the life and limb of the workers. The work
is also characterized by its casual nature, temporary relationship
between employer and employee, uncertain working hours, lack of basic
amenities and inaqdequacy of welfare facilities."
Nerurkar admits that despite 100 years of upliftment programs
for the adivasis by Tatas, the lot of the adivasis remains pathetic.
Indeed, with the proposed onslaught on tribal lands, lifestyle and
culture by mining companies and industries, once-self-sufficient
adviasi communities in India may become entirely dependent on
hand-outs by industry or the State.
Strangely, rather than question the displace-and-rehabilitate
programs, he recommends increased "looking after" of tribal
communities. Corporations, Governments and even many among adivasi
societies seem convinced that adivasis and other marginalized
communities have no inherent right to choose their path of
development. The right to say "No" to industrial development is being
termed unviable or unreasonable. Instead, corporations and the
Government are making it seem as if tribal development and the
economic betterment of the poor can only piggy-back on some grandiose
industrial plan for "development."
Interview
H.H. Nerurkar (HHN): I would like to clarify certain things
and place our version before you. First, I must say that the story is
factually accurate. We have no problems with that.
The land was acquired in 1992 itself by the Government. At
that time, people were paid Rs. 37,200 per acre. But for several
years, no industrialization was taking place. Only Nilanchal and MESCO
had come. Typically, when land is acquired, one ensures that the land
is vacated. Here it was not done. Everybody [whose land was taken] was
paid 37,200. Tata's paid Rs. 300,000 per acre for the land. People did
not like that Government was profiting. In such situations, logic
doesn't work. So the Government offered an ex-gratia payment by Rs.
25,000 and increased the amount for housing.
But people were not satisfied. You have written about the
Maharashtra Seamless incident in May 2005. By this time, we said we
can't keep on indefinitely waiting. Along with the Collector, we put
up a camp for informing people. On the first day, 60-70 people came.
Next day onwards, nobody. So in October/November, we decided to hold a
medical camp. For the first 4-5 days, Tata Steel won't come anywhere
near the camp. Tata Steel Rural Development Society was to run the
camp. On the first day, 200 people came. On the second day, the camp
was burnt.
Nityanand Jayaraman (NJ) : When was this?
HHN: In November.
NJ: Was a police complaint filed?
HHN: Yes.
HHN: How long to wait? In November 2004, we signed the
agreement. In December 2004, we had paid the amount and registered. We
had started boundary wall construction even by August 2005 at a very
slow pace. In January 2006, we started work in one corner of the plot.
That was nearly one kilometer from the villages. We didn't want to
provoke them.
NJ: How large is the plot?
HHN: 2400 acres. We were only flattening the boundaries
between plots within our area. You know the small bunds separating
plots. We were flattening that. There were three bulldozers. We
suspected that people will attack us. And then you have written what
happened, and that is what happened. It was a tragic event.
NJ: You say that Tata Steel had begun this work. But your
Director Mr. J.J. Irani has written that Tatas was not involved in any
way? [1]
HHN: Mr. Irani may have said something in a press conference
and the reporters. . .
NJ: No sir. He had written to the editor of a newspaper.
HHN: He did not know. Tatas is a big organization. Perhaps he
was asked "Were there any Tata Steel people there?" It is wrong to say
we were not there. We were there. We had not anticipated that things
would turn out this way. We expected some people to come and shout
some slogans and go. I never thought it would turn out like this.
NJ: But the police seem to have come prepared for a war rather
than to deal with a band of slogan shouters?
HHN: In Maharashtra Seamless, police were not prepared. One
police inspector and ADM (Additional District Magistrate) were beaten
up. You have written about it. They broke the ADM's nose and teeth.
The policeman was attacked with a farsa. You know farsa? It is a long
curved knife.
That is why this time people must see we are prepared.
NJ: So everybody knew that these people were not just the
slogan shouting kind? That they were serious about their demand? Was
it only a small group, or were there many people?
HHN: Many people. More than 500.
NJ: Would you consider them a fringe group?
HHN: No. Not a fringe group.
NJ: Mr. Sanjay Choudhury seemed to suggest that only a few
people were upset.
HHN: No. No. Some people have instigated, but they have large
support. What happened there is horrible. We have not been able to
communicate directly with people, which is why this is happening.
