What is wrong ?
S K Roy
S K Roy
Sridip Dhar
I want to add that we should depend on the youth to emerge as new driving power of the organization retaining the old leaders as our guide. But the youth, who hasn't seen the days when our party was in opposition, might have no idea how to fight under adverse conditions. This is the time when we ought to learn how to kneel before people, accept their criticism and act in accordance. We have to make a clear demarcation between the Government and the party. Not all actions and decisions of the govt. should be accepted without giving a second thought to it. Moreover, people and the Govt. should have a two-way communication, the party being the medium to bring forth the views of both sides. The importance of discussions can never be denied. And all decisions are better be taken after a thorough and fruitful discussion.
We can only regain our strength in Nandigram, Lalgarh and all the other affected areas by bringing back the confidence in the left-supporters there..for which the senior and popular leaders of our party should go to those places and organize our struggle keeping their feet on the ground.
Death of many comrades in the Maoist-infested areas and the following absence of governmental intervention has led to the belief in the minds of people that our party leaders are sitting in comfort are not willing to share the suffering. May be it is right as said by com. Buddhadeb BHattacharya that the despatiching of police force to establsih law and order may bring back the chaotic days of Nandigram. So, a different approach is needed where the role of the state leaders should be of entering those areas and directly talking to the people and party-sympathizers.
The ideas of com. Anil Biswas should be brought back where all party leaders shouldn't just deliver speeches from the party HQ but should maintain a close contact with the common people by going to their places regularly without fear of facing resistance by the opposition.
Red regards.
Sridip Dhar
viplov wingkar
alok d
I dont think this is just about a single comrade. It is just an example. If a state secretary behaves in above manner, it shouldnt be amusing to see that the others too behave like this..
S K ROY
Only strategy in Bengal is to keep quite so that our comrades do not hit back Murderers. Let TMC burn your home but you keep quite so that they do it again. Why not to burn those goons in the same fire who burns your home , does it need the teaching of Karl Marx ?
sindhan
What a kind of criticism you are doing? I completely disagree with
this.
I am angry to the extreme level when i came through all your replies
people.
first I am starting with S K Roy's criticism on comrade Biman Bose,
It is simple to blame a comrade who is leading. But where did you went
at the time of nandhigram issue emerged ?. Our party is not like TMC
to depend leaders. We have local committees to deal with local
problems. Every single member of CPIM from WB is seriously responsible
for the setback. and the debate you have started here won't be helpful
to recover what we have lost.
DO NOT SIT IN PARTY OFFICE BUT GO BACK TO YOUR PEOPLE AND DIE THERE
ALONG WITH THEM
is for the every member of CPIM more than our leaders.
"Lower level part worker are dieing in the hand of TMC and MAOBADIES
and party media is giving an account of how many supporters or
workers are sacrificing their life for party ? Leaders are using
photos of these dead bodies as emotional object to get more votes"
and I would like to comment on sridip dhar -
Comrade Sridip I already know you but you are disappointing me - by
saying this "I agree with Mr.Swapan Roy. "
all other comments are considerable. but i am slightly varying with
all of them - the way you were projecting was not right -
this is a kind of childish comment - CPIM always in the opposition of
the Indian parliament.
and to all my fellow friends.
Hello,
Here, CPIM had a major setback. when after I read all your comments -
I can clearly feel one thing that you all forget every communists are
responsible to make working class fight against the capitalism. This
means every communists are leaders. You are just blaming higher
authorities. When did you lost your understanding .. that becomes a
problem.
Yes, there might be some people who didn't workout the situation in a
right path. But do they have any resource to replace those people. ? .
They need more youngsters into politics. not just youngsters - young
revolutionaries, who are ready to actively participate in the ongoing
class struggle. It is to make our party with young blood. It is to
make our party live long.
And another thing is expanding their party. if they forget to expand
party. They cant gain trust from the people of India. and They will
loose their own grounds too.
This is where i think the CPIM should look at.
Babyjohn John
Subject: [VoteLeft 2009] Re: What is wrong ?
