Mafia 2 Hile
Elia Khensamphanh
I've spent the better part of the last five years struggling to understand what it means for me to be a Jew and to be someone who wants to see a just and (relatively) bloodless resolution of the seemingly eternal carnage between the Jews and the Palestinians in and around Israel. A few years ago, a friend of mine from a Jewish group I'd been attending told me he'd heard about a "leftist settler," Yehuda HaKohen, with whom his friend was studying and whose ideas might speak to me.
The rabbi and I met up in March of last year for a BLT (lamb bacon, natch) near Jerusalem's bustling Mahane Yehuda market. He fascinated me for the exact reason I didn't end up putting him in the finished piece, which is that he's not really part of the Israeli left.
Sure, he said a lot of things about equality and radical democracy that one might expect from a smolani. But he spoke with some degree of affection about Otzma Yehudit, a hardcore-racist Israeli political party; told me the pre-state Jewish terrorist group Lehi were akin to egalitarian Maoists; and said that Israel would only fulfill its purpose if it stopped selling arms to dictators but also established a quasi-theocracy at home.
He told of a future where Jews and Palestinians could find a kind of Semitic unity and overlap with one another in a single state that was somehow both fundamentally Jewish and fundamentally fair to all its inhabitants. On one hand, there was a lot that sounded absurd, oxymoronic, or offensive; on the other, he presented his vision in a way that was bizarrely compelling.
When the piece came out, HaKohen messaged me on Facebook. The feature had been about the contradictions of so-called Liberal Zionism, the centrist ideology that tries to compromise between Jewish and Palestinian self-determination. I had concluded with a quasi-Hegelian prayer that Liberal Zionism might someday overcome its contradictions and achieve synthesis. HaKohen thought the conclusion was noble, but ill-founded: "I don't think Liberal Zionism is that synthesis," he wrote.
We ended up meeting a number of times in New York City while he was visiting to promote his message, and he always gripped me with his ideas, his confidence, his charm, and what feels like a genuine lack of cynicism about the prospect for a better tomorrow. (By now, I hope you get why my spouse thought I was joining a cult.) I went to Israel this January to report on him and was half afraid I'd end up not being able to be objective because I'd want to become one of his disciples.
Yet HaKohen may be more enigmatic than any of them. He is someone who brings hope to the refugees from the liberal consensus, whether they've run to the right or to the left, by marrying contradictory ideologies in a new way. He is what appears when the center crumbles.
The setting of Catan is, in many ways, what Jewish emigrants to the Holy Land have long wished was the reality of that disputed region: a land without people for a people without land. Ever since a new wave of Jews (there had been a Jewish minority in the region for uninterrupted centuries) first arrived in what was then Palestine in the late 1800s, espousing the hard-to-define Jewish self-determination ethos known as Zionism, they have had to contend with the existence of the Palestinian Arabs, whose communal presence predates that of the Zionists by more than a thousand years.
Malkon Marizian, a Palestinian activist and speaker of partial Armenian ancestry who has done events with HaKohen, has many more caveats to his praise for the rabbi: he thinks HaKohen talks too much about Jewish victimhood and not enough about Jewish power and oppression, he thinks HaKohen is a hypocrite for advocating one-state coexistence while living on a Jews-only settlement, and he especially hates that HaKohen draws what Marizian sees as false equivalency between Jewish and Palestinian violence in the Holy Land.
That involved becoming a settler in the Palestinian-majority eastern half of Jerusalem, protesting against the destruction of settlements in the Gaza Strip, hunger-striking in support of Jonathan Pollard (then serving a life sentence in an American prison for spying for Israel), hosting a radio show about Israel-related topics, and doing pro-Israel outreach on American college campuses. The campus group he helped lead, the Zionist Freedom Alliance, spouted a lot of the usual right-wing talking points, but was nevertheless idiosyncratic.
To wit: It was around then that he formulated a key component of his ideology, which is the notion that people should focus not on the colonial aspects of Zionist action, but rather on the evils of British imperial rule in what is now Israel/Palestine from 1917 to 1948.
He helps run a group called The Home, which pushes for an egalitarian one-state solution. He has a youth program connected to all these other programs, called Brit Hazon. Before the pandemic, he would regularly fly to the US to spread his ideas. And, this being 2020, he has a podcast. All of these programs have yet to really catch on in Israel. But his presence in Israel is a huge part of what gives him legitimacy to audiences of young Jewish Americans who were once like him.
There was a time when these people would perhaps have sought a middle path between left and right on Israel by becoming advocates of the two-state solution, which has been the totem of Liberal Zionism.
But today, the two-state solution is a vanishing possibility. After decades of sloppiness, dissembling, and inaction, the prospect of a truly independent and sovereign Palestinian state alongside its Jewish cousin is difficult to realistically contemplate, given massive Israeli resistance to such a thing, a lack of a coherent and cohesive Palestinian leadership, continuing violent acts on both sides albeit with a much higher death toll among Palestinians, and, of course, the presence of what is estimated to be more than half a million Jewish settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
I saw this slightly perverse relationship between HaKohen and the settler right myself in Jerusalem. Near the end of my time following him around in Israel/Palestine, I went to a speaking event he was hosting and participating in alongside Palestinians and Jews, including Yishai Fleisher, the brash and argumentative spokesperson for the Jewish settler community in the disputed West Bank city of Hebron.
Go to any store and spend money, then pull out a gun and rob the store. You will receive more money doing this than if you just robbed the store. If you are in desperate need of money do this trick in a gun store.
In Chapter 1, when you are going to Joe's apartment, you will see a husband and a wife if front of a car on the sidewalk. The husband is fixing the car and the wife is bitching to her husband about it. Wait a little while so that the husband leaves, then approach the engine of the car and an option to fix the car will come up. Press (X) and Vito will fix the car. This only takes a few seconds and your reward will be 5 Gamerscore.
Ok I know it's kinda dumb but when you're a shotgun fan like me it comes in handy.when you are on mike bruskie's first mission to get the car from the gang "bombers" once you are in the gate and killed all of the gang members go into the backdoor to the lone star bar and there is a shelf right in front of you when you walk in there is a shotgun there
When you get to a certain "Wanted" level, the police want you dead. If you kill a gangster, they all want you dead. Here's a hint , but don't do it unless you have guts and are ready for the consequences. This goes for any enemy holding a gun. You can come up to them and hit them with a light-punch combo or a hard-punch combo. It only takes one, and boom.....they're dead. It's risky and could get you killed, but it conserves bullets. Good luck, guys!!!
Are you sick and tired of buying things from shops? if yes then you can beet it. all you have to do is walk in to the store and go to the counter brows the shop if you want to. when your done pull out a gun and drop the person behinde the counter and eney resestance rob the till if you whan to and then take what you want. you have to be quick and get the hell out of there befor the cops arive. ore ur fubar.
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