THE TINUBU’S ADMINISTRATION’S ASSAULT ON THE CIVIC SPACE: ATTACKS ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY

[Auwal Musa]

THE TINUBU’S ADMINISTRATION’S ASSAULT ON THE CIVIC SPACE: ATTACKS ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY

The undersigned civil society organizations are seriously disturbed by the alarming and troubling rate with which the ruling All-Progressive Congress (APC) government, under the leadership of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has resorted to utilizing Nigeria's security agencies as instruments of harassment, intimidation, and suppression against Labour groups and vocal civil society organizations (CSOs). This troubling trend raises serious questions about the state of democracy and human rights in Nigeria, as it appears to be a deliberate strategy aimed at stifling dissent and curtailing the voices of those who dare to challenge the status quo.

The actions of the government in this regard seem to be a calculated response to the growing discontent among the populace, which has been fuelled by widespread corruption, extravagant spending by those in power, and the implementation of policies that are increasingly detrimental to the well-being of ordinary Nigerians. These policies have not only exacerbated the existing socio-economic challenges but have also contributed to a climate of fear and repression, where legitimate grievances are met with force rather than dialogue.

Therefore, we condemn in strong terms possible the efforts of President Bola Tinubu’s administration to suppress dissent among citizens, restrict civil society, and undermine Nigeria’s civic environment. The actions taken by the government in recent weeks have raised serious concerns about the state of democracy and human rights in our nation. It is alarming to witness the increasing measures aimed at stifling voices that challenge the status quo, as well as the systematic targeting of organizations and individuals who advocate for transparency, accountability, and social justice

We urge. the prompt rectification of the numerous errors made in the past months, which have not only eroded public trust but have also created an atmosphere of fear and repression. It is imperative that the government acknowledges these missteps and takes immediate action to restore the rights and freedoms that are the cornerstone of a democratic society. This includes the retraction of any policies or actions that unjustly limit the ability of citizens to express their opinions, assemble peacefully, and engage in meaningful dialogue with their government.

Furthermore, we assert the necessity for the respect of constitutionally protected rights, including freedom of assembly and association, freedom of expression, and the principles of participatory governance. These rights are not merely privileges; they are fundamental to the functioning of a healthy democracy. Citizens must be allowed to gather, protest, and voice their concerns without fear of retribution. Civil society organizations play a crucial role in advocating for the needs and rights of the populace, and their work should be supported, not hindered.

Prior to September 9, 2024, analysts observing Nigeria's civic environment would have rated the Bola Tinubu administration poorly regarding its efforts to safeguard and enhance press freedom, the right to associate, peaceful assembly, and self-expression. However, the events of September 9, 2024, marked a significant deterioration to an already bad situation for an administration that has increasingly demonstrated its willingness to suppress dissenting voices. In a manner reminiscent of Nigeria's oppressive military regime, the Nigerian Government deployed agents from the Department of State Services to unlawfully arrest the leader of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Joe Ajaero. Before we could fully comprehend the ramifications of this incident, we learned that agents from the same agency had also besieged the offices of the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), a civil society organization working to advance the social, economic, and cultural rights of the Nigerian populace.

The Tinubu administration, which took office on May 29, 2023, has been marked by a troubling pattern of neglect towards the concerns and aspirations of large segments of the Nigerian population. This administration appears to be following a path similar to that of its predecessor, the Buhari administration, which was widely criticized for its failure to safeguard the civic space and uphold democratic principles. The current government seems intent on not only maintaining but potentially exacerbating the shortcomings of the Buhari regime, raising serious concerns about the state of democracy and human rights in Nigeria.

One of the most alarming developments under the Tinubu administration is the alarming frequency with which journalists are being targeted. Reports indicate that these individuals are being abducted from their homes and subjected to various forms of harassment on an almost daily basis. This systematic targeting occurs merely because they are exercising their constitutional duty to hold the government accountable to the citizens. Such actions not only undermine press freedom but also create a climate of fear that stifles dissent and discourages critical reporting on government actions.

