From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just

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Rex Marinus

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Apr 24, 2015, 5:36:57 PM4/24/15
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“As the hierarchy of our great party, the National Executive committee meets today to tackle some of the burning political problems which confront our country. The composition of the Federal House of Representatives has been determined. The personnel of the council of ministers is yet to be decided. You have a rare privilege in deciding who should be ministers of state to represent the Eastern and Western regions of the federation of Nigeria. I hope you will discharge this sacred duty patriotically and realistically.

The results of the Federal elections have placed the parties roughly as follows: Northern Peoples Congress, 84, NCNC 63, Action Group 20, KNC 6, UNIP 5, Idoma States Union, 2 Middle Belt Peoples Party, 2, Igbirra Tribal Union 1, Nigerian Commoners Liberal Party, 1. This means that no one political party has established a clear majority over the other parties.  According to the Royal Instructions to His Excellency, the Governor-General, if such a situation arises then he shall consult with leaders of the majority political parties in each region in order to appoint the ten ministers, of whom the NCNC will be entitled to six.

It is true that this constitutional pattern will present a situation in which the NCNC will have a majority in the executive and the Northern Peoples Congress will dominate the parliament. The question arises: can the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress operate a government in which either party is in a position to paralyze action? If so, can such a government be stable enough to win the confidence of  the peoples of Nigeria and the outside world? Otherwise, must Nigeria be subjected to another spate of conferences for the revision of its constitution?

 

I believe the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress can work a government by agreement in which the former dominates the executive and the latter controls the legislature, provided that both parties intend to give the new constitution a fair trial. I have two reasons for subscribing to this view. In the first place, the leaders of the two parties have publicly expressed the desire to give the new constitution a proper chance of survival.  The resent hiatus is an opportunity for both parties to demonstrate good faith. In the second place, the present constitutional situation is not unique in the political history of mankind. I want you to realize that in the United States today, the Republican Party controls the cabinet, and the Democratic Party dominates the Houses of Congress. The question of whether such a hybrid government can be stable has been answered in the United States, whose constitution, by the way, is partially our model, and where the Democratic and Republican parties have bridged the gulf of their differences by establishing an accord based on bi-partisanship. That, ladies and gentlemen, is a lamp to guide our feet towards the building of goodwill and understanding in Nigeria, in spite of our political differences.

 

I will admit that there is an ideological chasm between the NCNC and the Northern Peoples Congress, but I will submit that, in the realm of practical politics, such a chasm can be bridged by a span of mutual respect for each other, based on a bi-partisan policy of government by mutual accord. Therefore, the fact that the NCNC is in a position to dominate the Council of Ministers, and the Northern Peoples Congress is poised to control the House of Representatives does not preclude the possibility of a bi-partisan policy which should enable each of the cooperating political parties to co-exist and exert  salutary influence on policy, be it at the executive or legislative level.

 

Having dispelled the mist from the atmosphere, we can now see clearly enough to enable us to se who will be our standard bearers in the Council of Ministers appointed from the Eastern region and from the Western region. As soon as this has been done, we shall charge our ministers with the responsibility of maintaining cordial relations with their colleagues in the Council of Ministers. They should be warned that, whilst they would not expected to compromise on fundamental issues on which the party feels strongly, they should not hesitate to consult the party hierarchy for guidance and direction so as to avoid unnecessary embarrassment. The same goes to those of you who are members of the House of Reresentatives.

The NCNC believs that there is room in this country for different shades of political opinion. Unlike a certain other political party, we shall not seek to destroy our identity; rather we will gladly cooperate with any political party which is honest in it intentions, sincere in its outlook, and genuine in its programme. But the NCNC will not encourage any form of Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism.”

·         Nnamdi Azikiwe addressing the joint meeting of the NCNC Federal Parliamentary parliamentary caucus and the National Executive Committee, Jan. 8, 1955 in Lagos. 

Victor Okafor

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Apr 24, 2015, 7:43:53 PM4/24/15
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What a brilliant mind! But alas, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe was demonstrably doing his utmost best to serve a nation which, unfortunately, did not holistically value his intellectual worth and political wizardry.




From: "Rex Marinus" <rexma...@hotmail.com>
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Sent: Friday, April 24, 2015 3:47:07 PM
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
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Salimonu Kadiri

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Apr 25, 2015, 4:45:14 PM4/25/15
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Unprincipled politics, political harlotry and chop-chop politics in Nigeria began in 1955. Hear Nnamdi Azikiwe, "It is true that this constitutional pattern will present a situation in which the NCNC will have a majority in the executive and the Northern Peoples' Congress (NPC) will dominate the legislature. ..."I believe that the NCNC and the Northern Peoples' Congress can work a government in which the former (NCNC) dominates the executive and the later (NPC) controls the legislature..(see p.127-130, ZIK - Selected Speeches of Dr NNAMDI AZIKIWE from where Rex Marinus has culled his article)." Why was Azikiwe interested in having the NCNC dominate the executive i.e. Ministerial posts and ceding the domination of the legislature to the NPC? In his address as the President of Ibo State Union at Enugu on December 15, 1950, Nnamdi Azikiwe said, "In the North, the feudal autocrats and their minions have spared no time in making it easier for non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies to flood the Northern House of Assembly. With due deference, may I say that these marionettes are entitled to about fifty per cent of the seats in the central legislature (p. 113, ZIK - Selected Speeches of Dr NNAMDI AZIKIWE)." By January 8, 1955 Azikiwe realized that non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies from the North that dominated the central legislature could be exploited to rubber stamp the ministerial agenda of NCNC dominated executive and that was why he sought for coalition government with the NPC. And the NCNC ideology was nothing but petty bourgeoisie chop-chop at the expense of the masses. 
 

Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
Date: Fri, 24 Apr 2015 19:47:07 +0000

Ugo Nwokeji

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Apr 25, 2015, 7:24:24 PM4/25/15
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Thanks, Obi, for sending this edifying speech. It comes across to me as fair, principled, democratic and inclusive, and the method of sharing power he outlined seems to have been in consonance with "Royal Instructions to ... the Governor-General". Inclusiveness and fairness should not rankle any Nigerian, but if puzzles me that some people just cannot accept that. For context, NCNC's 63 came from ALL over southern Nigeria (in some places more than others, of course, and a few from the Middle Belt), and my thinking is that his vision for distributing NCNC's appointments would have been inclusive and reflected the then diversity of NCNC as well. 

These are important principles to strive for in a country like ours -- in fact, in any nation -- in spite and because of human imperfections that can dilute their realization. But is very sad that, instead of getting better toward the realization of these principles, instead of us being better than Zik was way back in January 1955 (!), some people still seek division, oppression and rabid hatred for people from other ethnic groups. This is how -- very unfortunately -- the aim of Zik and people who shared his mindset to forestall "any form of Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism” has failed. We are going backward. It is sad that in spite of all the education and exposure Nigerians today (compared to January 1955), the country has made little progress and even has regressed on a number of critical fronts.

We need to aim higher and to do so with belief and determination!

Ugo



G. Ugo Nwokeji
Director, Center for African Studies
Associate Professor of African American Studies
University of California, Berkeley
686 Barrows Hall #2572
Berkeley, CA 94720
Tel. (510) 542-8140
Fax (510) 642-0318
Twitter: @UgoNwokeji

Salimonu Kadiri

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Apr 26, 2015, 6:29:23 PM4/26/15
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"..... and my thinking is that his (Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments would have been inclusive and reflected the then diversity of NCNC as well,"- Ugo Nwokeji. 
 
Historically, we all know that there was no exclusive NCNC/NPC government in 1955 but a national government. Therefore, Ugo Nwokeji thinking about Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments in an inclusive way to reflect the then diversity of the NCNC could not be put to test. Nevertheless, after the 1959 federal elections the results showed that NPC, NCNC AG and their respective allies won 148, 89 and 75 seats respectively in the 312 members of Federal House of Assembly. Since, none of the political parties had absolute majority to form a government, Chief Obafemi Awolowo expressed the view to serve in a national government led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The AG and NCNC had 168 members as against NPC's 148 in the Parliament. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Government comprising of NPC, NCNC, and AG. The AG leader, Obafemi Awolowo, said that he could not serve in a feudalist led government. Then, on Sunday, 20 December 1959, and in spite of opposition from its ally in the North, NEPU, Azikiwe's NCNC announced a coalition government agreement with the NPC in which Balewa was to become Prime Minister of the federation. The NCNC even agreed to the demand of NPC that no member of the NEPU should be appointed to ministerial post or any other government institutions. Awolowo decided to be the leader of opposition in the Federal Parliament. Azikiwe coldly calculated that the highly educated NCNC would dominate those he had named feudal autocrats, non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies of the NPC even if the leader of the government was a feudalists. The federal coalition government between NPC and NCNC of 1959 onwards gave Azikiwe's NCNC the opportunity to put to test his vision of inclusively distributing federal appointments to reflect the diversity of the NCNC, but it did not happen. The political disagreement between Awolowo and his deputy Samuel Akintola arose out of the latter concern that because Awolowo refused to join the federal government, the NCNC had excised Yoruba indigenes out of federal government's appointments. The rest is history!!
 
Ugo Nwokeji wrote, "...the aim of Zik and people who shared his mind-set to forestall Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism, has failed."
 