Only strategy in Bengal is to keep quite so that our comrades do not hit back Murderers. Let TMC burn your home but you keep quite so that they do it again. Why not to burn those goons in the same fire who burns your home , does it need the teaching of Karl Marx ?
----- Original Message -----From: Sridip DharSent: Monday, May 18, 2009 11:14 AMSubject: [VoteLeft 2009] Re: What is wrong ?I agree with Mr.Swapan Roy.
I want to add that we should depend on the youth to emerge as new driving power of the organization retaining the old leaders as our guide. But the youth, who hasn't seen the days when our party was in opposition, might have no idea how to fight under adverse conditions. This is the time when we ought to learn how to kneel before people, accept their criticism and act in accordance. We have to make a clear demarcation between the Government and the party. Not all actions and decisions of the govt. should be accepted without giving a second thought to it. Moreover, people and the Govt.. should have a two-way communication, the party being the medium to bring forth the views of both sides. The importance of discussions can never be denied. And all decisions are better be taken after a thorough and fruitful discussion.
soumitra ghosh
corporate
On Tue, 19 May 2009 14:52:32 +0530 wrote
>*Com*
>*Dont worry Communists are always link up with the problems of poor people.
>Indian people wanted a stable Govt in our country. Major people dont want to
>realise International politics i.e Atomic assignment. They want peace, food,
>*We failed to realise the common sentiment of people. There are various
>common problems but we have campaigned about America and atomic problem.
>Some of our leader were king whose behaviour hurt the people. I think
>'Support withdrawn' was very important factor. The people thought the
>leftists would not take entry in central ministry and they might be cause of
>*We have to rectify ourselves and also have to fight for poo rs. *
>
>**
>*There is no word i.e. FRUSTRATION in communist dictionary.*
>**
>*GO AHEAD TO TARGET. *
>**
>*WE SHALL OVERCOME.*
>**
>**
>*INCLUB JINDABAD*
>**
>SOUMITRA
>this defeat is not for third front this defeat will teach abt mass base movement suld go on with vigourous pace people want real movement third front is a platform may some more parties can join but movemnt for mass suld keep intact that was missing for some years thats a reminder some zonal and local committte leadership suld change
sankar pal
steel authority of india
alloy steel plant
durgapur
 |
S K Roy
S K Roy
Even now we find him using a word, word and word to condemn opposition but then what ?
Anybody who reads a newspaper knows how many of our Comrades were killed by TMC and co. and everybody condemned it other than TMC and Co. but to that we do not need a high profile man like Biman Bose. People expected action from BB in the form of leadership and not good Bengali word to condemn opposition.
Administration is doing their job of industrialisation, education , protection( doubtful) of people but let leaders like BB do party's job like standing with mass to fight invaders(TMC) , taking action against corrupted people in corporator level.
If party can not give protection or organise people to protect themselves against attack then people will not stay with us to die.
In past party organised many protection groups and fought back Naxals and Congress combine attack successfully and now there are zero activity on this line ?
When he says that TMC is trying to bring back situation of '71 again in Bengal he should also tell comrades what local level organisation should do to resist it - otherwise it will sound like a statement of an astrologer .
It comparatively easy to do movements like opposition to Nuclear Power plants but difficult to organise an united resistance against Nandigram type of attack since latter needs mass base and there is a risk of life for leaders too if a leader participates.
It is true that Nandigram type incident is financed by those who has interest in Nuclear Power plants and we opposed it and became REAL enemy of those who financed it and who executed it . But if we do not fight back Nandigram / Singur /Lalgadh type of attacks and if we do not stand with our people during an attack then we are just betraying our comrades who are in trouble because of our party's opposition to Nuclear deal or some other opposition in all India level like independent foreign policy or FDI issues.
Party take a program--- people implement that---opposition opposes it--organise attack on people so that program is not implemented--administration and party does not stand with the people they are killed unattended. That is what has happened in Bengal Election.
S K Roy
FDI because we wanted independent foreign policy and we wanted industries.
It was an organised attack by people who will be benifited from nuclear
deal,from FDI from American subjugation. It was not an isolated local issue
and should be left to local comrades.