The situation escalated dramatically when Nigerians took to the streets last month to peacefully protest against the worsening economic conditions and escalating insecurity in the country. Instead of engaging with the citizens and addressing their grievances, the Nigerian Police responded with excessive force. The deployment of tear gas and the unlawful detention of over 1,000 individuals during these protests exemplifies a troubling disregard for the right to peaceful assembly. Tragically, this brutal response resulted in at least 30 fatalities, highlighting the severe consequences of the government's heavy-handed approach to dissent.

Moreover, the crackdown on dissent has extended to the arrest of minors, with several individuals aged between 14 and 17 facing treason charges. These young protesters, who were merely advocating for an end to bad governance under the #EndBadGovernance movement, are now entangled in a legal battle that could have devastating implications for their futures. This situation raises critical questions about the government's commitment to upholding the rights of its citizens, particularly the youth, who are often the most vulnerable in times of political unrest.

On Tuesday, September 9, 2024, a significant new low was reached. The arrest of the NLC President and the almost simultaneous siege on the offices of SERAP, represents a threshold that should never be crossed in any nation that claims to uphold democratic principles. Democracy serves as a mechanism for participatory governance, functioning optimally when dissenters are permitted to lawfully contest the authorities in an environment where their rights are protected. This aligns with our Constitution, which guarantees citizens the right to assemble peacefully, associate freely, and express their views. Furthermore, the Constitution explicitly assigns the press the duty of ensuring government accountability.

It may be beneficial for the Tinubu administration to revisit the fundamental principles of democracy. A comprehensive review of these principles can provide a solid foundation for governance that is inclusive, transparent, and accountable to the citizens of Nigeria. In this context, we recommend that the administration thoroughly examine the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, which serves as the supreme law of the land and outlines the rights and responsibilities of both the government and the citizens. This examination should not only focus on the constitutional provisions but also consider the historical and social contexts in which the Constitution was drafted and adopted.

Additionally, the administration should take into account the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, which Nigeria has ratified. This charter emphasizes the importance of human rights, democracy, and good governance across the continent. By aligning its policies and practices with the principles enshrined in both the 1999 Constitution and the African Charter, the Tinubu administration can foster a political environment that respects individual freedoms, promotes social justice, and encourages active citizen participation in the democratic process.

In light of recent events, we strongly call upon the government and its security agencies to take the following actions:

 

1.       Immediately halt the unjust and illegal harassment of officials of the NLC.

2.       Provide a prompt and unconditional apology to the President of the NLC for his unlawful arrest and harassment.

3. The DSS should also extend an unqualified apology for this unjust and audacious assault.

4.       Promptly release all peaceful demonstrators who were detained during the #EndBadGovernance protest, particularly ensuring the unconditional release of minors. Additionally, the treason charges against these individuals should be dropped immediately.

5.       The Nigerian government must direct its agencies and departments to implement a human rights-centered approach when addressing dissent, particularly during protests. A fundamental principle of the democratic framework we claim to uphold is the allowance of dissenting opinions.

6. The callous and unwarranted harassment of civic actors like Omoyele Sowore should end. Nigerians should not be harassed because they choose to exercise their right to freedom of expression in a manner that the government finds unpalatable.

7.       President Tinubu should initiate a dialogue involving civil society organizations, media representatives, and professional groups in Nigeria. 

We caution that neglecting the responsibilities will only exacerbate the struggles of Nigerians, who are already burdened by a severely mismanaged economy. It conveys to the international community that residing in "Africa's Largest Democracy" is akin to existence under a dictatorship. It is the Government’s guaranteed ticket to both national and international embarrassment.

The period characterized by the oppressive measures of dictatorship ended in 1999. Such an era is not endorsed by Nigeria's constitution and fails to meet the aspirations of the Nigerian populace, thereby lacking legitimacy.