Ugo Nwokeji with his proclamation of Zik's anti-Nazism philosophy reminds one of George Orwell's 1946, Politics and the English Language wherein he stated, "Political language - and with variations this is true of all political parties, from conservatives to Anarchists - is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give appearance of solidity to pure wind." There has never been National Socialists, derived from the German Nationalsozialistische, in Nigeria. What we have had and still have are tribalists who came with the idea of master tribe destined by God to dominate other tribes in Nigeria politically and economically. It is ironical that he who introduced tribalism into the body politics of Nigeria should be talking of Nazism (National Socialism) rearing its head into Nigeria. When Nnamdi Azikiwe returned to Nigeria in 1937, The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) had been in existence since 1922 with Herbert Macaulay  as the general Secretary and Joseph Egerton Shyngle as the President. The NNDP had won all elections to the Legislative Council in Lagos from 1923 to 1938 when it was defeated by the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). In fact NYM was an off-shoot of Lagos Youth Movement that was founded in 1933 by James Churchill Vaughan, Ernest Sissei Ikoli and Samuel Adesanya as leaders. When the NYM won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council in 1938, Azikiwe decided to join NYM. Besides Ikoli and Adesanya, Azikiwe stated that among the leaders of NYM at that time were, Dr Akiola Maja, H. S. A. Thomas, Jubril Martin and Dr Kofoworola Abayomi. "Prominent among its backbenchers were Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief S.L. Akintola, J.A. Tuyo, Hamzat A.Subair, F. Ogugua-Arah, S.O. Shonibare and L. Duro Emmanuel,"  Zik wrote in his Selected Speeches. Azikiwe desired leadership role for himself which was very difficult to achieve with the calibre of those in the leadership of NYM. Therefore, when a bye-election nomination over who should contest the election to the Legislative Council to replace Dr Abayomi who was on specialist study in UK turned sourer within the NYM, Azikiwe seized the opportunity to join other forces to scuttle the NYM. By 1943, NYM was in coma and NNDP won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council. That same year, Nnamdi Azikiwe founded the first tribal Union in Nigeria called *IBO FEDERAL UNION* and installed himself as the President. The name was later changed to *IBO STATE UNION.* He was immediately imitated by Eyo Ita who also founded *IBIBIO STATE UNION.* Then in August 26, 1944, Azikiwe founded NCNC and named himself the Secretary and Herbert Macaulay the President. Herbert Macaulay was 80 years old in 1944 and remained the Secretary of NNDP that was still winning elections. He had no need for a new party but the foxy Nnamdi Azikiwe targeted him for the purpose of riding on Macaulay's popularity to power. When Herbert Macaulay died on May 7, 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the President of both NNDP and NCNC. Thus at the Legislative Council Elections of December 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe, H.P. Adebola, T.O.S. Benson, Dr Ibiyinka Olorunmbe and Adeleke Adedoyin contested and won on the platform of NNDP. After the 1951 elections Azikiwe buried the NNDP until 1964 when Akintola outfoxed the foxy Azikiwe by reincarnating NNDP. It is worth remembering that five years after the Ibo Federal Union was founded by Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed in Lagos by Adeyemo Alakija, Dr Akinola Maja, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Chief Bode Thomas, Chief H. Oladipo Davies, Dr Akanni Doherty and others. In the North, Dr Dikko and others founded Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa translated to Northern People's Congress. It is also noteworthy that while members of IBO STATE UNION were automatically affiliated to NCNC, members of EGBE OMO ODUDUA could belong to other parties. Thus, Oladipo Davies was an active member of NCNC and at the same time member of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. If there had been no IGBO STATE UNION, there would have been no tribalism in Nigeria. Very soon there will be OBA OF YORUBA IN ONITSHA, ABA, OWERRI, and ENUGU in response to EZE NDI IGBOS OF LAGOS.

 

From: u...@berkeley.edu
Date: Sat, 25 Apr 2015 16:12:24 -0700
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com

Ugo Nwokeji

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Apr 27, 2015, 6:13:36 AM4/27/15
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"Historically, we all know that there was no exclusive NCNC/NPC government in 1955 but a national government. Therefore, Ugo Nwokeji thinking about Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments in an inclusive way to reflect the then diversity of the NCNC could not be put to test." -- Salimonu Kadiri

The above statement has no bearing upon my submission. I can't fathom how the mere fact there was a non-exclusive NPC/NCNC national government has to do with those NCNC chose to represent them in government. You like to muddle things that contradict your position and which you have no cogent answer to. The only way to put what Zik said to test is by checking the people his party sent to represent them. 

Instead of using the above to test the proposition, you make a leap to 1959, trying to address my question of January 1955 with what happened in 1959. Anyway, you know enough history to know those from the Western Region and Lagos, principally Yoruba (including Adegoke Adelabu, H.O. Davies, Kola Balogu and T.O.S. Benson), who held federal appointments on the platform of NCNC or otherwise held leadership within that party in those years and during the First Republic. I do not want to dwell on these things because I am not here to extol or demonize Zik or any other personality. It is not my style. I just saw an exemplary political statement in the context of Nigeria's struggle for nationhood and said so. Only you know why you want to muddle the truth.

I like to engage in honest debate, not one in which a protagonist fights as if winning the debate at all cost is the point, the way it happens at debate clubs. That does not interest me. I am not looking to throw ad hominems all over the place in a desperate attempt to "win". I am looking to inform and be informed, to stand up for core human principles, and to become a better person in the process. 

Reading you, one gets the impression that Zik and all other leaders were always “coldly” calculating, “foxing” and “outfoxing”, almost always along partisan or ethnic lines. And you arrive at all this all by mere mind-reading and then seek to pass your conjectures as facts? Listen up, the entire purpose of Nigeria’s existence is NOT and should not be for maneuverings. Such does violence to the memories of good Nigerians of the Zikist Movement, NEPU, most members of pre-1950s NCNC, and perhaps to lesser and in varying degrees members of post-1940s NCNC, NPC, AG and of other parties. Lord!

"Very soon there will be OBA OF YORUBA IN ONITSHA, ABA, OWERRI, and ENUGU in response to EZE NDI IGBOS OF LAGOS." -- Salimonu Kadiri.

I say, Amen. That is the Nigeria of my dream, although I would advise protagonists to eschew bitter maneuverings, “foxing”, “outfoxing” and genocidal tendencies. 

What surprises me instead is that you somehow see this as a tool for ethnic domination, which you intend to implement in the cities you have identified. Unlike you, I don't see it as that. It should not be because that would be a negative, ethnically chauvinistic purpose of organizing for common interest. The Hausas in Igboland (and indeed elsewhere in Nigeria and beyond) have since time immemorial actually organized themselves in roughly the same way, where they discuss issues of interest, promote welfare and good faith amongst them, be their brother's keepers and settle disputes amongst them. They have their leaders, who are recognized by indigenous local leaders. They also have their imams, and you know imams' role among Muslim adherents goes beyond the narrow confines of what post-Enlightenment Christianity (which separates religion from secular life) regards religious affairs. 

I have never had any problem with that. Why should I? Do you really think that it will bother me if a cluster of Yoruba people in the cities you mentioned organize themselves under obas or baales to discuss issues of interest, be their brother's/sister's keepers and settle disputes amongst them? If it bothers anybody, I will be among those defending the Yoruba right to do so! I won't be out there secretly encouraging genocidal statements, and then publicly denying or otherwise defending or rationalizing the indefensible them. Man, you really need to release yourself from your  self-imposed fears. We are all Nigerians, please. Unfortunately, this concept seems alien to you and people who think like you.

Ugo

Anunoby, Ogugua

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Apr 27, 2015, 7:20:29 PM4/27/15
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After the hung 1959 federal elections, Awolowo did propose to Azikiwe that their parties come together and form the government at the center with Azikiwe as the prime minister. What is true too is that although Awolowo public claimed that he would not serve in a feudalist government in partnership with Ahmadu Bello’s party, he (Awolowo) was contemporaneously, secretly consulting with Ahmadu Bello to form such a coalition government at the center. Shehu Shagari said he was. Shagari was Ahmadu Bello’s confidant, and emissary to Azikiwe after the 1959 elections. He informed Azikiwe that Awolowo was two-faced and should not be trusted by either Ahmadu Bello or Azikiwe. Awolowo’s two-timing has been claimed to be the proximate cause of Azikiwe’s swing away from Awolowo and toward Ahmadu Bello.

 

Akintola and Awolowo’s disagreement was first economic before it was political. Akintola wanted some of the propitious economic/business privileges (spoils) of the office of premier of Western Nigeria that Awolowo continued to enjoy even after he, Awolowo, was no longer premier and had relocated from Ibadan to Lagos. Awolowo refused to give them up. Akintola would not take “no” for an answer. Hell broke loose from then on and an economic/business disagreement over the spoils of the office of the premier of Western Nigeria became political as it was bound to become if it was not amicably and promptly resolved. The disagreements led to what became known as the Western Crises which was one of the reasons for the January 1966 military coup.

 

Awolowo did become the leader of opposition at the center- Lagos. He was determined to become prime minister even without an election mandate. He was suspected of, investigated, and accused of planning to overthrow the federal government by force. He was arrested, charged to court, and prosecuted fairly under the law. He had ample opportunity to defend himself and he did robustly. One of his defense lawyers was Sir Dingle Foot- a highly competent, senior British lawyer (Queen’s Counsel). Awolowo along with some of his co-conspirators, was convicted after their treasonable felony trial by the very well-respected Supreme Court Justice George Sowemimo (an Abeokuta man). Awolowo was sentenced to ten years in prison. Awolowo was serving his sentence in Calabar prison until his release by Emeka Ojukwu and not Yakubu Gowon as some revisionists of history have claimed.

 

A majority if not all Nigerians should share Ugo’s sentiments when he says We (Nigerians) need to aim higher and to do so with belief and determination!” This will be less likely to happen if history continues to be intentionally misreported and misrepresented to present and future generations, and always misunderstood.

Mistakes were made in the past. It is time the all effort must be to not repeat the same or similar mistakes are not repeated. There is enough national, state, and other communal experience already to inform the enlightened construction of an achieving country in which all citizens who are prepared to work hard, have faith and true love of country would have peaceful enjoyment of the duties, right and privileges of equal citizenship.  

 

oa

Chika Onyeani

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Apr 27, 2015, 7:58:13 PM4/27/15
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Segun Ogungbemi

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Apr 28, 2015, 6:24:02 PM4/28/15
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oa,
Are you an historian? If you are, which area of history is yours? And if you are not, please don't say or write what you don't know. There are still many of us who were living witnesses of the political and historical events of the defunct Western Region and other parts of the country before and after  independence. 
This forum is meant for the dissemination of intellectual and scholarly discourse with a view to contributing to Pan-African dialogue. Let us focus on intellectual facts and not self-glorification of any political idols. 