Mani A
> People expected action
> from BB in the form of leadership and not good Bengali word to condemn
> opposition.
> Administration is doing their job of industrialisation, education ,
> protection( doubtful) of people but let leaders like BB do party's job like
> standing with mass to fight invaders(TMC) , taking action against corrupted
> people in corporator level.
>
> If party can not give protection or organise people to protect themselves
> against attack then people will not stay with us to die.
>
> In past party organised many protection groups and fought back Naxals and
> Congress combine attack successfully and now there are zero activity on
> this line ?
That is definitely sufficient reason for more capable person(s) to be
assigned with the task of
dealing with the insane enemies. BB can be assigned other tasks
provided others can substantiate your claims.
TMC employs professional goondas and few part time lumpen elements for
all their attacks.
They have been doing this right from the creation of their party. The
Keshpur line is well known.
The party should have a separate army to deal with this and at all levels.
> It is true that Nandigram type incident is financed by those who has
> interest in Nuclear Power plants and we opposed it and became REAL enemy of
> those who financed it and who executed it . But if we do not fight back
> Nandigram / Singur /Lalgadh type of attacks and if we do not stand with our
> people during an attack then we are just betraying our comrades who are in
> trouble because of our party's opposition to Nuclear deal or some other
> opposition in all India level like independent foreign policy or FDI
> issues.
The part about the Nuclear deal requires more detailed elaboration. References?
Best
A. Mani
--
A. Mani
ASL, CLC, AMS, CMS
http://amani.topcities.com
Kavita Krishnan
Verdict 2009: Lessons for the Left
The results of 2009 elections can be described as a string of surprises not only for many well-entrenched parties and seasoned politicians but also for a host of commonsensical notions about contemporary Indian political reality. Of late, it became rather customary to look at elections in India through the prism of coalition politics, caste equations and regional diversities. Verdict 2009 has given a serious jolt to this facile view and reasserted the underlying structural dynamics of Indian politics. Conventional wisdom would not have given the Congress anything more than 150 seats, but the fact that the Congress managed to notch up as many as 206 seats from across the country clearly reveal a national verdict which cannot be reduced to a mere sum total of the poll outcomes in different states and regions.
The NDA had long been expecting the 2009 elections to go its way and LK Advani had been duly designated its Prime Ministerial candidate. ‘Iron Man’ Advani saw Manmohan Singh as the weakest link of the Congress chain and hoped the chain would snap if only he could make it a direct clash between the UPA’s ‘weakest’ and the NDA’s ‘strongest’! He tried to fight and win the elections in true US Presidential style, but even before his campaign could take off he found himself overshadowed by two more self-appointed PMs-in-waiting, the redoubtable Narendra ‘Nano’ Modi and one Varun ‘venom’ Gandhi!
The results only reveal how miserably the NDA lost the plot in its own strongholds. Of all the NDA-ruled states, only Chhattisgarh, Karnataka and Bihar went the NDA way while in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat, the Congress staked almost equal claims defying its obvious organisational weaknesses. In Bihar, Nitish Kumar’s spectacular showing cannot really be treated as a typical NDA victory – it had more to do with the disintegration of the UPA and the continuing public anger in Bihar against the RJD-LJP brand of politics. Quite understandably, the NDA emerged as the overwhelming beneficiary of this public anger against the RJD’s legacy of chaos and misrule.
While the NDA remained confined to its own pockets, the ‘Third Front’ was humbled in its own strongholds. In West Bengal, the CPI(M) got its worst drubbing in three decades with its own tally getting reduced to only 9. The overall Left Front tally came down from the high point of 60-plus in the 14th Lok Sabha to mere 24. The grand alliances forged in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh failed to click, and ‘Mission Mayawati’ failed to fire the imagination of the BSP’s own base in Uttar Pradesh. Forged in a hurry, the Third Front had neither cohesion nor credibility; it thrived primarily on the exuberance of electoral expectation regarding the fortunes of regional alliances.