 

Signed:

1. RULAAC - Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre

2. Human and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA Resource Centre)

3. Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED)

4. Centre for Information Technology and Development (CITAD)

5. African Centre for Media & Information Literacy (AFRICMIL)

6. Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)

7. BudgIT Foundation

8. Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA)

9. State of the Union (SOTU)

10. Tax Justice and Governance Platform

11.Transition Monitoring Group (TMG)

12.Women in Media Communication Initiative (WIM)

13.Zero Corruption Coalition (ZCC)

14. Emma Ezeazu Centre for Good Governance and Accountability

15.Centre Democracy and Development (CDD)

16. Accountability Lab, Nigeria

17. Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID}

18.Say NO Campaign – Nigeria

19.Femi Falana Chamber

20.Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF)

21.Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP)

22. Good Governance Team

23.21st Century Community Empowerment for Youth Initiative

24. Organization for Community Civic Engagement (OCCEN)

25. Mothers and Marginalised Advocacy Centre ( MAMA Centre)

26.Social Action

27.Centre for Transparency Watch

28.West Africa Civil Society Forum WASCSOF

29.Global Rights

30 African Centre for Leadership, Strategy & Development (Centre LSD)

31.Partners West Africa

32.Order Paper

33.Say No Campaign

34 Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth, Nigeria. ERA

35.Center for Fiscal Transparency and Public Integrity

36.Amnesty International Nigeria

37. Borno Coalition for Democracy and Progress (BOCODEP)

38. Connected Development (CODE)

39. Centre for Democratic Research and Training (CRDDERT)

40. Praxis

41.CLEEN Foundation

42.Spaces for Change

43.Abuja School of Social and Political Thought

44.Yiaga Africa

45.Policy Alert

46.Socio Economic Research and Development Centre

47.Procurement Observation and Advocacy Initiative

48.Media Rights Agenda

49.Media Initiative for Transparency in Extractive industries (MITEI)

50.Centre for Social Centre for Justice Reform

51.Centre for Community Empowerment in conflict and Peace building -Kaduna

52.Centre for Global Tolerance and Human Rights

53.Open Society on Justice Reform Project

54.Environmental Rights Action

55. Sesor Empowerment Foundation

56.World Impact Development Foundation

57.Human Rights Social Development and Environmental Foundation

58.Elixir Trust Foundation

59. Prisoners’ Rehabilitation and Welfare Action (PRAWA)

60.Enough is Enough (EiE) Nigeria

61.Women's Rights Advancement and Protection Alternative

(WRAPA)

62. Community Life Project (CLP)

63. Women in Mining,Nigeria

64. Kebetkache Women Development & Resource Centre

65. Women Advocate Research and Documentation Centre (WARDC)

67.Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ)

68. Conscience for Human Rights and Conflict Resolution (CHRCR)

69.Lawyers Alert

70. Nigeria Network of NGOs

71.INVICTUS AFRICA

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Website: www.cislacnigeria.net

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CISLAC HAS UN ECOSOC CONSULTATIVE STATUS

[cornelius...@gmail.com]

At the very beginning of his term President Tinubu promised a government of national competence

This question now arises: 

How does a good government, “a government of national competence” deal with lawlessness and anarchy, terrorists and ransom kidnappers etc, hellbent on rearing their ugly heads, making the nation “ungovernable” and attempting to take over the country? 

Should terrorism, corruption, ransom kidnapping etc be solved through “dialogue” ?