Prof. Segun Ogungbemi

On Apr 27, 2015, at 11:43 PM, "Anunoby, Ogugua" <Anun...@lincolnu.edu> wrote:

 

After the hung 1959 federal elections, Awolowo did propose to Azikiwe that their parties come together and form the government at the center with Azikiwe as the prime minister. What is true too is that although Awolowo public claimed that he would not serve in a feudalist government in partnership with Ahmadu Bello’s party, he (Awolowo) was contemporaneously, secretly consulting with Ahmadu Bello to form such a coalition government at the center. Shehu Shagari said he was. Shagari was Ahmadu Bello’s confidant, and emissary to Azikiwe after the 1959 elections. He informed Azikiwe that Awolowo was two-faced and should not be trusted by either Ahmadu Bello or Azikiwe. Awolowo’s two-timing has been claimed to be the proximate cause of Azikiwe’s swing away from Awolowo and toward Ahmadu Bello.

 

Akintola and Awolowo’s disagreement was first economic before it was political. Akintola wanted some of the propitious economic/business privileges (spoils) of the office of premier of Western Nigeria that Awolowo continued to enjoy even after he, Awolowo, was no longer premier and had relocated from Ibadan to Lagos. Awolowo refused to give them up. Akintola would not take “no” for an answer. Hell broke loose from then on and an economic/business disagreement over the spoils of the office of the premier of Western Nigeria became political as it was bound to become if it was not amicably and promptly resolved. The disagreements led to what became known as the Western Crises which was one of the reasons for the January 1966 military coup.

 

Awolowo did become the leader of opposition at the center- Lagos. He was determined to become prime minister even without an election mandate. He was suspected of, investigated, and accused of planning to overthrow the federal government by force. He was arrested, charged to court, and prosecuted fairly under the law. He had ample opportunity to defend himself and he did robustly. One of his defense lawyers was Sir Dingle Foot- a highly competent, senior British lawyer (Queen’s Counsel). Awolowo along with some of his co-conspirators, was convicted after their treasonable felony trial by the very well-respected Supreme Court Justice George Sowemimo (an Abeokuta man). Awolowo was sentenced to ten years in prison. Awolowo was serving his sentence in Calabar prison until his release by Emeka Ojukwu and not Yakubu Gowon as some revisionists of history have claimed.

 

A majority if not all Nigerians should share Ugo’s sentiments when he says We (Nigerians) need to aim higher and to do so with belief and determination!” This will be less likely to happen if history continues to be intentionally misreported and misrepresented to present and future generations, and always misunderstood.

Mistakes were made in the past. It is time the all effort must be to not repeat the same or similar mistakes are not repeated. There is enough national, state, and other communal experience already to inform the enlightened construction of an achieving country in which all citizens who are prepared to work hard, have faith and true love of country would have peaceful enjoyment of the duties, right and privileges of equal citizenship.  

 

oa

 

 

From: usaafric...@googlegroups.com [mailto:usaafric...@googlegroups.com] On Behalf Of Salimonu Kadiri
Sent: Sunday, April 26, 2015 5:08 PM
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just

 

"..... and my thinking is that his (Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments would have been inclusive and reflected the then diversity of NCNC as well,"- Ugo Nwokeji. 


 
Historically, we all know that there was no exclusive NCNC/NPC government in 1955 but a national government. Therefore, Ugo Nwokeji thinking about Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments in an inclusive way to reflect the then diversity of the NCNC could not be put to test. Nevertheless, after the 1959 federal elections the results showed that NPC, NCNC AG and their respective allies won 148, 89 and 75 seats respectively in the 312 members of Federal House of Assembly. Since, none of the political parties had absolute majority to form a government, Chief Obafemi Awolowo expressed the view to serve in a national government led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The AG and NCNC had 168 members as against NPC's 148 in the Parliament. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Government comprising of NPC, NCNC, and AG. The AG leader, Obafemi Awolowo, said that he could not serve in a feudalist led government. Then, on Sunday, 20 December 1959, and in spite of opposition from its ally in the North, NEPU, Azikiwe's NCNC announced a coalition government agreement with the NPC in which Balewa was to become Prime Minister of the federation. The NCNC even agreed to the demand of NPC that no member of the NEPU should be appointed to ministerial post or any other government institutions. Awolowo decided to be the leader of opposition in the Federal Parliament. Azikiwe coldly calculated that the highly educated NCNC would dominate those he had named feudal autocrats, non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies of the NPC even if the leader of the government was a feudalists. The federal coalition government between NPC and NCNC of 1959 onwards gave Azikiwe's NCNC the opportunity to put to test his vision of inclusively distributing federal appointments to reflect the diversity of the NCNC, but it did not happen. The political disagreement between Awolowo and his deputy Samuel Akintola arose out of the latter concern that because Awolowo refused to join the federal government, the NCNC had excised Yoruba indigenes out of federal government's appointments. The rest is history!!
 
Ugo Nwokeji wrote, "...the aim of Zik and people who shared his mind-set to forestall Nazism in this country, no matter whether it rears its ugly head in form of intolerance, bigotry, or terrorism, has failed."
 

Ugo Nwokeji with his proclamation of Zik's anti-Nazism philosophy reminds one of George Orwell's 1946, Politics and the English Language wherein he stated, "Political language - and with variations this is true of all political parties, from conservatives to Anarchists - is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder respectable, and to give appearance of solidity to pure wind." There has never been National Socialists, derived from the German Nationalsozialistische, in Nigeria. What we have had and still have are tribalists who came with the idea of master tribe destined by God to dominate other tribes in Nigeria politically and economically. It is ironical that he who introduced tribalism into the body politics of Nigeria should be talking of Nazism (National Socialism) rearing its head into Nigeria. When Nnamdi Azikiwe returned to Nigeria in 1937, The Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) had been in existence since 1922 with Herbert Macaulay  as the general Secretary and Joseph Egerton Shyngle as the President. The NNDP had won all elections to the Legislative Council in Lagos from 1923 to 1938 when it was defeated by the Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM). In fact NYM was an off-shoot of Lagos Youth Movement that was founded in 1933 by James Churchill Vaughan, Ernest Sissei Ikoli and Samuel Adesanya as leaders. When the NYM won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council in 1938, Azikiwe decided to join NYM. Besides Ikoli and Adesanya, Azikiwe stated that among the leaders of NYM at that time were, Dr Akiola Maja, H. S. A. Thomas, Jubril Martin and Dr Kofoworola Abayomi. "Prominent among its backbenchers were Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief S.L. Akintola, J.A. Tuyo, Hamzat A.Subair, F. Ogugua-Arah, S.O. Shonibare and L. Duro Emmanuel,"  Zik wrote in his Selected Speeches. Azikiwe desired leadership role for himself which was very difficult to achieve with the calibre of those in the leadership of NYM. Therefore, when a bye-election nomination over who should contest the election to the Legislative Council to replace Dr Abayomi who was on specialist study in UK turned sourer within the NYM, Azikiwe seized the opportunity to join other forces to scuttle the NYM. By 1943, NYM was in coma and NNDP won all the three seats for Lagos to the Legislative Council. That same year, Nnamdi Azikiwe founded the first tribal Union in Nigeria called *IBO FEDERAL UNION* and installed himself as the President. The name was later changed to *IBO STATE UNION.* He was immediately imitated by Eyo Ita who also founded *IBIBIO STATE UNION.* Then in August 26, 1944, Azikiwe founded NCNC and named himself the Secretary and Herbert Macaulay the President. Herbert Macaulay was 80 years old in 1944 and remained the Secretary of NNDP that was still winning elections. He had no need for a new party but the foxy Nnamdi Azikiwe targeted him for the purpose of riding on Macaulay's popularity to power. When Herbert Macaulay died on May 7, 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the President of both NNDP and NCNC. Thus at the Legislative Council Elections of December 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe, H.P. Adebola, T.O.S. Benson, Dr Ibiyinka Olorunmbe and Adeleke Adedoyin contested and won on the platform of NNDP. After the 1951 elections Azikiwe buried the NNDP until 1964 when Akintola outfoxed the foxy Azikiwe by reincarnating NNDP. It is worth remembering that five years after the Ibo Federal Union was founded by Nnamdi Azikiwe, the Egbe Omo Oduduwa was formed in Lagos by Adeyemo Alakija, Dr Akinola Maja, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Chief Bode Thomas, Chief H. Oladipo Davies, Dr Akanni Doherty and others. In the North, Dr Dikko and others founded Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa translated to Northern People's Congress. It is s by Adeyemo Alakija, Dr Akinola Maja, Dr Kofo Abayomi, Chief Bode Thomas, Chief H. Oladipo Davies, Dr Akanni Doherty and others. In the North, Dr Dikko and others founded Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa translated to Northern People's Congress. It is also noteworthy that while members of IBO STATE UNION were automatically affiliated to NCNC, members of EGBE OMO ODUDUA could belong to other parties. Thus, Oladipo Davies was an active member of NCNC and at the same time member of Egbe Omo Oduduwa. If there had been no IGBO STATE UNION, there would have been no tribalism in Nigeria. Very soon there will be OBA OF YORUBA IN ONITSHA, ABA, OWERRI, and ENUGU in response to EZE NDI IGBOS OF LAGOS.

 

Ayo Turton

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Apr 28, 2015, 8:23:01 PM4/28/15
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An edifying speech indeed!
What is so edifying in such a cunny speech with a self serving argument comparing American Presidential system of government to a Parliamentary system of government with regards to power sharing?
It is like comparing Apple to Coconut.

Azikiwe was a politician who stood for and was never known for any political philosophy his entire political life. He was an all weather political scavenger who stood for nothing but immediate gratification.
So when he died, he died leaving no legacy behind or a political philosophy for his followers to emulate.
Awolowo legacy lives on in the West and has provided direction for Yoruba political afilliation, Sardauna political philosophy is still a light unto the feet of an average Northern politician.

What and where is Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe political legacy?  A curious mind wants to know.

