Forty years later, a distinguished news commentator asked incredulously: "My God! 25 cents an hour! Why all the fuss?" President Roosevelt expressed a similar sentiment in a "fireside chat" the night before the signing. He warned: "Do not let any calamity-howling executive with an income of $1,000 a day, ...tell you...that a wage of $11 a week is going to have a disastrous effect on all American industry."2 In light of the social legislation of 1978, Americans today may be astonished that a law with such moderate standards could have been thought so revolutionary.
The bill -- the second that Perkins had "tucked" away -- was a general fair labor standards act. To cope with the danger of judicial review, Perkins' lawyers had taken several constitutional approaches so that, if one or two legal principles were invalidated, the bill might still be accepted. The bill provided for minimum-wage boards which would determine, after public hearing and consideration of cost-of-living figures from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, whether wages in particular industries were below subsistence levels.
Perkins sent her draft to the White House where Thomas Corcoran and Benjamin Cohen, two trusted legal advisers of the President, with the Supreme Court in mind, added new provisions to the already lengthy measure. "Ben Cohen and I worked on the bill and the political effort behind it for nearly 4 years with Senator Black and Sidney Hillman," Corcoran noted.19
On May 24, 1937, President Roosevelt sent the bill to Congress with a message that America should be able to give "all our able-bodied working men and women a fair day's pay for a fair day's work." He continued: "A self-supporting and self-respecting democracy can plead no justification for the existence of child labor, no economic reason for chiseling worker's wages or stretching workers' hours." Though States had the right to set standards within their own borders, he said, goods produced under "conditions that do not meet rudimentary standards of decency should be regarded as contraband and ought not to be allowed to pollute the channels of interstate trade." He asked Congress to pass applicable legislation"at this session."21
One advocate, Commissioner of Labor Statistics Isador Lubin, explained to the joint Senate-House committee that during depressions the ability to overwork employees, rather than efficiency, determined business success. The economy, he reported, had deteriorated to the chaotic stage where employers with high standards were forced by cut-throat competition to exploit labor in order to survive. "The outstanding feature of the proposed legislation," Lubin said, is that "it aims to establish by law a plane of competition far above that which could be maintained in the absence of government edict."24
The weakened bill passed the Senate July 31, 1937, by a vote of 56 to 28 and would have easily passed the House if it had been put to a vote. But a coalition of Republicans and conservative Democrats bottled it up in the House Rules Committee. After a long hot summer, Congress adjourned without House action on fair labor standards.26
An angry President Roosevelt decided to press again for passage of the Black-Connery bill. Having lost popularity and split the Democratic Party in his battle to "pack" the Supreme Court, Roosevelt felt that attacking abuses of child labor and sweatshop wages and hours was a popular cause that might reunite the party. A wage-hour, child-labor law promised to be a happy marriage of high idealism and practical politics.
With victory within grasp, the bill became a battle-ground in the war raging between the AFL and the CIO. The AFL accused the Roosevelt Administration of favoring industrial over craft unions and opposed wage-board determination of labor standards for specific industries. Accordingly, the AFL fought for a substitute bill with a flat 40-cent-an-hour minimum wage and a maximum 40-hour week.
The day following Roosevelt's message, Representative Lister Hill, a strong Roosevelt supporter, won an Alabama election primary for the Senate by an almost 2-to-1 majority over an anti-New Deal congressman. The victory was significant because much of the opposition to wage-hour laws came from Southern congressmen. In February, a national public opinion poll showed that 67 percent of the populace favored the wage-hour law, with even the South showing a substantial plurality of support for higher standards.33
The most bitter controversy raged over labor standards in the South. "There are in the State of Georgia," one Indiana Congressman declaimed, "canning factories working ... women 10 hours a day for $4.50 a week. Can the canning factories of Indiana and Connecticut of New York continue to exist and meet such competitive labor costs?"40 Southern Congressmen, in turn, challenged the Northern "monopolists" who hypocritically "loll on their tongues" words like "slave labor" and "sweat-shops" and support bills which sentence Southern industry to death. Some Southern employers told the Department of Labor that they could not live with a 25-cent-an-hour minimum wage. They would have to fire all their people, they said. Adapting a biblical quotation, Representative John McClellan of Arkansas rhetorically asked, "What profiteth the laborer of the South if he gain the enactment of a wage and hour law -- 40 cents per hour and 40 hours per week -- if he then lose the opportunity to work?"41
The bill was voted upon May 24, 1938, with a 314-to-97 majority. After the House had passed the bill, the Senate-House Conference Committee made still more changes to reconcile differences. During the legislative battles over fair labor standards, members of Congress had proposed 72 amendments. Almost every change sought exemptions, narrowed coverage, lowered standards, weakened administration, limited investigation, or in some other way worked to weaken the bill.