The Congress on the other hand sensed the national mood that looked for some order and stability in an overwhelming situation of crisis and uncertainty. In the absence of any reliable cohesive alternative, large parts of India once again turned to the grand old party now led by the fourth generation of the Nehru-Gandhi family. Various local factors only facilitated the crystallisation of this national mood, and the Congress strategy was in tune with this developing sentiment. The Congress decision to shelve the UPA during the elections and try the party’s own luck in the two most crucial Hindi belt states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar proved to be a tactical masterstroke paving the way for a Congress revival. In UP, the Congress won 20 seats, regaining its traditional base amongst upper caste gentry, minorities and a section of dalits.
What lessons do the results hold for the future of the people’s movement and Left and democratic politics in India?
The Congress revival is being portrayed by various neo-liberal commentators as well as the Congress establishment as a popular endorsement of its pro-corporate economic agenda and pro-US foreign policy framework. In the same breath the Congress is also attributing its victory to its ‘pro-poor’ policies. There is a fundamental paradox in such self-serving explanations: the verdict cannot be an endorsement of policies claiming to address the crisis of unemployment, farmers’ suicides etc as well as an endorsement of the neo-liberal policies causing the very same crisis! The country is reeling under a massive economic disaster sponsored by the neo-liberal economic offensive of indiscriminate liberalisation and globalisation and steady withdrawal of the state from productive investment and welfare-oriented public expenditure, and there can be no question of the people endorsing policies that spelled such disasters.
It is also equally clear that the country is not enamoured of the much-touted strategic spin-offs of a pro-US foreign policy when the entire neighbourhood is trapped in tremendous social upheaval and political turbulence and India’s growing identification with the US only renders it more vulnerable on every count. Signs of growing US involvement in India’s domestic affairs have also been quite visible with US officials making it of late a habit to call on leaders of different parties.
By all accounts, a more confident Congress-led government will now tend to pursue the pro-corporate pro-imperialist policies, as well as the repressive policies of draconian laws and human rights violations in the name of countering terror, with greater speed and aggression while cleverly deceiving the people with the rhetoric of secularism, empowerment and ‘inclusive’ growth. Manmohan Singh has announced a "100-day" economic recovery plan to overcome recession and on May 18 Sensex soared 2111 points, the highest single day increase in any share index in the world, to celebrate the UPA's victory. But such exuberance and tall claims are unlikely to lead to any economic miracle, and against the backdrop of a deepening recession, livelihood issues are bound to assume explosive proportions in many sectors. Further, while the BJP’s communal agenda has been defeated, the aspirations of minorities and secular forces for justice against communal violence remains – a task that the Congress has historically betrayed. Instead of getting taken in by the deceptive discourse of the emerging ‘new generation’ Congress, the forces and friends of people’s struggles must now intensify public debate over the real state of affairs on different fronts and raise the level of popular mobilisation and resistance to press for a real change in the policies and priorities of the government.
Contrary to dominant media explanations, the rout suffered by the CPI(M) cannot be attributed to its belated oppositional stance vis-a-vis the UPA’s pro-US policies. The epicentre of the anti-CPI(M) political earthquake lies squarely in the Singur-Nandigram seismic zone where the CPI(M) has been punished for its arrogant and coercive attitude to the peasantry and the intelligentsia, for its ruthless attempt to implement the same economic policies that it claims to have been opposing all along. It is ironical that while the architect of the SEZ policy succeeded in masking its true face behind legislations like NREGA and forest land rights, the CPI(M) was seen as the brutal face of corporate land-grab offensive. Even when the CPI(M) quite correctly questioned and opposed the Indo-US strategic partnership and nuke deal, the point was allowed to get diluted and lost in the party’s desperate drive to somehow prop up a Third Front” devoid of any kind of pro-people, anti-imperialist commitment.
The results have also exposed the limits of the politics of social engineering and alliance arithmetic. Mayawati’s ‘sarvajanwad’ and Lalu Prasad’s ‘Mandal magic’ are clearly on the wane. Reports from UP indicate that while Mayawati failed to sustain her newly discovered upper caste base, cracks have also started surfacing in her core support base among dalits. Down south, the TDP-TRS kind of opportunist bonhomie and the desperate attempt of the PMK-MDMK-AIADMK alliance to make political capital of the plight of Sri Lankan Tamils have also been squarely rebuffed by the people. The CPI(M) has only discredited itself by glorifying and peddling this opportunism in the name of ‘Third Front’ politics.