Ayo Turton

--

Rex Marinus

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Apr 28, 2015, 8:56:49 PM4/28/15
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Dear Segun Ogungbemi:
In this era of interdisciplinary work and multi-disciplinary research, particularly in the humanities and social sciences, the generic boundaries of the disciplines have almost nearly disappeared. Serious scholars doing cutting edge research no longer ask that question. It is like asking the entomologist, Edmund O. Wilson, if he is a historian, given his work in the biospheric and ecological history of the species, or the economist Paul Krugman, if he were a Political Scientist, Literary critic, or journalist. We no longer live in these silos. Permit me to suggest that your question to Ogugua is not only presumptuous and patronizing, it is frankly meaningless and myopic! What does it mean to be a historian? Is political or literary memoir a valid source for historical research? I'm just now reading Paul Anderson's finely edited collection of George Orwell's journalism, (Orwell in Tribune: 1943-7) from a compilation of Orwell's column, "As I Please" in the London Tribune. Is it literary criticism, political writing, or journalism? I do not wish to belabour the point.

Perhaps, it would have been more profitable to this forum if you had essayed a more concrete rebuttal to challenge the facts as Ogugua had presented them. Many of the claims he makes are actually in the public records. Proceedings of the Coker commission are public record. Interviews, and statements by active political agents of that era of history are valid historical testimony, and certainly, Alhaji Shehu Shagari testifies to the evidence that Ogugua calls up. Unless you can claim some deeper insider knowledge in the operations of any of the parties in that period, your knowledge of such events, however old and present you were in those times, can only be contingent on the kind of fragmented and mediated knowledge made generally available to the public. Not everyone present at the unfolding of the events of history know its true contours. The true value of history is that it is preserved in documents - diaries, memoirs, court records, minutes of meetings, newspaper interviews and reports, and sometimes first person oral accounts of close participants of events. If you have those, and you have alternative information and perspective that might challenge the primary argument, share it, rather than making opaque quips that do not add or shed new light to the discussion.

The more significant fact for me however is how Nigerians have generally not taken  a closer, more critical look at the political culture of the first republic. W have relied mostly on hear-say and myth. The hard fact is that there was no fundamental ideological differences between the Action Group and the Northern People's Congress. They had the same programmatic vision, to the point of echoing each other in places. They each catered to the preservation of the same traditional, conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the west and the feudal oligarchies of the North. AG was as oligarchic as the NPC in spite of all the attempts at later-day revisionism. All we need to do is examine them closely using historical data and analysis. So, to hyperventilate about why the NCNC, founded on a broad coalition of trade and town unions, the Labour movement, Literary and Debating societies, socialist organizations, and the like, made the pragmatic choice to work with one over the other amounts in some ways to navel-gazing, i'm afraid. The north was threatening to pull out of the federation in 1954/55 and in 1959/60; Azikiwe and his party's choice was principally to preserve the nation as an independent commonwealth by reassuring the leaders of the north. Zik, in fact, sublimated his own personal ambitions for the sake of that goal. This is historical fact.
Obi Nwakanma



Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: segun...@gmail.com
Date: Tue, 28 Apr 2015 23:06:01 +0100
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com

Ibrahim Abdullah

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Apr 28, 2015, 9:28:53 PM4/28/15
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Interesting question. From Zik of Africa to the Owelle of Onitsha. This says it all about Zik. The history of post-colonial Nigeria would have been different If only he had stayed in the West to tough it out. But he choose to retreat to his Dar: to defend his 'home'  turf like Awo and Sarduna. And the result? The fractured nation-state that we now call Nigeria.
The singular legacy of the notorious trio is the nation-state that has refused to come to terms with meaningful citinzeship as the key marker of modernity.

----------------------

Ayo Turton

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Apr 28, 2015, 10:31:25 PM4/28/15
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I cannot see anything in the rather rhetorical question of Mr. Ogungbemi that limits the understanding of who will qualify as an historian to the traditional definition of an historian.
His question could as well be asking if OA is an "historian" in the mould of Edmund Wilson or Paul Krugman. The operative part of his statement is for OA to stop saying or write what he doesn't know.
The truth is that no matter how many times a lie is told,  a lie told a million times will still not make it the truth. I will like to challenge OA as an intellectual to provide us with the link or the source of his information  where Shagari attested to Awo's double-dealing.
That is another gospel according to Igbo intellectuals just like the "masterpiece" tales by the moonlight of "carpet-crossing" in the Western Region, manufactured by Zik and Mbadiwe and perpetuated by the likes of Chinua Achebe. I hope you know that didn't happen as well.
I am prepared to supply you with the names of everyone that participated in that election and the party they represented.
The truth is that there is the Nigerian history and there is the Igbo-made version of Nigerian history.

Well if there is no ideological difference between NPC and AG, how come that Zik the different one was always the one to quickly jump into others bandwagon?

I  am still putting this challenge out there, what was Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe political ideology?  Where did he stand as a politician?
Best,

Ayo Turton

Segun Ogungbemi

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Apr 29, 2015, 4:01:22 AM4/29/15
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Thanks Ayo for your response. I get disturbed when some of our Ibo intellectuals present hear says as historical facts to smear Pa Awolowo. A man who contributed so much to the unity of Nigeria. Any  form of invented history by anyone will not be a fact of history when its goals are  to distort historical facts that we know. 
I think it is false to say that there is "no ideological difference between NPC and AG," for instance, AG propagated free education for all while NPC rejected it. How many schoolgirls enrolled in schools in the North where NPC was a dominant political party? How many almojiris went to school in those days in the North? Today, you will not be surprised that a number of intellectuals, scholars, professionals from the defunct Western Region were able to be what they are now as a result of free education ideology and policy of the AG. 
I want everyone to know that I am a 'student' of interdisciplinary studies because it offers better knowledge and understanding of humanities. 
Prof. Segun Ogungbemi


 
Historically, we all know that there was no exclusive NCNC/NPC government in 1955 but a national government. Therefore, Ugo Nwokeji thinking about Azikiwe's vision for distributing NCNC'S appointments in an inclusive way to reflect the then diversity of the NCNC could not be put to test. Nevertheless, after the 1959 federal elections the results showed that NPC, NCNC AG and their respective allies won 148, 89 and 75 seats respectively in the 312 members of Federal House of Assembly. Since, none of the political parties had absolute majority to form a government, Chief Obafemi Awolowo expressed the view to serve in a national government led by Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. The AG and NCNC had 168 members as against NPC's 148 in the Parliament. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Goent. Having been called upon by the Governor General, Sir James Robertson, to form a government, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa realizing the Parliamentary situation expressed his desire to form a National Government comprising of NPC, NCNC, and AG. The AG leader, Obafemi Awolowo, said that he could not serve in a feudalist led government. Then, on Sunday, 20 December 1959, and in spite of opposition from its ally in the North, NEPU, Azikiwe's NCNC announced a coalition government agreement with the NPC in which Balewa was to become Prime Minister of the federation. The NCNC even agreed to the demand of NPC that no member of the NEPU should be appointed to ministerial post or any other government institutions. Awolowo decided to be the leader of opposition in the Federal Parliament. Azikiwe coldly calculated that the highly educated NCNC would dominate those he had named feudal autocrats, non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies of the NPC even if the leader of the government was a feudalists. The federal coalition government between NPC and NCNC of 1959 onwards gave Azikiwe's NCNC the opportunity to put to test his vision of inclusively distributing federal appointments to reflect the diversity of the NCNC, but it did not happen. The political disagreement between Awolowo and his deputy Samuel Akintola arose out of the latter concern that because Awolowo refused to join the federal government, the NCNC had excised Yoruba indigenes out of federal government's appointments. The rest is history!!


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Bode

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Apr 29, 2015, 4:36:26 AM4/29/15
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I am not sure I agree completely with this statement.  There was the story of Bode Thomas slapping or being rude to an Oba, which we were told resulted in the curse that killed him. And also the deportation and exile of Oba Olagbaju by the Action Group among many conflicts between AG and the institution of monarchy in the West. The agenda of the AG was more focused on rapid modernization and radical change, and not merely preservation of tradition and Obaship. They used the institution and not the other way around.

Bode 

Ayo Turton

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Apr 29, 2015, 7:57:40 AM4/29/15
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Thanks Prof. Ogungbemi. 
I deliberately refused to be on the defensive with regards to the NPC and AG comparison by Dr. Nwakama.
When a supposedly learned person can write that there is no ideological difference between those two parties,  as far as I am concerned "oro ti pesi je" (the statement already swallowed the answer)
One has to be an Igbo intellectual to say that. Where do you begin to lecture such person? They were actually like two parallel lines. NPC was against everything AG stood for.
Over 60 years after Awolowo emerged on the scene, his distinct political philosophy still lives on. His legacies you can point to, his trademark hat is still coveted by politicians seeking to emulate him.
I rather want to be enlightened about the "remains" of Nnamdi Azikiwe, what is there out there that we can point as a product of Azikiwe political sagacity that he displayed so much when alive? Nothing. Because the man as brilliant as he was stood for nothing.

Best,

Ayo

Ayo Turton

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Apr 29, 2015, 7:57:52 AM4/29/15
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I am sorry Dr or Mr Bode I don't know how to address you because I am new to the forum even though I know some of the participants here before now.

That statement by Dr. Nwakama is typical and was calculated to diminish both political parties.
He made it look like the both parties were built around Obas and Emirs.
It make sense why one will choose to attack what you perceived as the greatest strength of your opponent that one knows he lacked.
Both Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani/Kanuri had civilizations that preceded colonization.  They built empires and lived in well structured societies that could rival with any civilization of its time. As a matter of fact the Yoruba people lived in walled cities like the Roman and Greek civilizations did.
Unlike our brothers from the East of Niger River who lived in less structured society and whose all major cities were built by colonial masters as provincial centers.

How do you now build a system of government that will leave out a substantial part of your history?  The Japanese created a role for its monarch,  Britain did and many other civilized countries across the world.  What makes such structure a "political ideology?"

I am shaking and scratching my head in Prof. Bolaji Aluko mode.

