HDR Projects Standard 6.52.02663 Russifier Incl Crack Keygen
Sofie Kovalcheck
In 1720 Tsar Peter I of Russia issued a decree in which he ordered the expurgation of all Little Russian (Ukrainian) linguistic elements in theological literature printed in Little Russian typographical establishments.[1]
Among those who helped Catherine II ascend to the Russian throne through a coup was Kirill Razumovsky, the president of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and Hetman of the autonomous Cossack state, the Hetmanate. The Hetman's plans for Cossack Ukraine were extensive and included strengthening its autonomy and institutions; many in the Hetmanate were hopeful for Catherine's rule, but would soon realise her policy towards them.[2]
In the fall of 1762, a few months after Catherine's coronation, a scribe in Hlukhiv, the capital of the Hetmanate, named Semen Divovych, produced the poem "A Conversation between Great Russia and Little Russia"
I know that you are Russia; that is my name as well.
Why do you intimidate me? I myself am trying to put on a brave face.
I did not submit to you but to your sovereign,
Under whose auspices you were born of your ancestors.
Do not think that you are my master:
Your sovereign and mine is our common ruler"
Some historians perceive these passages to show that the Hetmenate and those within it believed they were connected to the Russian Empire not by a common nation or fatherland but only by name and ruler.
In 1764, Catherine summoned Razumovsky to St. Petersburg and removed him as hetman, compensating him later with the position of Field Marshal. More importantly, she abolished the office of hetman altogether. This was the third and final liquidation of the Cossack office, with the first being done by Peter I and Anna Ioannovna. It took Catherine another decade to completely abolish all institutions of the Hetmenate and its regiments.[2]
"Little Russia, Livonia, and Finland are provinces governed by confirmed privileges, and it would be improper to violate them by abolishing all at once. To call them foreign and deal with them on that basis is more than erroneous-it would be sheer stupidity. These provinces, as well as Smolensk, should be Russified as gently as possible so that they cease looking to the forest like wolves. When the Hetmans are gone from Little Russia, every effort should be made to eradicate from memory the period and the hetmans, let alone promote anyone to that office."
Catherine first turned the Hetmenate into the province of Little Russia and then divided into the vice-regencies of Kiev, Chernihiv and Novhorod-Siverskyi. According to historian Serhii Plokhy, "the abolition of the Hetmenate and the gradual elimination of its institution and military structure ended the notion of partnership and equality between Great and Little Russia imagined by generations of Ukrainian intellectuals."[2]
Once incorporated fully into the empire the provinces of the former Hetmenate were dwarfed by the Russian state, and the officer class of the Cossack polity was integrated (though with difficulty) and forced to serve the interests of the all-Russian nation, though they retained their attachment to their traditional homeland.
After the Kosciuszko Uprising and the subsequent Third Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795, all north-central and eastern Ukrainian lands were now under St. Petersburg's control. Ukrainian Galicia was the only exception, since it was appended to Austria as a part of the First First Partition in 1772. Though the Russian military's desire for easily defensible borders defined the territory of the 1772 partition, the next two in 1793 and 1795 marked a divergence in the historical, religious and ethnic identity of the Russian elites and a change in the Russian national imagination that would take place during Catherine's rule.
On the occasion of the Second Partition, Catherine ordered a medal struck depicting the double-headed eagle from the Russian imperial coat of arms holding in its clutches two maps. One had the territories attached to Russia in the First Partition, the other the territories attached in the Second Partition of 1793 with an inscription at the top: "I restore what had been torn away."[2]
The motives for the territory chosen by Catherine in the First Partition were strategic, yet the next two cited historical rather than strategic rationale. Catherine based her understanding of the territories she had the right to claim on her study of Rus history. Writing for the future emperor of Russia in her "Notes on Russian History," Catherine covers Kievan Rus, though her historical claims often clashed with the claims of other European monarchs at the time. The view of Poles as a hostile nation and Ukrainians as a fraternal one became dominant in Russian discourse after Suvorov's capture of Warsaw in November 1794 under Catherine. In December 1792, once Catherine had decided in favour of the Second Partition, she wrote that her goals were, "to deliver the lands and towns that once belonged to Russia, established and inhabited by our kinsmen and professing the same faith as ours, from the corruption and oppression with which they are threatened."
