Re: The Massacre At Black Divide Full Movie In Hindi 720p
Irmgard Verzi
The conversation around reparations for Greenwood today centers around the massacre, but more than 100 years of discriminatory policies have continually deprived Greenwood and its people of opportunities.
The Orangeburg Massacre occurred on the night of February 8, 1968, when a civil rights protest at South Carolina State University (SC State) turned deadly after highway patrolmen opened fire on about 200 unarmed black student protestors. Three young men were shot and killed, and 28 people were wounded. The event became known as the Orangeburg Massacre and is one of the most violent episodes of the civil rights movement, yet it remains one of the least recognized.
Orangeburg was the site of two mostly black universities: South Carolina State (SC State) and Claflin University. This put the town in the unique position of having more educated blacks than some other southern states. Many students became involved in the civil rights movement and were determined to turn the tide of racism within their small town and beyond.
The lack of justice and conflicting accounts of what had happened inflamed the racial divide between black and white residents of Orangeburg. Even many historians have largely left the incident out of civil rights articles and educational textbooks.
Survivors of the Orangeburg Massacre were determined the deaths of Hammond, Middleton and Smith would not be in vain. In 1999, many joined with white Orangeburg residents and called for healing in the community. In 2003, Governor Mark Sanford offered a written apology for the massacre.
The Colfax Massacre occurred on April 13, 1873. The battle-turned-massacre took place in the small town of Colfax, Louisiana as a clash between blacks and whites. Three whites and an estimated 150 blacks died in the conflict.
Colfax Parish reflected the political and racial divide in Louisiana. Its 4,600 voters in the 1872 election were split between approximately 2,400 hundred mostly black Republican voters and 2,200 white Democratic voters. One incident however, touched off the Colfax Massacre. On March 28, local white Democratic leaders called for armed supporters to help them take the Colfax Parish Courthouse from the black and white GOP officeholders on April 1. The Republicans responded by urging their mostly black supporters to defend them. Although nothing happened on April 1, the next day fighting erupted between the two groups.
On April 13, Easter Sunday, more than 300 armed white men, including members of white supremacist organizations such as the Knights of White Camellia and the Ku Klux Klan, attacked the courthouse. When the militia maneuvered a cannon to fire on the courthouse, some of the sixty black defenders fled while others surrendered. When the leader of the attackers, James Hadnot, was accidentally shot by one of his own men, the white militia responded by shooting the black prisoners. Those who were wounded in the earlier battle, particularly black militia members, were singled out for execution. The indiscriminate killing spread to African Americans who had not been at the courthouse and continued into the night.
At a community conversation sponsored by Tulsa Urbanists, Moreno summarized his research on the role of the 1921 race massacre and later highway building and urban renewal efforts in destroying Greenwood:
The bills passed the House because it has a Democratic majority, but stalled in the divided Senate because they could not obtain the 60 votes needed to move forward. Every Democratic member of the Minnesota congressional delegation voted for the bills. Every Republican member voted against them.
In this analysis, we look at the estimated dollar amounts of lost wealth from the 1921 massacre, and consider what that collective wealth might be able to accomplish in contemporary Tulsa were that money still in circulation. Specifically, we look at what that collective wealth could accomplish in terms of financing college education, buying homes, and starting businesses.
A recent analysis of census data has provided another way of understanding the economic harms of the massacre. In an article for The Atlantic, the authors write that before the massacre, Black residents were doing better than in comparable cities in the region, and that the massacre negatively impacted home ownership, marriage, wages, and employment in the subsequent decades.
The Texas Rangers, immortalized later as heroes of the Wild West, were a state-sanctioned force responsible for the murder and banishment of hundreds of Mexican and Mexican American people. The violence peaked in 1915 in a time called La Matanza, or the massacre. Murders often took place in quiet rural areas, often with the excuse that the people the Rangers killed were threatening White communities.