Ayo

--

Rex Marinus

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Apr 29, 2015, 9:27:01 AM4/29/15
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Bode:
You might recall, the powerful Emir Sanusi of Kano too was deposed and exiled by an NPC government of the North. The NPC's northern program was also modernization - but as for "radical change" - that's taking it too far. The question has been thrown here,  about how many northerners benefited from a Northern education program. The fact is every Northerner that went to school in the North had free education and generous scholarships. All we need to do is look at the range of Northerners that emerged in the national stage between 1954 and the postwar years, and you will begin to understand the extent of the northernization program in public education. As at 1959, Judith Safinat Attah was the first Northern Nigerian woman to attain a university degree. She went to school in Readings under a Northern Nigerian program on women's education. She returned as Education officer to the North managing and establishing Girls Secondary schools in Ilorin, Kano, Yola, and many cites where a new generation of Northern women were being educated. I point this out to cut through these rather unfounded assumptions, borne largely of misinformation, that the Awoist love very much, that no other regions were investing in education as did the Action Group government with its "Free education" program. Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly that his free education was necessary "in order to catch up with the East!" in much the same way as he also very clearly argued that the reason for progress in the East of his time, was because of the established "fidelity" between the East and its leaders. I'd like Awoists to read a lot of Awo. Bode, AG's political philosophy and its organogram was built on maintaining a traditional, conservative, power infrastructure. That was why, when Awo finally realized the limits of that program, and took the plunge with the so-called "young turks" in 1962 following their Jos Conference, intent  on reforming the party and expanding its mission, the Action Group swooned into a massive crisis . The ideological cracks widened the internal power divisions that emerged in the party circa 1959/60.
 
Ayo Turton: "Zikism" - the philosophical and ideological constructions derived from the political writings and organizing principles of Nnamdi Azikiwe - is the ideology that Azikiwe left behind. Zikism is rooted on the idea of the "new African" and of an African renaissance based on five clear ethical foundations. Azikiwe coherently theorized this in 1937 in his Renascent Africa, for years considered the most important book on African political philosophy in one generation. As Walinmu Julius Nyerere, himself a Zikist, said while giving the Nnamdi Azikiwe lectures at Lincoln, "until my generation read Renascent Africa we did not know of the Africa that exists..." I personally had the great pleasure in 1997 at a private dinner organized for him at the home of his late friend, the distinguished economist Pius Okigbo, on Sanusi Fafunwa street in Victoria Island to meet Nyerere; and in my snatch discussions with him on the subject of Zik, he said, and I remember this clearly: "Azikiwe's ideas charted the course, and we all followed... ." So, for those who question the legacy of Zikist philosophy, they should excavate it in the works and writings of those who were driven by Zikist thought: Nkrumah, Ako Adjei, even the old intellectual nationalists like Kobina Sekyi, whose meeting with Zik in the Gold Coast in 1934/5 with Akunna Wallace-Johnson, changed the course of political discourse and action in Ghana; and in Nigeria many more; and across Africa many more. 
 
There is only one truth which I am bound to concede here: Nigeria, as it is today, is the failure of the Zikist project and the triumph Awo's and Sarduana's ideas about nation. We can acknowledge this. As a political philosophy Zikism, as Zik himself clearly articulated it, is drawn from a hybrid of three methods: aspects of Fabianism, Garveyite Pan-Africanism, and Whitehead's pragmatism - drawn essentially from the influence of his teacher, Alain Locke, for whom he had been research assistant at Howard, and who himself had bee a student of James Whitehead's at Harvard.  So, what is the ideology of Zikism: it is based on the idealist philosophy of Zik, that the renewal and modernity of Africa constitutes a moral and historical imperative, based on a method of sublate engagement, and anchored on five ethical foundations: mental freedom, economic determinism, spiritual balance, etc. Azikiwe's organizational principle is based on the "Ekumeku" method: to engage an unequal power, you must learn the slipperiness of the boxer, the patience of the Roman General Maximus Pontifex, and the necessity of dynamic motion. To be fixed to a spot is to be subject to overwhelming force. As for the quip about moving from "Zik of Africa" to "Owelle of Onitsha" - Zik himself was clear: the clear source of universality is locality. Zikism is a version of an idealist humanism, that can today be viewed from two lenses: the idea that social or renascent movements can be overdetermined, and secondly, that Africa as an idea constitutes a permanent renaissance based on the eternal philosophy of a permanently "new Africa," using whenever necessary, the Ekumeku method. I hope I have answered your questions.
Obi Nwakanma

 

Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: segun...@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 04:25:52 +0100
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com

Femi Segun

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Apr 29, 2015, 9:54:39 AM4/29/15
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RM:
But from what I read in Richard Sklars' book on Political Parties in Nigeria: Power in an Emergent Nation, the Great Zik denied radical members of the Zikist movement such as Okoye and his colleagues  when they were being tried for treason by the colonial government in the 1950s. I see a contradiction in the fact he espoused this philosophy and yet denied adherents of the philosophy when it mattered most. Please can you clarify this aspect of the history of Zikism in Nigeria?
Femi

Rex Marinus

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Apr 29, 2015, 10:25:58 AM4/29/15
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Dear Segun Ogungbemi:
You must be a professor at the University of Ibadan! It does actually show in the quality your thinking and your writing. It is very contemporary Ibadan. For that, I thruway salute. May your tribe increase wherever you study or 'profess' interdisciplinarity. Your logic astounds me, and the world, not just I, needs be astounded. I salute you.
Obi Nwakanma
 

Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
From: segun...@gmail.com
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 04:25:52 +0100
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com

Ayo Turton

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Apr 29, 2015, 10:26:07 AM4/29/15
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Thanks for your piece Dr. Nwakama but we need to separate facts from fiction.
Number one, did you just say Awo said "in order to catch up with the East" in education? I can't believe you just wrote that! When the East didn't even produce their first sets of professionals until several decades after the West did. 
As a matter of fact, all the best of the best from the East were all trained in the West.  They enjoyed our free education,  Zik tried it and fail.
Achebe,  the Okigbos, Ekwueme,  Ojukwu etc were all trained and schooled in Yorubaland. Even Ngozi Okonjo-Iwealla went to Saint Annes Ibadan and her father also did!
The only achievement actually attributable to Zik was his desperation to get close to the West in education and he actually did using the alliance with NPC by taking  90% of scholarship positions due to the South to train Igbo people alone to the detriment of others in a country that understood only North/South dichotomy.

With regards to Northern education the North has a policy not to expose their wards to the "evil" Western education that may make them challenge their feudalistic authority.  They deliberately kept them down and sent them to Arabic Schools as opposed to Awolowo that massively educated his own people. 
Of course the negligible number of Northern elites that did got it for free.
As a matter of fact Awolowo was challenged and castigated for preaching free education to their people.  Prof. Banji Akintoye who I can bring to the forum to testify to this had an encounter with one of the Northern leaders as a Senator even as late as 1979 that they are not interested in free education of masses of their people. 

With regards to Zikism, I still don't know what that means till today other than it being a political slogan. I have heard of Buharism and Adedibuism as well, lobatan. E come finish.
Pan-Africanism that Zik learned as a follower of Nkurumah IS NOT a POLITICAL IDEOLOGY  it was a MOVEMENT. That is why it died with the actors. That's all I  have to say about that. You will need to try again sir

Best,
Ayo

Rex Marinus

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Apr 29, 2015, 1:20:43 PM4/29/15
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Dear Professor Falola: my hat is on the floor for you. I salute you sir. First, as you'd notice, I do not refer  to "the Yoruba" as a general rule; I refer to "Awoists" because it is quite clear to me that Awo led a distinctive movement, and it was hardly pan-Yoruba. And as you correctly noted, not everyone in the East is a Zikist. I think your point is well made and taken. I think people are free to have their own heroes, but I think it is equally important to know the heroes we celebrate, and the ideas that animated them. We have a right to review, contextualize, and examine the facts that shape our alignments and affiliations, beyond myth-making. That is the value of all these to me: to make certain that we know the deities to whom we bow. I am glad that you mentioned that Ibadan was a "Zikist city" if there was any. There are many today, who do not know this fact. Thank you very much for your patience, when we at certain moments of enthusiasm, let free the run of our madness. This forum is a marketplace. And it is as Jadum, the great madman and philosopher was wont to say, "The market may be crowded, but some come with empty baskets."
 
Ayo Turton:
I'm quite certain that you will change your mind if you have all facts, which is why I'm providing these contexts. I think, if you permit me to say, you have been wrongly educated on the subject of Nigerian history. For example, Achebe, Okigbo, Ekwueme, Ojukwu, etc. went to the government colleges - in Umuahia and Lagos (Kings), and this long before any of these men came to power. Achebe and Okigbo, for instance, went to the University College Ibadan, which without Aziiwe's pressure would possibly not have been established. My authority on this is Michael Crowder (see his The Story of Nigeria) and his reference to Arthur Richard's attempt to cuddle Zik, circa 1945/6. Awolowo was not in the picture when the University College Ibadan was established. He had no hand in it. Please verify for yourself. Read! Read! Read beyond your comfort zones!
 
You probably did not know that Ibadan was governed from Enugu up till 1943, before the creation of the three regions by Arthur Richards in 1946. Ayo, the facts of Northern education from 1954 to at least 1966, as you have reproduced here is significantly false. It is true that a greater more people were always enrolled in schools in Southern Nigeria, but the NPC government had, as part of its northernization policy to "catch up with the South," embarked on a vast program of rapid education. That is how come the likes of Babangida, etc. ended up at the various government colleges in Barewa, Bida, Keffi, Kastina, Kaduna, Illorin, etc, supplemented by missionary schools in Gindiri, Zaria, Jos, Kano, etc. And the beneficiaries were not vastly children of the aristocracy. Most of the contemporary laeders of the North did not turn out to be children of the aristocracy. Sir Abubakar Balewa was no child of the traditional Northern aristocracy. It is part of the Southern Nigerian conceit, particularly from the kind of misinformation retailed by Awoists, to presume and comfort itself with the fiction of "Northern ignorance" and "illiteracy." I think you must re-examine that attitude. The only fundamental difference between Awo and Sarduana was that one cast his eyes Eastwards, and the other westwards; besides that that they were cut from the same political cloth.
 
