In Europe, Muslim Women Face Multiple Issues

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Jan 20, 2008, 11:19:23 PM1/20/08
to USA Maghreb Dialogue

by Sylvia Poggioli
NPR.org, January 20, 2008 · When I first started reporting on Muslims
in Europe more than a decade ago, I soon learned that women, more than
men, want to be a part of European societies.

When given the opportunity, Muslim girls and young women eagerly seek
education to widen their horizons. Everywhere I went, I heard that it
was the girls who did well in schools, while boys seem more often to
have problems adapting.

Eren Unsal, a German-born schoolteacher in Berlin, told me in 1999
that her parents strongly desired that she integrate into German
society.

"My mother left her headscarf on the plane" from Turkey to Germany,
she said. But today, walking through Berlin's Neu-Koln and Kreuzberg
neighborhoods where many Turkish immigrants live, it's immediately
clear that many headscarves are no longer being left on the flight
from the homeland. Most women, young and old, are covering their heads
-- and not with the flowery cotton squares typical of rural Anatolia.
Today, they tightly wrap their heads in what has become known as the
Islamic headscarf.

In Britain, I also observed a significant increase in headscarves
among Muslim women, many of whom have even taken to wearing the niqab,
the face-veil that leaves only the eyes visible.

The way Muslim women dress and cover their heads is a topic of fierce
and emotional debate in Europe: some non-Muslims see it as a sign of
rejection of modernity and even of radicalization -- and many believe
it is a sign of women's submission to male power. The debate is made
more strident by the simple fact that Europe was not socially and
culturally prepared for the post-World War II influx of immigrants; no
country had an integration policy, and the arrival of millions of
Muslims re-awakened centuries-old animosities between Islam and
Christendom. Tension turned to alarm after the Sept. 11 attacks and
the Madrid and London bombings.

As I traveled through Europe this fall to report for this series, I
remembered the words of filmmaker Yamina Benguigui, my first guide
into the world of what she called "ghost women." French-born to
Algerian parents, she broke with her strict patriarchal family and
married a non-Muslim Frenchman.

In her documentaries, Benguigui explored the phenomenon of some young
French Muslim women who, in the early 1990s, had taken to wearing the
headscarf even when their mothers did not. While many of these young
women said the headscarf was a mark of their cultural identity in a
society where they felt discriminated, Benguigui said it was also
something else: a way of getting around the dilemma of living a double
life in two different cultures. Instead of breaking with their
families, "they decide to take the Koran as a weapon against their
families, by submerging themselves completely in religion, brandishing
the veil and the Koran, they become the leader in the family ... (the
Muslim girl) will not be forced to marry and she can come home when
she wants. She can drive a car and she's completely free," Benguigui
told me in 1995.

Twelve years later, I met many Muslim women who still have not found
their places and are still torn by two cultures. But I also met many
Muslim women who are asserting themselves much more forcefully --
either in identifying with European secular culture and demanding the
same rights as their Western sisters, or by appropriating Islam for
themselves, through a new female perspective. Or in a combination of
the two.

While there is no distinct Europe-wide pattern, in many places a quiet
revolution among Muslim women is under way.

In Britain, I encountered some highly educated women with a
confrontational attitude toward non-Muslim Western society. I met
women, British-born citizens, who do not vote and will not vote unless
their ballots were to lead to the introduction of sharia, Islamic law.
I met students at the London School of Economics who party -- but girls-
only, segregated by gender. I met women whose major concern is to
avoid too much mingling with Western culture. Some of them are
pressuring their mothers and grandmothers to wear headscarves for the
first time in their lives to further underline their Muslim identity.
And I was able to enter one of the few mosques that are opening their
doors to women. I found a high degree of self-confidence as more and
more Muslim women use education to appropriate the Koran for
themselves -- and take part in a debate on the nature of Islam that had
always been a male-only domain.

In staunchly secular France, women wearing headscarves can be seen
mostly around mosques. The fierce headscarf debate over the 2004 law
banning it from schools has faded away. The law was more sharply
criticized abroad than at home. I met many secular and observant
Muslim women, all of whom identify themselves first as French, then
Muslim. This widespread embrace of civic values is unique to France,
despite continued, overt discrimination against Muslim minorities. And
it is in France where women have made huge inroads in religious
studies -- many are enrolled in Islamic theological departments.
Sociologist Douna Bouzar, herself a Muslim, told me that these women
are the first French generation of Muslim faith, a generation of women
who do not seek answers in the Islamic homelands of their parents and
grandparents, but whose reference point is French, secular society.

The situation is very different in Germany, where the level of
education of Muslim women is generally much lower than of those in
France and Britain, and where the non-Muslim society is more distant
and less welcoming. Turkish and German cultures differ sharply over
the roles of women, the notion of arranged and forced marriages and of
individual freedom -- Turks see the family as the ultimate arbiter of
what its members can do, while Germans consider parental involvement
in their children's marital choices an infringement of personal
freedoms.

In contrast with the first women immigrants who arrived from Turkey in
the 1950s and 60s, who went to work directly in factories, the more
recent immigrants are all new spouses. Muslim women activists strongly
oppose the practice of importing brides from rural areas of Anatolia,
which they say perpetuates separation. In fact, I met Turkish women
who told me they had met their husbands just before their wedding
days. Several said they don't want the same to happen to their
daughters.

Turkish-German sociologist Necla Kelek is the author of the best-
seller The Foreign Bride. She says that by importing women, sometimes
as young as 14, Turkish patriarchs strengthen their families'
segregation, relegating these young women to a state of anti-Western
isolation. She writes, "they live in Germany, but never arrived here."

Muslim women who have broken with the patriarchal system are also seen
as a threat to the Turkish rural family structure. Several books by
Turkish-German women who describe their painful struggle for
"emancipation" have become best-sellers in Germany, but at a large
bookstore I visited in the Neu-Koln neighborhood in Berlin -- where
those books were prominently displayed -- a saleswoman told me that she
has never sold any to Turkish-German women -- that it's only Germans
who read them.

Lawyer and women's rights activist Seyran Ates told me it is very
difficult to reach women isolated behind their walls of silence.
Contact is usually made only with the few who are brave enough to
scale those walls and seek refuge in a woman's shelter.

For Muslims in Europe, the main issues -- discrimination by host
societies, difficulty in finding jobs, and family conflicts -- have
remained more or less the same since I first started looking at
immigrant communities in Europe. But with regard to Muslim women, I've
seen changes -- albeit in different directions and at different paces.
It is still hard to say where these changes will lead. But at a time
when Europeans are beginning to question the notion of
multiculturalism that often leads to separate, parallel societies,
authorities are now looking to Muslim women in the belief that their
empowerment can facilitate their communities' integration into
mainstream societies. And Muslim women themselves, better-educated and
more experienced than their mothers and grandmothers, are beginning to
grapple with the obstacles and abuse facing women in both their
communities and in the broader society.
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