Just like Trump, some of the sorry losers of the last Nigerian Presidential Elections are licking their wounds privately and still whining, still insisting publicly that they “won”. The United States is their role model numero uno , with the slight difference being that in the case of Nigeria up to now there has been no storming of the capitol to showcase the extent of their grievances. But there are of course other ways of venting their frustration:

The protests, anti-government demonstrations, uprisings and regional insurgencies in Nigeria since the Tinubu government took the reins office on 29 May 2023, barely 15 and a half months ago, that plus the spate of articles appearing on the worldwide web and in this forum spearheaded by Jibrin Ibrahim, and the always weighty matters being brought to ur attention by Auwal Ibrahim Musa Rafsanjani, all of them critical of an alleged downward trend of spiralling away from democracy that Nigeria is embarking on during this short period that Bola Ahmed Tinubu has hitherto been sitting on the saddle does not augur well for Africa’s most populous country; in fact, when I read the opening salvo of reformist Saifu Lukman’s most vicious latest, even cautiously speaking I could smell a military take over in the making. The Naija pundits may scoff at the idea all they want, that the era of military takeovers is over, in spite of what they observe has just happened in neighbouring Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso, not to mention the power battles in the civil war between the government's official military and the opposition militias  - that plus the famine that's also currently raging and claiming innocent lives in Sudan. I have myself have lived through a couple of coup d'états in Africa including the Buhari-Idiagbon led putsch of 31st December 1983 and know a little about some of the rest, such as the 2013 Egyptian coup d'etat of 3 July 2013 “when Egyptian army chief General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi led a coalition to remove the democratically elected President of Egypt Mohamed Morsi from power and suspended the Egyptian constitution of 2012.”

Precisely what I intuited must be in the works when Saifu Lukman reports that “ former President Olusegun Obasanjo, former Military President, General Ibrahim Babangida, former Head of State, General Abdulsalam Abubakar and Retired General Aliyu Gusau met in Minna on Sunday, September 15, 2024.”  - that it was most probably not a matter of “when two or three are gathered together in my name” - in this instance the four of them being led in prayer by Pastor Olusegun Obasanjo  - the same Former President Obasanjo who publicly confessed, “God will not forgive me if I support Atiku for President”, this time, now repented, patriotically and good-heartedly leading others in prayer for the Redemption of Nigeria ;  the Redemption of Nigeria…

Some of the sceptics not currently resident in Nigeria may want to hear Nigerians living in Nigeria weighing in on what’s happening in the country…

[Salimonu Kadiri]

Non-Government Organizations (NGO) in Africa were created and financed by the Western world led by the US. These NGOs a times are called Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). Without doubt the loyalty of the NGOs or CSOs is always with their paymasters and not the nation in which they operate. Sometimes the paymasters would write an article to influence the government of a client's country and hand it over to the NGOs/CSOs to publish it. Sometimes the NGOs/CSOs would write article critical of the government of their countries to justify their existence or pay even though the said criticism bears no positive relevance to the lives of the citizens.

On behalf of 70 other NGOs/CSOs, Auwal Musa, the Executive Director of Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)  is drawing the attention of the world to what he calls - The Tinubu's Administration's Assault On The Civic Space: Attacks On Human Rights And Democracy. Significantly, Executive Director Auwal Musa and his band of NGOs/CSOs wrote that on September 9, 2024, "the Nigerian Government deployed agents from the Department of State Services to unlawfully arrest the leader of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Joe Ajaero." But Joe Ajaero's arrest did not happen out of vacuum. Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC), led by Joe Ajaero, is the registered owner of the Labour Party (LP) whose presidential candidate in the February 25, 2023 election was Peter Gregory Obi. The result of the Presidential Election as declared by INEC was as follows: APC - Tinubu, 8, 794, 726 votes; PDP- Atiku, 6, 984, 520 votes; LP - Obi, 6, 101, 533 votes; and NNPP - Kwankwaso, 1, 496, 687 votes. Based on those results, INEC declared Tinubu elected which Atiku and Obi disputed with each of them claiming to have won the presidential election. While Atiku asked the Courts to either declare him elected or order a rerun between him and Tinubu, Obi that came third asked the court to declare him elected. At last, the Supreme Court could not find merit in the request of Atiku and Obi that anyone of them won the presidential election against Tinubu. However, Obi's labour party owned by NLC had refused to recognise Tinubu as President of Nigeria and the NLC has on many occasions exploited worker's rights to strike to make the country ungovernable for Tinubu's APC federal government.