Francis Kwame Nkrumah himself has himself written in acknowledgement of his ideological debts to Zik, and so it is pointless stretching this point with you. Nkrumah met Zik in Accra, and used to come to listen to Azikiwe address labour and other political activists at the Accra Clubs Union. He was on his way to the Catholic seminary when Zik convinced him to a different course, secured him admission and scholarship at his alma mater, Lincoln in 1938, and introduced him to his wide network in the African-American intellectual community, just as he did Ako Adjei, k.O.Mbadiwe, Nwafor Orizu, Ikejiani, Mbonu Ojike, K.A.B Quartey-Jones, who later wrote his biography, and some more, who became the backbone of the Zikist project of African liberation in the 1940s. In other words, these were the Zik discipleship. It was Zik who wrote to and convinced the leaders of the Nationalist party, the Gold Coast Convention Party in Ghana - the likes of Ofori-Attah, his uncle J.B. Danqua, Emman Kobina Sekyi, etc., to bring back Nkrumah from London, where he was "wasting his talents"  as Azikiwe noted. Therefore, how could Zik have learnt Pan-Africanism from Nkrumah? And I beg your pardon: an ideology is the categorical principles on which a movement is instrumentalized. Zikism was the instrumental ideology for the African liberation and anti-colonial movement in the crucial inter war years in West Africa. I do not think you can revise this. Pan-Africanism is in abeyance from the forces of neo-colonialism. It is not dead. Every renaissance movement speaks to the renewal of a dying past. There will be a new pan-African surge, and it will rely on the clarity of vision of the Zikists.
 
Finally to Femi Segun: thanks for your question. Years ago as a young reporter, I went to Enugu to interview Mokugo Okoye, among the five of the Zikists, who were at the frontline of the movement that I was able to speak with: Harry Nwanna, Kola Balogun, MCK Ajuluchukwu, and Mbazulike Amechi. Among these, Amechi is the lone survivor at the moment. In my various questions, I distilled the story of Azikiwe's action thus: when the leaders of the Zikist movement met Zik in Lagos to open discussions about entering the phase of the armed struggle, Azikiwe cautioned them about the stages of the revolution. First, he asked them who would supply them the arms for a sustained rebellion. If they were to rely on the same foe they were fighting to supply them, then they were bound to reconsider. Secondly, Nigerians were not ideologically ready or motivated, at that stage of political development, to support an armed struggle. It made more sense to adopt two methods: the Ghandi method and the British claim to liberal constitutionalist principles and catch them at their game. Zik had had this same argument with I.T.A Wallace Johnson in Accra in 1935. With his experience of the sedition laws and his trial in the Gold Coast in 1936, he knew that the British had set a trap for the Zikists. The British colonial intelligence services had also infiltrated the ranks of the Zikist movement. If the NCNC and Zik had anything, they also had a vast and intricate network of local intelligence too, and were constantly ahead of the game. The British colonial authority planned to use the excuse of an armed rebellion to eliminate the leadership of the anti-colonial movement, destroy the movement, and set back the agitation for independence. Azikiwe, from talking with these men, made these all clear.  But the Zikists, mostly young "hot-headed" men, insisted on defying Zik and pursuing their objective. Azikiwe requested that they first let him go to Epe, before they launched their action, which they did. It did not take much for the colonial regime to subdue that rebellion in all the cities where they had staged their action, arrest the leaders of the movement, and put them to trial. But all in anticipation of this, Azikiwe had used the West African Pilot to quickly, publicly distance the leadership of the movement from the Zikist movement: "these are young fissiparous elements" he declared. Azikiwe's action accomplished two things: (a) it tied the hands of the colonial regime from moving and investigating, and arresting the leaders of the nationalist movement, and (b) it gave him the leverage to negotiate their release. It took Zik, working his channels, to reduce the jail terms, and reduce the consequences, other than the banning of the movement, on these young men, some of them no older than 19 years. It was a very strategic, and pragmatic move.
Obi Nwakanma

 

Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 10:21:15 -0400

Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just

Ayo Turton

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Apr 29, 2015, 1:54:48 PM4/29/15
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Dr. Nwakama thanks for the amount of effort put into your last write-up it is appreciated.  I will reply fully when I am a little bit less busy.

But let me quickly say here that there was never a time Ibadan was governed from Enugu. Sir Bernard Bourdillon who preceded Arthur Richard in office divided the Southern Nigeria into East and West and governed from the Government House in Lagos.  Bourdillon Road Ikoyi is named after him. This is a factual disagreement that we can easily verify.
But with regards to the education of the likes of Achebe,  Okigbos, Zik's political ideology I will get back to you later.
Little bit busy now.

Thanks.

Ayo

Segun Ogungbemi

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Apr 29, 2015, 2:09:46 PM4/29/15
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"Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly that his free education was necessary 'in order to catch up with the East'."
Would you please cite the source so that we can read it, if you want us to believe you.

Prof. Segun Ogungbemi

Segun Ogungbemi

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Apr 29, 2015, 2:31:11 PM4/29/15
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Obi,
Point of correction, I am not a professor at Ibadan. I was however a student at UI and later went to the US for further studies. I also taught there for several years before coming home to teach in some Nigerian universities. I am currently at Adekunle Ajasin University Akungba-Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria. 
Prof. Segun Ogungbemi

Ayo Turton

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Apr 29, 2015, 5:29:59 PM4/29/15
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Dr. Nwakama,
Since it doesn't look like I will have the time to fully address your points anytime soon, let me quickly address the highlights of your post.

On Northern Education
It is no secret that Sardauna was more preoccupied with recruiting his wards into the military than colleges which he saw as the future of Nigeria.  He was right to some extent. It is trite, therefore a waste of time debating it.

On Training Igbo Elites in Yorubaland
I didn't make this assertion in reference to Awo's free education but in reference to your assertion that the West was trying to catch up with the East. At what point was that possible when the first sets of Igbo to have better education had to set their feet on Yorubaland to acquire it. Is it not trite that the first Nigerian Doctor, Lawyer, Accountant etc were all Yoruba?

On University of Ibadan
I get uncomfortable when intellectuals manufacture stories that can be easily debunked. The Commissions set up by the British Government,  Asquith & Elliott Commissions already decided to set up University College Ibadan in 1943 before Arthur Richard who was "cuddling Zik circa 1945/46" according to you even became the Governor of Nigeria.

On Zik & Nkurumah
I think whereever the history of Pan Africanism is being told, after W B Dubois, the names of the likes of Nkurumah and Julius Nyerere would be next.
That is actually besides the point, the truth is that Pan Africanism is a movement to get independence for all African countries, therefore it can't be Zik's political ideology for post independent Nigeria.
Pan-Africanism is irrelevant with regards to Nigeria local politics.

Thanks,

Ayo.

--

Anunoby, Ogugua

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Apr 30, 2015, 10:05:30 AM4/30/15
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so,

 

Does one have to be a historian to qualify to contribute in this forum? You seem to be concerned with the messenger and not their message.

You surprise me. What is your point?

One does not know including know correctly just because the one is a witness. The one must be paying full and proper attention with an open mind. You have heard I believe, of unreliable witness accounts which accounts are usually not acceptable as information of record.

What causes or places you in a position to make a determination on what other people know or do not know? My suggestion (I was tempted to say advise but you may take offense) is that you post to this forum, what you know including any worthy disagreement with the postings of others rather than expend valuable mental energy and time on obtuse assertion and contention.    

Facts do not cease to be facts because the ignorant or misinformed dispute them.   

 

oa  

--

Salimonu Kadiri

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May 2, 2015, 3:06:13 PM5/2/15
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After my last submission on this subject, I took a short leave. Back from leave, I found out that there had been heated debates on the subject under discussion to the extent that the moderator was  considering closing down debates on the issue because it was becoming ethnically acrimonious. Once upon a time, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe told Ahmadu Bello, "Let us forget our differences," and Ahmadu Bello replied, "No, let us understand our differences, for it is when we understand our differences that we can build a strong nation together." Similarly to Ahmadu Bello's reply to Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe as quoted above our honourable intellectuals in this forum should understand our country's different historical pasts so that we can all build a strong Nigeria together. Hence, I seek the indulgence of the moderator(s) to submit my contribution to the debate.
 
Ogugua Anunoby wrote,"After the hung 1959 federal elections, Awolowo did propose to Azikiwe that their parties come together and form the government at the center with Azikiwe as the Prime Minister. What is true too is that although Awolowo publicly claimed he would not serve in a feudalist government in partnership with Ahmadu Bello's party, he (Awolowo) was contemporaneously, secretly consulting with Ahmadu Bello to form such a coalition government at the center. Shehu Shagari said he was. Shehu Shagari was Ahmadu Bello's confidant, and emissary to Azikiwe after the 1959 elections." To begin with, it is historically untrue that Awolowo proposed a two party government of AG and NCNC at the centre to Azikiwe. What Awolowo proposed was a national government comprising of NPC, NCNC and AG led by Azikiwe as the Prime Minister. It should not be forgotten that only Awolowo campaigned throughout Nigeria in !959 while Azikiwe restricted his campaigns to the Western and Eastern Region. Ahmadu Bello as the leader of NPC restricted his campaign to the North and vowed never to forgive Awolowo for forcing him to beg for votes from his subjects. Awolowo and Azikiwe had relinquished the Premiership of their respective region to contest for Prime ministership at the centre while Ahmadu Bello ceded the federal Prime Minister's post to his deputy, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. On one hand Ogugua Anunoby admitted that Awolowo publicly announced that he would never serve in a National Government led by a feudalist and in the other hand OA referred to Shehu Shagari as Ahmadu Bello's confidant and emissary to Azikiwe after the 1959 elections who revealed to Azikiwe that Awolowo was consulting with NPC to form a coalition government. If we are to apply historical probability that it was true that Shehu Shagari credited Awolowo with secret coalition contact with the NPC, would it not be intelligent to think that Shehu Shagari said this to Azikiwe in order to prevent him from accepting the Prime Ministership offered by Awolowo? Why did Ahmadu Bello send Shehu Shagari as an emissary to Azikiwe? Was it not for the purpose of convincing Azikiwe not to accept to lead a national government offered by Awolowo? Did it make any sense to claim that Ahmadu Bello sent Shehu Shagari as an emissary to Azikiwe when he could have talked to him direct? In 1957, when Azikiwe and Awolowo were still Premier of Eastern and Western Region respectively,  Abubakar Tafawa Balewa in his broadcast to the nation in September 1957 as the first Prime Minister of Nigeria said among other things, "To further this overriding need for unity, my colleagues in the Council of Ministers and I have decided to give the country a lead by inviting the leaders of the Action Group to form with us a truly National Government composed of members of the main parties.... I and my colleagues of the NCNC and NPC hold out our hands in welcome to the Action Group members of the Council and I promise you that we shall do our utmost to ensure that the deliberations of the Council are held in an atmosphere devoid of strife and narrow party prejudice (p. 6-7, MR PRIME MINISTER - A selection of speeches made by Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Published by the Federal Ministry of Information, Lagos, 1964)." Although, AG eventually joined the national government, it is clear from the above referenced broadcast that the NCNC had already been in the government with the NPC which Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe had described, in his Presidential address to the IBO State Union in 1950, as feudal autocrats, non-English speaking ciphers and illiterate dummies. Those qualities were the main reason why Azikiwe's NCNC was always eager to go into coalition with the NPC in order to assert its presumed superior educational and business talents over the backward North. Viewed from this historical fact, the assertion of Ogugua Anunoby that the swing of Azikiwe to the NPC depended on alleged Awolowo's two-timing was a grade one historical construction and a lie.
 