Ironically, though Catherine had annexed Lithuania, it was neither Slavic nor ever a part of Kievan Rus. Likewise, in the lands annexed to the Russian Empire after the Second Partition, only 300,000 were Orthodox while more than 2 million were Uniates, while the lands attached in the Third Partition had almost no Orthodox believers.
In April 1794, Catherine decided to fix the situation by launching an official campaign to convert Uniates to Orthodoxy. Catherine's decree addressed to the governor general of the newly annexed territories was far more conspicuous and blunt than the pastoral letter issued on her behalf, as she wrote about "the most suitable eradication of the Uniate faith."[2]
Catherine was prepared for significant protests and disturbances and expected the governor to ensure that "any disorder and trouble be averted, and that none of the permanent or temporary landowners or spiritual and civil officials of the Roman and Uniate faith dare to cause even the smallest hindrance, oppression, or offence to those who are converting to Orthodoxy. Any such attempt directed against the dominant faith and indicating disobedience to Our will shall be regarded as a criminal offence."
In the 1770s and 1790s, more than 3,500 Uniate churches were transferred to the Orthodox Church in Western and Central Ukraine.[4] The conversion campaign proceeded with spectacular success in nearly all of Right-Bank Ukraine, where almost no Uniate parishes remained by 1796. Yet despite the pressure applied by secular and religious authorities, Central Belarus and Volhynia remained largely Uniate. By the end of Catherine's reign, 1.4 million Ukrainians and Belarusians remained Uniate, a mere 600,000-person drop since the Third Partition.[2]
A week after the fall of Warsaw and the end of the November Uprising, on September 14, 1831, the imperial government created a special body known as the Committee on the Western Provinces or "Western Committee," established on the oral and secret order of Nicholas and charged with "examining various proposals concerning the provinces regained from Poland." The overriding goal of the authoritative body was the speedy and complete integration of the new Ukrainian provinces into the empire. The policy of Russification (obrusenie) that Catherine had formulated for the Hetmenate was now to become official policy for the newly annexed territories from Poland with majority Ukrainians. Administrative, legal and social measures were all utilised to bring the new regions into line with the Russian provinces.[2]
In the 1840s Nicholas oversaw the liquidation of urban self-government and the abolition of the local law code, which went back to the times of the Polish-Lithuanian control over the region and had also been used in the Hetmenate.
Importantly the government also introduced policies to promote the cultural Russification of the region. This included the creation of a new historical narrative, the establishment of new university and school districts and the conversion of Ukrainian Uniates to Orthodoxy.
The responsibility of finding ways to unite the various branches of Russian nationalist and ideologist Pavel Pestel's "true Russians" in the aftermath of the Polish Uprising belonged to Nicholas I's minister of education, Count Uvarov. Uvarov believed the obstacles to integrate the Ukrainians of the western provinces into the empire were significant and would only be overcome in future generations, writing to the tsar that "All illustrious rulers from the Romans to Napoleon-those who intended to unite the tribes they conquered with the victorious tribe-invested all their hopes and all the fruits of their labors in future generations instead of the present generation."[2]
Beginning in 1831, Uvarov began looking for an author who could provide historical justification for the annexation and integration of the western provinces into the empire. Uvarov's first choice was the professor Mikhail Pogodin, who was approached in November 1834 and submitted his work in 1835. However, Pogodin did not satisfy the minister's demands as his book presented the history of northeastern Rus (Russia) as distinct and separate from that of southwestern Rus (Ukraine), undermining the project's main goal of uniting the two. In response, Uvarov issued a special prize of 10,000 rubles for anyone who could present the history of the western provinces as part of Russian history.
The prize was awarded to Nikolai Ustrialov, who in December 1836 presented the first volume of a four volume work that would later be distributed as a standard textbook to all education districts throughout the empire. The book revived notions established during the reign of Catherine by Nikolai Karamzin of the re-unification of Rus and a statist approach to Russian history that had been challenged under liberal Alexander I.[2]
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