Political Phase of Postmodernism (essay)
HenryBerry
by Henry Berry
Postmodernism has now moved into its political phase. The terrorist
incidents of September 11 have been seen by many as marking the end of the era
of modernism, particularly the era of irony which was one of modernism's
primary distinguishing characteristics. However, the incidents themselves and
what has been occurring in the weeks after them are not a break from modernism
or postmodernism. Rather, the terrorist incidents and the ensuing developments
are modern, especially postmodern, in character. For the past couple of
decades, modernism has been playing itself out largely in the areas of popular
culture and economics, with politics for the most part a secondary, and in ways
peripheral, area. But because of social, diplomatic, and military responses
required to the September 11 terrorist incidents, the standing and place of
politics in the society had been suddenly and necessarily changed. Politics is
no longer a secondary area mostly reflecting the ways and interests of popular
culture and the mercantile aims of corporations. These influences will not
disappear from politics. But for at least the next couple of years and likely
longer--the political phase of postmodernism--politics will be concentrating on
the fundamentals of the physical security of citizens and the implementation of
social, diplomatic, and military measures contributing to this while
recognizing basic humanitarian and national values.
The most glaring signal that the recent events are characteristically
postmodern events is the spectacular crashes of the airliners into the World
Trade Towers. For many years theorists of advanced modernism--most notably Guy
Debord--have been describing society as the "society of the spectacle." With
the loss of traditions, the remoteness of institutions, and the dissolution of
personal identities, public spectacle has become the primary means of
communication and unity for society, and of what coherence it had in the
dissonances of postmodernism. Sports, political campaigning, faddishness, and
sensationalistic films are examples of the spectacle of the society of the
spectacle. The daring, barely conceivable, crashing of two airplanes into the
Trade Towers fits right in with the spectacles that have been the means for
communication in postmodernism. A more spectacular act is hardly imaginable.
Spectacle is called for in all fields--popular culture, art, politics, etc.--in
a time such as postmodernism lacking subtlety and community.
The Trade Towers were a conspicuous, widely-known, symbol; a symbol of
American prosperity and leadership. Not only did they afford an opportunity for
a spectacular act of terrorism, but they served as an ideal symbol. The assault
on the Trade Towers signaled that American prominence and hegemony could be
successfully attacked. The crumbling of the Trade Towers signified that with a
proper strategy and tactics, America too could be made to crumble. Burning
American flags in foreign cities or kidnapping or killing diplomats were not
powerful enough symbols in the postmodern age rife with symbols. Since symbols
had become essential to comprehension and communication in all fields, an
extraordinary symbol such as the Trade Towers in one of America's largest
cities was targeted in order to make unmistakable the hatred and ruthlessness
of the terrorists toward the U. S. For the terrorists, the Trade Towers figured
ideally into the planning of a spectacle and the employment of relevant
imagery. That the destruction of a major national landmark moved the U. S.
population to express patriotic feelings, come together in a unity, acknowledge
certain functions of government, and think about the country's position and
activities in the world demonstrates the status symbols have come to assume in
postmodernism. The terrorist incident and the developments following it are a
new, unexpected, phenomenon of the semiology marking postmodernism. however,
they are not unrelated to other phenomena motivated by and ensuing from
semiological processes that have shaped events.
The Gulf War of the early 1990s was a preview of how war will be conducted
in the political phase of postmodernism. Technology and media will be at the
center of this postmodern type of warfare. While exemplifying how war in the
political phase of postmodernism will be conducted, the Gulf War was a
contained, small-scale, version of such war. And the basic issue of the Gulf
War was the economic issue of control of the vast, crucial oil fields of
Kuwait. Both sides in the war of the political phase of postmodernism, called
the War Against Terrorism by the Bush Administration, will be using the
resources of technology and media seen in the Gulf War on a global scale.
Although global in scope, this present-day war will not be called World War III
because it is not a conflict between states or alliances of them, does not have
identifiable battlelines, and is over ill-defined, yet impassioned issues of
identity, values, and culture. Such characteristics are extensions to politics
of the essential postmodern characteristics of the dissolution of boundaries,
ambivalence, fading of ideology, hybrid identities, and ways of behavior
associated with these. Politics will become more pragmatic, losing whatever
vestiges of ideology it had. Politics will take a global perspective to match
economics and popular culture, as the Bush Administration is already starting
to do.
Henry Berry is the author of FROM REVOLUTION TO FADS - THE PROGRESS OF
MODERNITY (www.amazon.com). He is also the editor/publisher of the online
periodical THE SMALL PRESS BOOK REVIEW (alt.books.reviews).