The Left clearly has a lesson to learn from the Congress. The lesson is certainly not to seek signs of anti-imperialism or pro-people concern or commitment in the emerging leadership of the Congress. If the Congress has retrained its focus on its own revival overcoming the ‘BJP threat’, ‘Mandal magic’ and ‘coalition politics’, the Left must also rebuild and reposition itself as the core of the people’s movement for survival, justice and democracy and for the nation’s quest for a dignified future beyond the strategic umbrella of the US. A renewal of the communist identity as the most sincere, vibrant and fighting platform of people’s politics is the need of the hour.
The reverses suffered by the Left in general, and the admittedly poor showing of the CPI(ML) in Bihar, are bound to generate vibes of demoralisation and despondency across different sections of the Left. The noise emanating from dominant quarters of West Bengal CPI(M) against the ‘dogmatism’ and ‘adventurism’ of the party’s central leadership seeks to attribute the CPI(M)’s electoral rout to its belated act of withdrawal of support to the Congress. This is nothing but an exercise in barking up the wrong tree. If the CPI(M) had not withdrawn support, the Congress would have anyway subjugated the Left in national politics, while the TMC would have still monopolised the public anger in West Bengal. Not ‘dogmatism’ or ‘adventurism’, the greatest internal enemy of the Left at this juncture is opportunism and the intoxication of power. Any meaningful introspection must be aimed at identifying and eradicating the real malady and rejuvenating the Left movement in closer integration with the people and their real needs and aspirations.
By rejecting the NDA and rebuffing the cobweb of opportunist alliances and narrow identity politics, the 2009 verdict has opened up new possibilities for the entire Left and democratic camp to assert as a fighting opposition in the national political arena. Revolutionary communists must take adequate note of the prospects and challenges unleashed by the verdict and rise wholeheartedly to the occasion.
(Above is the editorial of the ML Update, CPI(ML)'s weekly organ, Vol 21, May 20-26, 2009)
--
"Utopia lies at the horizon.
When I draw nearer by two steps,
it retreats two steps.
If I proceed ten steps forward, it
swiftly slips ten steps ahead.
No matter how far I go, I can never reach it.
What, then, is the purpose of utopia?
It is to cause us to advance.""
— Eduardo Galeano
soumitra ghosh
Siddharthya Roy
S K Roy
----- Original Message -----From: Siddharthya RoySent: Wednesday, May 20, 2009 6:34 PMSubject: [VoteLeft 2009] Re: What is wrong ?
Kavita Krishnan
Kavita Krishnan
Kavita Krishnan
Engels wrote: “What, then, is our
attitude towards the small peasantry? …we foresee the inevitable doom of the
small peasant, but … it is not our
mission to hasten it by any interference on our part. Secondly, it is just as
evident that when we are in possession of state power, we shall not even think
of forcibly expropriating the small peasants, as we shall have to do in the
case of the big landowners. Our task relative to the small peasant consists, in
the first place, in effecting a transition of his private enterprise and
private possession to cooperative ones, not forcibly but by dint of example and
the proffer of social assistance for this purpose. …We, of course, are
decidedly on the side of the small peasant; we shall do everything at all
permissible to make his lot more bearable, to facilitate his transition to the
co-operative should he decide to do so, and even to make it possible for him to
remain on his small holding for a protracted length of time to think the matter
over, should he still be unable to bring himself to this decision. We do this
not only because we consider the small peasant living by his own labour as
virtually belonging to us, but also in the direct interest of the Party. The
greater the number of peasants whom we can save from being actually hurled down
into the proletariat, whom we can win to our side while they are still
peasants, the more quickly and easily the social transformation will be
accomplished.” (From The Peasant Question
in France and Germany)
Clearly, Engels, even in the case of a socialist state and socialist accession to power, is advocating untiring patience with the small peasant. When the ‘expropriation’ is being done on the behest of corporate in a neoliberal State like India, it would be all the more imperative to be “on the side of” the poor peasants (at Singur, Nandigram, Kalinganagar for example) in their fierce struggle against being “hurled down into” the ranks of unskilled surplus labour. Instead, to claim that defending a Nano and 'industry' at the cost of shedding peasants' blood is more important - it's sad when supporters of Left parties express such views. Truly tragic.