Ogugua Anunoby averred, "Awolowo's disagreement was first economic before it was political. Akintola wanted some of the propitious economic/business privileges (spoils) of the office of premier of Western Nigeria that Awolowo continued to enjoy even after he, Awolowo, was no longer premier and had relocated from Ibadan to Lagos."
 
The above is a fictitious story which Ogugua Anunoby is trying to transform into real history. Immediately after Independence, Awolowo as the leader of opposition alarmed the nation about the Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact signed by the NPC/NCNC coalition government, that allowed Britain to intervene militarily in Nigeria if the former considered the latter's security threatened. Nationwide demonstrations against the pact forced the federal government to cancel the agreement. Neither Britain nor federal government liked what the Action Group leader, Obafemi Awolowo had done. Thereafter, began the persecution of the Action Group and its Western Region controlled Government by the NPC/NCNC controlled Federal government. First, the NPC/NCNC coalition government set up a commission of enquiry to investigate the National Bank of Nigeria owned mainly by the Western Region's government in early 1961. The Action Group controlled government of Western Region challenged the constitutional right of the federal government to set up such enquiry in the court and won. Secondly, on 4 April 1961 the NCNC/NPC majority in the Federal Parliament passed a motion to create Midwest Region out of Western Region but rejected Action Group's motion to simultaneously create Calabar Ogoja Rivers (COR) and Middle Belt Regions in Eastern and Northern Region respectively. The Action Group government of the Western Region challenged the right of the Federal Government to carve out a region out of Western region alone. In conjunction with this, Yoruba people were being systematically side-tracked and neglected in the Nigerianlisation of appointments and promotions in the federal civil service and government corporations. It was at that stage Akintola began to clamour that the AG leader, Awolowo, should join the Federal Government, in order to stop the exclusion of Yorubas from Federal government appointments and promotions. Awolowo rejected Akintola's suggestion on the ground that appointees in the Federal Civil Service and government corporations were expected to deliver goods and services to the entire people of Nigeria and not to their respective tribes alone. Akintola did not relent.
 
The rift between the AG leader, Awolowo, and his deputy, Akintola, became public at the Jos Congress of the Action Group Party on 2nd February 1962, where Awolowo delivered a presidential address. Awolowo implored members to embrace the Party's new ideology of *Democratic Socialism*; he counselled the Party against joining the NPC/NCNC coalition to form a national government; he wanted the party to work vigorously for the creation of new states in the three regions and he wanted to sustain the Action Group as the main opposition party in the Northern and Southern Regions. Opposing Awolowo, the National Secretary of the Action Group, Ayotunde Rosiji, submitted a report in which he drew member's attention to the Action Group's electoral decline in the Eastern and Northern Regions in 1961. He listed the decline as follows: In the May 1961,  elections to the Northern House of Assembly the AG won 9 seats to 156 for the NPC while the ally of NCNC in the North, NEPU, won only a seat. In the November 1961 elections to the Eastern House of Assembly, the AG won 15 seats to 106 for the NCNC and 25 seats for other parties and independent candidates. Therefore Rosiji emphasized the need to consolidate power by each major party in its regional strong hold (a sort of North for the NPC, East for the NCNC and West for the AG). Without waiting for his report to be debated Rosiji, Akintola and six others including five ministers in the government of Western Region left the Congress in Jos on February 3, 1962, to receive visiting Premier of Northern Nigeria and leader of NPC, Ahmadu Bello, in Ibadan, capital of Western Region. Since Rosiji did not stay to defend his report, the AG Congress did not only reject his report but replaced him as the National Secretary of the Party with the AG leader of Opposition in the Eastern House of Assembly, S. G. Ikoku. Thenceforth, commenced the battle for hegemony in the Action Group Party between Awolowo's *DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM IDEOLOGY* and Akintola's desire to join *the NPC/NCNC CHOP-CHOP AT THE EXPENSE OF THE MASSES NATIONAL COALITION GOVERNMENT.*
 
Concerning the trial of Obafemi Awolowo for treasonable felony Ogugua Anunoby failed to account for how the Federal Coalition government of NPC/NCNC forcibly prevented Alhaji Dauda Soroye Adegbenro to ascend the Premiership having been sworn in by the then Governor of Western Region, Sir Adesoji Aderemi. Ogugua also failed to mention that the NPC/NCNC federal controlled government declared six months state of emergency in Western Region, 29 May 1962, whereby Awolowo and his supporters were restricted outside their normal place of abode. The Igbo Governor General of the Fedration, Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, signed all the thirteen Emergency Acts on  Western Region into Law. In November 1962, Awolowo and thirty members of his party, Action Group, were charged for treasonable felony against the NPC/NCNC federal coalition government. Therefore when Emergency rule ended 31 December 1962, the NPC/NCNC federal coalition government re-instated Akintola, who had then formed United People's Party (UPP), as premier of Western Region on January 1, 1963. In spite of the fact that the NCNC had 43 members as against 40 for the UPP, the former conceded Premiership to UPP's Akintola in a coalition government against the AG that had been reduced to 38 members in the House of Assembly. At the same time Awolowo and key members of his party were remanded in custody for treasonable felony trial. Contrary to the assertion of Ogugua Anunoby, Awolowo's choice of defence lawyer was not approved by the NPC/NCNC federal coalition government as Dingle Foot was not permitted to land in Nigeria. Awolowo being a lawyer had to defend himself. In May 1963, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London, ruled that Sir Adesoji Aderemi was constitutionally right when he removed Akintola as the Premier of the West without prior vote of no confidence on the floor of the House. The Western Regional legislature of UPP/NCNC quickly enacted a constitutional amendment, which the Federal Parliament endorsed, with retroactive effect to provide that the Premier could not be removed without an adverse vote in the House of Assembly. This back-dating of constitutional amendment was signed into law by the Igbo Governor General of the Federation,  Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe. In July 1963, the UPP/NCNC coalition government passed a resolution in the Western House of Assembly, to carve out Midwest State from the Region. In February 1964, elections were held to the Midwest Region House of Assembly and the NCNC won 53 seats against the MDF (Midwest Democratic Front) 11 seats. While Denis Osadebay became Premier of Midwest Region, Remi Fani-Kayode became Parliamentary Leader of the NCNC in the West and Deputy Premier to Samuel Ladoke Akintola. By September 1963, Awolowo was sentenced to ten years imprisonment having been found guilty of treasonable felony and seventeen of his associates were sentenced to various prison terms between two and seven years. With Awolowo incarcerated, Azikiwe and Michael Ihenokura Okpara thought the way was paved to eventually take over the government of Western Region.  
 
Barely five months after Awolowo had been incarcerated, the federal government released, in February 1964, the preliminary census figures conducted in 1963 that put the total population of Nigeria to 55.7 million. The population distribution was as follows: Northern Region, 29.7 million; Eastern Region 12.3 million; Western Region, 10.2 million; Midwestern Region, 2.5 million and Federal Territory of Lagos, 675,000. Since allocation of seats to each region depended on population's density, it meant that the NPC would control the centre only by winning most of the seats in the North. The NCNC controlled Eastern and Midwestern Regions rejected the census figures and expected the coalition government of NCNC/UPP in Western Region to toe the same line. Instead, all the UPP/NCNC members, except five, had merged into a new party named NNDP which accepted the census figures. Thereafter, the NNDP launched vicious attack on the NCNC and accused it of having exploited its coalition government with the NPC to practise what was termed IGBOCRACY, a system by which NCNC had filled all posts in the civil service and parastatals with only Igbo. The NNDP government of the West issued a white paper to list the lopsided appointments in favour of the Igbo and against Yoruba. Based on the census figures, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO), as it was then known, proceeded to allot seats to be contested in each region to the Federal House of Representatives. North got 167 seats, East 70 seats, West 57 seats, Midwest 14 seats and Lagos 4 seats. To the 30th December Federal Elections, the NCNC formed an alliance with AG, NEPU, and UMBC in what was called UPGA while the NPC entered into alliance with NNDP, MDF, Niger Delta Congress, Dynamic Party and Republican Party to form the NNA. The election was eventually boycotted by the UPGA which accused NNA of  massive irregularities and riggings. Despite UPGA's boycott, FEDECO announced that UPGA won all the 14 seats in the Midwest, 36 NNA were declared elected in the West and 18 for UPGA. In the North, NNA won 162 of 167 seats for the region. That implied that NNA won 198 out of 312 seats in the Federal House of Representatives. After some political horse trading, the NCNC agreed that elections be held where they were boycotted in December 1964 after which it abandoned its allies, AG, NEPU, and UMBC to join a national government formed by NNA. When regional elections to the Western House of Assembly was massively rigged by the NNDP on 11th October 1965, operation WETIE broke out throughout Western Region. So was the political situation until the FIVE MAJORS struck on January 15, 1966, but unfortunately their political clean-up was hindered by tribal infiltrators and hijackers of coup. For good six months, Ironsi refused to release political prisoners including Awolowo. Instead, Ironsi busied self with implementing Azikiwe's unitary form of government for Nigeria through Decree No. 34 of May 24, 1966. Contrary to the assertion of Ogugua Anunoby, the following is recorded on p. 322-323 of Ruth First book: The Barrel of a Gun, "Two days after his assumption of power, Gowon released Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Anthony Enahoro and other jailed Action Groupers. Indeed, Gowon went personally to the airport to tell Awolowo that his wealth of experience would be needed. It had taken a Northern coup to release Awolowo; ... Two weeks later, Gowon amnestied 1,035 Tiv who had been imprisoned for their part in the rioting in Tiv Division between 1960-64." Gowon even broadcast the release of Awlowo and Enahoro on National Radio. Therefore, Ojukwu did not, and did not have the power to, release Awolowo from prison. In order to avoid repeating past mistakes, true history of our past must be told.
 
