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[Doretta Castoe]

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Adolescents far outnumber adults in their use of e-communication technologies, such as instant messaging and social network sites. In this article, we present an integrative model that helps us to understand both the appeal of these technologies and their risks and opportunities for the psychosocial development of adolescents. We first outline how the three features (anonymity, asynchronicity, and accessibility) of online communication stimulate controllability of online self-presentation and self-disclosure among adolescents. We then review research on the risks and opportunities of online self-presentation and self-disclosure for the three components of adolescents' psychosocial development, including identity (self-unity, self-esteem), intimacy (relationship formation, friendship quality, cyberbullying), and sexuality (sexual self-exploration, unwanted sexual solicitation). Existing research suggests several opportunities of online communication, such as enhanced self-esteem, relationship formation, friendship quality, and sexual self-exploration. It also yields evidence of several risks, including cyberbullying and unwanted sexual solicitation. We discuss the shortcomings of existing research, the possibilities for future research, and the implications for educators and health care professionals.

Background: Owing to its convenience and easy accessibility, social media is increasingly popular among healthcare professionals and has become a useful tool in the healthcare industry. Doctors' social media use patterns and online professionalism have been thoroughly studied. Various unprofessional behaviors such as excessive self-disclosure, violations of patient privacy and improper social media posts, were observed. However, studies exploring nurses' social media use and online professionalism are lacking.

Participants: Convenience sampling was applied to select nurses who had obtained their Chinese nursing certificates, who were aged 18 years and above, and who worked in clinical settings. The final sample consisted of 658 registered nurses.

Methods: Data were collected through the on-site distribution of an anonymous researcher-designed questionnaire. The questionnaire consisted of 41 items that focused on demographic and professional information, social media use and online professionalism. Medians, averages and percentages were used to describe the social media use patterns and online professionalism of Chinese registered nurses.

Results: All participants in this study were social media users and 84.5% of them believed that social media had positively influenced their clinical practice. WeChat was the most frequently used form of social media, which was used among 93.5% of the subjects. Common reasons for social media use included receiving messages from work, networking, receiving news and relaxing. Approximately 56% of the participants spent one to three hours on social media daily. Most of the participants had reposted medical knowledge on social media and had subscribed to at least one medical social media account. Additionally, 67.2% of the sample disclosed that they "often" communicate work-related information with colleagues via social media. Roughly 50% of the sample insisted that their facilities had social media guidelines. Registered nurses' professionalism was also assessed. Around half of the participants had received "friend request" from patients, while 63.5% of the sample acknowledged that there were no patients on their most frequently used social media platforms. About 7.6% of the respondents had "sometimes" posted identifiable patient information, which was much lower than the reported 32.5% rate of witnessing colleagues' disclosure of identifiable patient information. Fully 50.3% of the participants indicated that they had witnessed improper posts by colleagues.

The Center conducted an online survey of 1,453 U.S. teens from Sept. 26 to Oct. 23, 2023, through Ipsos. Ipsos recruited the teens via their parents, who were part of its KnowledgePanel. The KnowledgePanel is a probability-based web panel recruited primarily through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The survey was weighted to be representative of U.S. teens ages 13 to 17 who live with their parents by age, gender, race and ethnicity, household income, and other categories.

This research was reviewed and approved by an external institutional review board (IRB), Advarra, an independent committee of experts specializing in helping to protect the rights of research participants.

YouTube, the most widely used platform measured in the survey, is also frequently visited by its users. About seven-in-ten teens say they visit the video-sharing platform daily, including 16% who report being on the site almost constantly.

Eight-in-ten Black teens report using TikTok, compared with 70% of Hispanic teens and 57% of White teens. Racial and ethnic gaps are also present in use of Twitter: Black teens are more likely than Hispanic or White teens to be Twitter users.

Older teens are more likely than younger teens to use many of the platforms asked about, including Instagram, Snapchat, Facebook, Twitter, TikTok and Reddit. For example, while 68% of teens ages 15 to 17 say they use Instagram, this share drops to 45% among teens ages 13 and 14.

While fewer teens overall are using Facebook, our surveys consistently show that usage remains higher among teens in lower-income households. For example, 45% of teens in households earning less than $30,000 a year say they use Facebook, compared with 27% of those whose annual household income is $75,000 or more.

Smartphone ownership is nearly universal among teens of different genders, ages, races and ethnicities, and economic backgrounds. But having access to a home computer remains less common for those in lower-income households.

This quantitative research aims to understand how children communicate online, and also the scale and nature of their experience of any potentially uncomfortable or unwanted contact online. The associated qualitative research aims specifically to understand how children communicate online while gaming, and when using apps designed to connect them to new people.

This consultation focuses on our proposals for how internet services that enable the sharing of user-generated content ('user-to-user services') and search services should approach their new duties relating to illegal content.

Multi-sided online platforms such as social networks, search services and trading platforms are capable of creating enormous benefits for societies and economies. It is however easy to be uneasy about the impact of these online platforms: they quickly achieve scope and huge market valuations, and they use vast amounts of data in an opaque fashion. Many of the calls for new regulatory provisions for online platforms overlook the particular characteristics of platform markets such as network effects and switching costs. Also the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) for the EU partially fails to account for these peculiarities. It is often neglected that most conventional methods of economic analysis are not adequate for the analysis of multi-sided online platforms and might lead to improper regulation recommendations (e.g. Goldfarb et al., 2015). For example, the multi-sided nature of services and the importance of data oftentimes play too little of a role in economic policy analysis (Monopolies Commission, 2015).

The contribution of this paper is that it examines the effects of the right to data portability on competition, providing policy recommendations for the preservation of innovative, undistorted competitive digital markets. In order to economically assess data portability from a competition-policy perspective, this paper examines how data, users, and platform services are related and how these relations change under data portability. Different platform-data model specifications are distinguished depending on whether the platforms in question offer substitute or complementary products and services. In a second step, this paper discusses in which platform markets the risk of an abuse of market dominance is particularly high. Based on this assessment, platform markets are determined where the right to data portability is indeed likely to foster competition and innovation.

As a first step of the analysis of competition effects of data portability among online platforms, the peculiarities of online platform markets are discussed. This paper distinguishes between three main platform types based on the activities that consumers perform on them, namely marketplaces, social networks, and search services (Table 1).

Five main forces determine the level of market concentration in digital platform markets and thus the competition between platforms, namely economies of scale, congestion, differentiation, switching costs and network effects (Evans & Schmalensee, 2007).

Increasing returns to scale are typical of platform markets, as many companies have relatively high fixed costs and relatively low variable costs. These economies of scale foster market concentration. Capacity constraints or congestion may emerge in platform markets as a result of negative externalities caused by additional users, e.g. through an increase in search and transaction costs. Platform differentiation forms the third market concentration force. The more heterogeneous user preferences are, the easier it is for platforms to differentiate horizontally or vertically. Capacity constraints and the scope of platform differentiation counteract market concentration.

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