The Tulsa riots led to a decline in homeownership, lower average occupational status and less educational attainment among Black residents of the city and throughout the state through 1940 at least, according to a research paper published last year by Nathan Nunn, a Harvard economics professor, and two other researchers. Among their findings: More Black women entered the labor force, possibly because they had to work to support themselves and their families after the massacre.
The gap between Black and White homeownership remains wide today. About 74% of White people owned homes in the first quarter of 2021 versus 45% of Black people, according to census data. Elsewhere, riots led to a greater divide between the races that further hindered Black Americans from building wealth.
In Elaine, Ark., Black sharecroppers, seeking fairer wages, formally joined the Progressive Farmers and Household Union of America (PFHUA), a union for African-American tenant farmers and sharecroppers. Fearing the implications of Black labor organizing, a group of local white men, many of whom were members of local law enforcement, surrounded the small church where the Black sharecroppers met and fired shots inside. The sharecroppers returned fire in self-defense, killing one white man. In response, local white vigilantes began a three-day-long massacre that killed over 200 Black men, women, and children.
The influx of Black Americans to Detroit exacerbated existing racial tensions and housing competition which once again culminated in violent riots. White workers, traveling in armed groups, targeted black neighborhoods in and around Detroit. While the Allies fought the fascist Third Reich overseas, at home, white supremacy and racial conflict, galvanized by the ruling class, prevailed. After three days of violence, 34 people were killed, 25 of whom were Black Americans.
Louisiana was the only region deep within the Confederacy where Union authorities implemented experimental Reconstruction policies during the Civil War. The Crescent City served as a prime testing ground for race relations under the new order.
Within occupied south Louisiana citizens were torn in their loyalties, goals, and visions for the future. When parts of Louisiana returned to Union control, some residents championed conciliation and cooperation with Union authorities, while other whites just as strongly resisted any show of reconciliation and sought vindication for southern deaths and wounded honor. They advocated white supremacy and the need for social control within a changed racial order.
New Orleanians were especially stubborn in refusing to accept defeat and occupation. Because the city fell early and did not suffer from battle, most citizens were not driven by desperation to want an end to the war. They refused to give up hope for a southern victory and thus were reluctant to cooperate with Union forces.
Constitution of 1864
Louisiana responded to President Abraham Lincoln's plan to readmit southern states into the Union by selecting delegates to write a new constitution. The Constitution of 1864 abolished slavery and disposed of Louisiana's old order of rule by planters and merchants, although it did not give African Americans voting power. It was the first state charter to incorporate Lincoln's conciliatory approach and was the leading test case for postwar policy.
Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 did not apply to Union-held territory. Thus, slavery continued in the thirteen Louisiana parishes under Union control. After much debate, delegates to the constitutional convention agreed to abolish slavery without compensation for masters but not to give the vote to black men. The new constitution, however, authorized the state legislature to extend voting rights to black men who fought for the Union, owned property, or were literate.
The constitution also enabled the legislature to establish a free public school system for all children aged six to eighteen, with no mention of race. Legislators elected under the Constitution of 1864 established schools for whites but not for blacks.
A New Racial Order
Initial goals of the African-American civil rights movement of the 1860s did not include the abolition of slavery but eventually took on the cause of freedom for all African Americans. As the civil rights movement in Louisiana, the earliest civil rights campaign of the Reconstruction era, and the national movement gained strength, African Americans and their white allies escalated their demands to include universal male suffrage and other rights.
Not convinced that former slaves were ready to enter society, the United States Congress created the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands--commonly called the Freedmen's Bureau--in 1865. Agents of the bureau tried to solve many of the problems associated with the ending of slavery. Bureau agents worked to solve labor disputes, prevent reenslavement of former slaves, protect freedpersons from violence, operate schools for blacks, keep former slaves on plantations, and distribute food, clothing, and fuel. Agents served mainly as moderators rather than reformers and could do little to affect postwar social and economic relations. Restricted resources, especially manpower, and lack of initiative kept the Freedmen's Bureau from having much beneficial impact in Louisiana.