 

 

From: Anun...@lincolnu.edu
To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com
Date: Thu, 30 Apr 2015 09:02:10 -0500
Subject: FW: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just

Cornelius Hamelberg

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May 2, 2015, 7:55:16 PM5/2/15
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Lord Ogugua Anunoby,

Just look at the remarkable difference that Ogbeni Kadiri’s latest contribution has made to the discussion, now that he’s back from his state visit to Merry England and sipping tea near Buckingham Palace, maybe digging as my Better Half did the whole summer of 1971, where there is a lot about Zik, I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson and Kwame Nkrumah and the West African Youth League lodged in the in the colonial archives of the British Museum.

In Salimonou Kadiri’s absence some of the assertions made in this forum have gone unchallenged, but silence has never meant consent as he so vigorously now makes clear…

Even the eminent historians have been known to dis-agree and sometimes even be guilty of mountainous error - the one I have mostly read Hugh Trevor-Roper comes to mind.

You can compare some of the elements in Akintola Wyse’s The Krio of Sierra Leone: An interpretive history with some of those tendered by Leo Spitzer: Leo Spitzer: The Creoles of Sierra Leone: Responses to colonialism or some of the analyses of  Sierra Leone’s Creoles, done by Abner Cohen  and my sometimes differing understanding  of some of the matters he takes up in that chapter in his book “The politics of elite cultures

And what are we to make of the records of our pre-literate societies, the oral transmissions of the griots and other epic praise singers; must their accounts be declared null and void or sub-standard because lacking in formal cum laude degrees from Oxbridge? 

And then there are the historical novels situated in and imbued with history and imaginative interpretations of history; I’m thinking now not of autobiographies but historical fiction of the sort  done by Gore Vidal ( Burr)  and  the personal  first person histories of  e.g. Wole Soyinka’s “The Man Died” , Ngugi’s  Detained  - A writer’s diary “ , Montagu  Slater’s “ The trial of Jomo Kenyatta”  and the  absolute  accuracy  of the verbatim protocols , transcripts of the court proceedings  published as “ The Testimony of  Steve Biko “  - and with reference to Nigeria that most delightful source of history which I visited many times before joining this forum, namely  the Great Speeches section of Bolaji Aluko’s  DAWODU   and last but not least  some of the later history of  Sierra Leone and Ghana,  during the years  1966-1967 that  has not yet been seen in print…

Sincerely,

CH

We Sweden

Cornelius Hamelberg

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May 3, 2015, 5:41:49 AM5/3/15
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Correction (a serious one)

 I didn’t mean Akintola Wyse’s “The Krio of Sierra Leone: An interpretive history” but his

 certainly more detailed H. C. Bankole-Bright and Politics in Colonial Sierra Leone, 1919–1958

which takes up some of the same subject matter as  Leo Spitzer: The Creoles of Sierra Leone: Responses to colonialism

...

Salimonu Kadiri

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May 3, 2015, 4:18:03 PM5/3/15
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"..... the Awoist love very much, that no other regions were interested in education as did the Action Group government with its*Free education* program. Indeed, if you read Awolowo himself, he did say pointedly THAT HIS FREE EDUCATION WAS NECESSARY *IN ORDER TO CATCH UP WITH THE EAST!*" -Obi Nwakanma.
 
There is no end to learning and as long as we live we will all continue to learn. Since we are yet to read where Chief Obafemi Awolowo said that his *Free education was necessary in order to catch up with the East* this forum will be very grateful to know from Mr Nwakanma the source of his information about Awolowo's statement on catching up with the East educationally even though we are not Awoist. However, in Obafemi Awolowo's Magnus Opus, (as I consider it) Path To Nigerian Freedom, 1947, one of the reason he adduced for Nigeria not being ready for self-government was expressed as follows, "The existence of a MICROSCOPIC LITERARY CLASS would lead to EXPLOITATION OF THE GREAT MAJORITY OF ILLITERATES BY THE INTELLIGENTSIA." Awolowo's free education strife was motivated out of desire to prevent few educated class to exploit the uneducated masses. Thus, when the formation of Action Group was announced on the 21st of March 1951, Awolowo wrote, "The basic  principles which, therefore, have brought us together within the fold of the Action Group may be stated in the following words: 1. The immediate termination of British rule in Nigeria in every phase of our political life. 2. THE EDUCATION OF ALL CHILDREN OF SCHOOL-GOING AGE, AND GENERAL ENLIGHTENMENT OF ALL ILLITERATE ADULTS AND ALL ILLITERATE CHILDREN ABOVE SCHOOL-GOING AGE. 3. The provision of health and general welfare for all our people. 4. The total abolition of want in our society by means of any economic policy which is both expedient and effective (p. 223-224, AWO - The autobiography of Chief OBAFEMI AWOLOWO)." Item two could not have been aimed at catching up with the East since most children in the East had no access to education before or after 1951. Furthermore, Awolowo as the Presidential candidate of the UPN in the 1979 election had the following in the Party's manifesto, "Free Education at all levels; Free Medical Services to all Nigerians (both curative and Preventive); Integrated Rural Development; and Full Employment for all Nigerians." 
 
Personally, I do not think that there is anything wrong or bad if Awolowo's ambition with his free education program was for the West to catch up with the East educationally. Nevertheless, I am convinced that Mr Nwakanma is only out to seek ethnic glorification based on fictitious story. Generally, it is well established in most history books on Nigeria that because of Yorubas early contact with Europe they acquired Western education earlier than any other part of Nigeria (including the East). Who was catching up with whom educationally in Nigeria was expressed by Chinua Achebe as follows, "Although the Yoruba had a huge historical and geographical head start, the Igbo wiped out their (educational) handicap in one fantastic burst of energy in the twenty years between 1930 and 1950 (p. 74, under A History of Ethnic Tension and Resentment, in There Was A Country; also on p. 46, under The Igbo Problem, in THE TROUBLE WITH NIGERIA)." In fact, it was not only in Education that the Igbo wiped out their handicap but also in dressing whereby, Azikiwe learned how to wear Yoruba attire, SÒKÒTÒ (AGADANSHÍ), BÙBÁ and AGBÁDÁ, which he introduced to his tribe's men in the East where they have since been counterfeited into various forms to suit Igbo taste.
 
Writing to Segun Ogungbemi on Tuesday, 28 April 2015, Obi Nwakanma averred, "The hard fact is that there was no fundamental ideological differences between the Action Group and the Northern People's Congress. ... They each catered to the preservation of the same traditional conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the West and of the North."
 
Conversely, if there was ideological differences between the NPC and the NCNC (or was it ZIKISM) why was it that the NCNC was more comfortable with forming coalition government with the NPC from 1953 to January 15, 1966? Whereas, the Action Group and most especially Awolowo, objected to serving under a government led by a feudalist Northerner, the NCNC had always jumped into that conservative bed to romance with the NPC. What happened after Nnamdi Azikiwe as the leader of NPP in 1979 described himself as the beautiful bride? Yes, on 1st October 1979, Azikiwe's NPP joined the NPN in an accord of co-operation at the centre. The NPP was later given some ministerial appointments, some board memberships and some Ambassadorial positions. That political harlotry turned the Legislature into a rubber stamp Assembly for Shagari's corrupt NPN government. Of the preserved traditional conservative political institutions of the monarchs of the West and of the North, this is what Professor Chidi Osuagwu said about the East, "The Igbo identity crisis began in 1929. The British had just introduced the warrant chief system to enhance their colonial administration in Eastern Nigeria. IN THE NORTH AND WEST, THE MONARCHS MADE THE SYSTEM WORK. BUT THE EAST HAD NO MONARCHY WITH SUCH OVERWHELMING POWERS AS IN THE OTHER TWO (NORTH & WEST). THEY, THEREFORE CREATED WARRANT CHIEFS FOR THAT PURPOSE. THIS IS THE ROOT OF THE PRESENCE OF MANY TRADITIONAL RULERS AND AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITIES IN IGBO LAND, WITH THEIR ATTENDANT BOUNDARY AND CHIFTANCY VIOLENCE (www.vanguardngr.com/2013/09/aba-women-riot-split-igboland/)." Historically, we know that Lord Lugard imported red caps from Morocco with which he dignified the warrant chiefs that were later transformed into EZE. The traditional saying in Igbo is IGBO ENWE EZE which means Igbo have no Kings. With the introduction of Eze, Igbo retorted with EZEBUILO, which means KING-IS-AN-ENEMY. Igbo have always chosen to interpret this to mean that they are REPUBLICANS by nature. But the truth is that before the arrival of British colonialist, the Igbo leaved in small enclaves as anarchists with no organised societies like North and West. Before January 15, 1966, the East had Eastern House of Chiefs just like the West and the North and the Chiefs in the East till date are very proud of Lugard's gift of red cap instead of ADÉ (CROWN) won by Yoruba Kings. We should remember that the Kings in the West and the Emirs in the North were not created by Action Group and Northern People's Congress respectively.

 

To: usaafric...@googlegroups.com
Subject: RE: USA Africa Dialogue Series - From Nnamdi Azikiwe: " a lamp to guide our feet..." & history that vindicates the just
Date: Wed, 29 Apr 2015 13:22:39 +0000

Segun Ogungbemi

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Jun 26, 2015, 8:31:23 AM6/26/15
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power. When Herbert Macaulay died on May 7, 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the President of both NNDP and NCNC. Thus at the Legislative Council Elections of December 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe, H.P. Adebola, T.O.S. Benson, Dr R
Olorunmbe and Adeleke Adedoyin contested and won on the platform

Prof. Segun Ogungbemi
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