For west Bengal left got defeated long before Election when they could not protect Nano in Singur or Industry in Nandigram. They were driven out by handful of lumpens . People of Bengal were the witness of such a retreat by once powerful left, they lost their trust on administration and also on party leaders who were hiding in Delhi and Kolkata party office and opposed any growing resistance by willing comrades.
S K Roy
S K ROY
GOPINATH NAIR
Appeasing one community in the name of minority and neglecting majority's problems
For the sake of power it is adopting all crucked ways
Corrupt leaders including polit buro members
Agrresive and irritating behaviour of the leadership
Quarreling leadership (factionalism) like what was happening in the congress
Deliberately neglecting the common mans problems
Promoting instability/projecting incapable people as future PM
Date: Wed, 20 May 2009 22:15:06 +0530
Subject: [VoteLeft 2009] Re: What is wrong ?
Kavita Krishnan
Rajesh Roy
From: Kavita Krishnan <kavita...@gmail.com>
To: votele...@googlegroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, 20 May, 2009 10:05:00 PM
Subject: [VoteLeft 2009] Re: What is wrong ?
shibu s
| I did not understand what Kavitha mean by the candidates supported by Com Vijayan/Achuthanandan...I know congress has a system where leaders will get allocated with a few seats and then they decide the candidates....as far as I know CPI(M) candidates were decided by the state committe... --- On Thu, 21/5/09, Rajesh Roy <rajesh...@yahoo.co.in> wrote: |
Explore and discover exciting holidays and getaways with Yahoo! India Travel Click here! |
Siddharthya Roy
How many seats has the CPI(ML) won in this elections?
-sid
Kavita Krishnan
Siddharthya Roy
S K Roy
Kavita Krishnan
Siddharthya Roy
For the other readers here's the CPI(ML)'s performance:
Year Candidates Fielded Seats won
1999 56 1
2004 65 0
2009 82 0
Gosh. Going by your pontification on how the CPI(M) should work and why CPI(M) lost the elections, one would think the CPI(ML) people were experts at wining elections!
Thank you for sharing your shared concern. I'm also concerned about whether you have any concern about your own party and it's rejection by the voters!
-sid
Kavita Krishnan
Siddharthya Roy
So going by what you say, even the paltry 6 assembly seats that you have in 2 states prove your 'inherent' righteousness and the overwhelming majority of people who support you in this country. I wonder why the mainstream CPI(M) can't ever achieve this state of being holier-than-thou.
For your information, the Hindi belt comprises of not just Bihar and Jharkhand, but all other states whose majority populace speak Hindi as their mother tongue. You don't have even a single seat anywhere in those assemblies, let alone being in the parliament from there. So the CPI(ML)'s success in the Hindi belt is a myth propounded by your party since long. Also, the majority of India lies outside the Hindi belt. In the 40 years of the CPI(ML)'s existence, rather non-existence, you should have realised this. You speak of the "rural landless poor" as your "core mass base", where is the mass in your base? You spoke of factionalism in the CPI(M). Are you kidding or what? The naxalites are pointing fingers at others about factionalism!! Good grief. Read your own history and you'll see that three naxalites come together and you have two factions. Every party member with a few years of membership becomes an ideologue in your fold and is know by their bigrams. It is humanly impossible to remember the number of co-ordination committees and factions the naxals have had and continue to do so in this country, with each claiming to "uphold the true legacy" of burning dry grass.
Sadly "ruthlessly explore the reasons for our failures" needs analysis and self-criticism. That is a time consuming affair. Since you are busy decrying the CPI(M) and writings reams on its mistakes, you have been left with very little time to do the aforementioned.
-sid