We decided in February after every national leader came and gave
assurances and went away. We said, let's get in touch with people
directly. In all fairness, people have not got a good deal. In
Nilanchal and other project, people still haven't been given jobs or
what was promised. Nilanchal is a Government company. People say, "how
can we trust you?" We are saying come to the mines, and see how we
have protected people and the environment. We want to take people in
small batches to Jamshedpur. People have three main concerns:
1. That steel plants pollute.
2. That [host] communities are not happy.
3. How to trust Tatas and Government to give compensation
and livelihood?
Many of these people are illiterate and downtrodden. They have
never seen anything positive in life. What will they do? How will they
get employment. The plant will come up after three years. For them, we
have a special program. We'll train them in construction work. Do you
know that there are three to four places in Chennai where construction
workers are trained? After training construction workers here, a
person comes from Singapore to certify them. We want to train the
tribals in construction work. Construction jobs are immediate. The
trained persons will find work at construction sites all over the
country. We'll also speak to our partners like L&T etc.
These people have never seen anything positive in life. So
we'll give them training. It will be a residential course. We'll take
them and give them 10 days of attitude improvement training. We'll get
them to kick their habits - guthka, smoking. We'll tell them "Don't be
disappointed with life. It can be better." We'll finish the first
batch of 30 in three weeks. In all, we'll train about 1100. About 200
or so are ITI trained. I'm obliged to train only 1100, but personally
I want to train another 400 to 500 more. Empty mind is devil's
workshop, you know.
The problem with displacement is immediate. If I take your
land [and only give compensation], you have no work but only money.
That is why money is not adequate. The biggest problem with
rehabilitation is that only some people gain. Those who are smart. The
poor lose out. We will appoint a reputed NGO or form a Working
Committee with local representatives to monitor each family for five
years. If today his income level is 100, it should be much more a few
years down. I don't want this disturbance to cause any damage.
The environmental concerns are not an issue. This plant will
be similar to any plant in Japan or Germany. Pollution, environment,
water are not issues with Tata Steel.
NJ: If that's the case, why the opposition?
HHN: There are left wing elements like Rajendar Singh. . .
NJ: Elements? Sir, can you please clarify what "elements" mean?
HHN: You know CPI ML kind of inclination. He is part of that
outfit. We have tried to go and talk to anybody. You discuss and
suggest. If it is reasonable, we'll do. But these people won't come
and talk.
We are not starving in Jamshedpur. This country is growing at
7.8 percent. Steel consumption is 36-40 kg/capita. We need to develop.
India's demand for steel is 40 million ton per annum. In 2020, it will
be 100 million tons. If we don't produce steel, who else will?
NJ: Why set up in Orissa, then?
HHN: There is no compulsion. We wanted to put up in Orissa.
See Naxals etc are thriving because there is unhappiness in people.
People were promised something. The promise was not kept.
Nerurkar talks about Tata's service to the adivasis.
Jamshedpur is a shining example of Tata's commitment to the upliftment
of the adivasis, he says.
NJ: Sir, do you have a break up of how many adivasis and
people from other communities are there among your senior management.
HHN: We're a secular company. Fifteen years ago, we decided
not to maintain [such records] on communal lines. So we don't really
know. But adivasis have benefited. We're an excellent mix of people.
There is at least 20 percent adivasis in the workforce.
NJ: But among the senior management? How many adivasis? How
many Brahmins, for instance?
HHN: We have no adivasis in our top management. At my level,
there are none. Most of the adivasis are in the workforce. At my next
level, at GM levels about 5 percent or so. I was talking to some
adivasi leaders. We go to put these kids through some English medium.
NJ: Sir, Tata Steel has been around in Jamshedpur for more
than 100 years now. But it seems like 100 years of tribal upliftment
by Tatas has not worked. I mean, with 100 years of help, not one
adivasi person could make it to the top management?
HHN: Tata Steel has improved the standard of living. There are
many special initiatives for tribal development. In spite of doing all
this, tribals have not reached where they ought to have, even in
Jamshedpur. Tribals have to be looked after much more.
[1] Tata Sons Director Jamshed J. Irani wrote to Financial Express
that "No officer of Tata Steel was present, nor was there any other
involvement from the company, which resulted in police firing."
--
Abhijit Minakshi
About my name: www.geocities.com/abhijit1303/aboutname.txt
BhanuPrakash Singh
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