A year and two months after Bola Ahmed Tinubu assumed office as President of Nigeria a nationwide protest tagged #EndBadGovernance was organised from August 1 - 10, 2024. Some planners of the protest branded it, "Ten Days of Rage" while others dupped it "Take It Back." Tacitly, the protests were organised to effect a change of government and as such it was extremely violent. Https://www.vanguardngr.com/2024/08/live-update-nationwide-hunger-protests.day-1/ In the course of investigations the Nigerian police came across a British man named, Andrew Wynne, who was one of the financier of the August Protests. The Police found out that he is a tenant in the house owned by the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) in Abuja. It was on the basis of Mr. Andrew Wynne's financial backing for #EndBadGovernance that the Police wanted to interrogate Joe Ajaero if he had any idea of what his tenant was doing. Thus on 19 August 2024, police invited Ajaero for interrogation the following day but he told the police that he had no time until August 29, which he kept. On August 30, 2024, he was asked to report for further questioning on September 5, 2024, but Ajaero decided to ignore police invitation. Instead, Joe Ajaero decided to travel to the United Kingdom through the Nnamdi Azikiwe Air Port, Abuja, on September 9, 2024 and he was apprehended. So, to our dear professional NGOs/CSOs directors, the Nigerian Police in this wise have done nothing wrong in arresting Joe Ajaero because being the leader of NLC does not confer immunity on him.

Rights to freedom of expression, assembly, and association of Nigerians are guaranteed in Section 39 (1) §40 of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria. But those rights are not absolute in view of Section 45 of the same Constitution which states that those freedoms can be curtailed in the interest of defence, public safety, public interest, public morality, public health or to protect the rights and freedom of others. In the same vein, Section 83 (4) of the Nigeria Police Act 2020 stipulates that the Police shall provide adequate security to protect protesters and earlier, Section 83 (2) (b) assigns to the Police the responsibility of upholding and protecting the fundamental rights of others. Demonstration cannot be allowed to turn into an orgy of looting and destruction of properties. That is why protesters should obtain, not only the permission of police before protesting publicly but must follow police directives to make the protest peaceful and not to violate the rights of non-protesters.

Nigeria's NGOs/CSOs, as Isee them, contain a curious breed of people claiming to fight for the establishment of good governance and against dictatorship in Nigeria, but they cannot see that high levels of illiteracy in the country is the foundation of dictatorship and bad governance. Yet, the Universal Basic Education (UBE) Act enacted by the Federal Government in 2003, compelled parents to enroll their children of school age in schools, free of charge. Parents who failed to register their children in school would be prosecuted and on conviction would be liable to a fine or imprisonment or both. As I am writing this, ten States in Northern Nigeria are yet to adopt the UBE Act as required by the Constitution to take effect in those States. In the entire country, UBE has never been fully implemented. Besides UBE Act 2003, Section 18 (3) of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution says: Government shall provide free, compulsory and universal primary education; free secondary and University education and free adult literary programme, as and when practicable. For over twenty-four years the rulers of Nigeria have not found it practicable to, at least, establish compulsory universal basic education throughout the whole country. The children so deprived of access to basic education have now graduated as bandits. Well, the self-aggrandizing opportunists called NGOs/CSOs would never protest against 18 million out of school children in Nigeria, the very source of insecurity, dictatorship and bad governance.

S. Kadiri

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From: usaafric...@googlegroups.com <usaafric...@googlegroups.com> on behalf of cornelius...@gmail.com <cornelius...@gmail.com>
Sent: 18 September 2024 23:22
To: USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafric...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Re: THE TINUBU’S ADMINISTRATION’S ASSAULT ON THE CIVIC SPACE: ATTACKS ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY

 

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