ISA-95 is one of the best-known standards for industrial IoT (IIoT), but it's far from the only one. Instead, each standards body has created its own with the intent to provide more detailed implementation guides downstream. However, the standards organizations have made relatively little effort to harmonize the disparate architectures and frameworks.
The implication for IoT professionals is that they must choose wisely. There's no one-size-fits all IoT framework and implementation roadmap, nor is one likely to emerge in the next year or two given the number of IoT standards bodies. An IT professional should start an IoT deployment with the consortium or standards body that fits his or her organization's needs and work closely with that group to provide feedback to that organization's standardization efforts.
While many companies want to embed their branded chatbots inside popular platforms like Alexa, they're not yet asking for a single set of chatbot standards that would enable them to connect their bot to other branded chatbots, according to Forrester's Jacobs. In other words, banks aren't yet looking to connect their chatbots with a chatbot from a department store -- but they undoubtedly will.
Employers typically establish job-related requirements, the specific tasks or assignments that an employee must perform, and methods to evaluate performance. Evaluation criteria might take into account how well an employee is performing both essential and marginal functions and whether the employee is meeting basic job requirements (e.g., working well with others or serving customers in a professional manner). Employers might also enforce conduct standards (e.g., rules prohibiting destruction of company property or the use of company computers to access pornography). Certain performance and conduct standards will apply to all employees working for a company, organization, or government agency; others might only apply to certain offices or jobs within an entity.
Yes. An employee with a disability must meet the same production standards, whether quantitative or qualitative, as a non-disabled employee in the same job.14 Lowering or changing a production standard because an employee cannot meet it due to a disability is not considered a reasonable accommodation.15 However, a reasonable accommodation may be required to assist an employee in meeting a specific production standard.
The ADA generally gives employers wide latitude to develop and enforce conduct rules. The only requirement imposed by the ADA is that a conduct rule be job-related and consistent with business necessity when it is applied to an employee whose disability caused her to violate the rule.40 Certain conduct standards that exist in all workplaces and cover all types of jobs will always meet this standard, such as prohibitions on violence, threats of violence, stealing, or destruction of property.41 Similarly, employers may prohibit insubordination towards supervisors and managers and also require that employees show respect for, and deal appropriately with, clients and customers.42 Employers also may:
In the IoT realm, networking standards are hands down the most important. Standard protocols define rules and formats for setting up and managing IoT networks, along with how data are transmitted across these networks. Networking protocols can be categorized into multiple layers accordingly to the communication stack (i.e. OSI or TCP/IP model). In this article, we focus on the physical and network access protocols for data transfer from edge devices.
ISA-95 is one of the best-known standards for industrial IoT (IIoT), but it's far from the only one. Instead, each standards body has created its own with the intent to provide more detailed implementation guides downstream.
A lack of measurement standards is keeping brand advertising dollars away from podcasting. But its move toward a measurement standard has been fitful because doing so will cause podcast producers short-term pain.
Is your name Western and white enough? People with non-white sounding names find it more difficult to get responses to their job applications, according to the National Bureau of Economic Research. Another study found that black men with no criminal record were more likely to receive fewer callbacks than white men with criminal records. In Canada, people with Indian, Pakistani, and Chinese names were 28 percent less likely to get called for an interview than their white counterparts. In the United Kingdom, a person named Adam was offered three times more interviews than someone named Mohammed. Also, in the United Kingdom, a study concluded that job applicants who had the same credentials but names that were changed to indicate non-white ethnicities received far less interest from employers.
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