Yes, but your point would need to be considered in the context of the earlier studies referenced in the introduction. The two main hypotheses of the research concerned the type of facial stimuli used and the possibility of a difference between the judgements made about males and the judgements made about females:
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Hypothesis 1.
Configural face processing contributes to accurate snap judgments of sexual orientation. Because sexual orientation is phenotypically ambiguous, we predicted that the deeper, more individuating type of face processing – configural face processing – would contribute to judgment accuracy. In practical terms, this means that judgment accuracy should be reduced when faces are presented upside-down (vs. upright).
Hypothesis 2.
The process of reading sexual orientation from faces may differ as a function of whether the stimulus person (face) is male or female. In the present experiments, participants judged both men’s and women’s faces, allowing for direct comparisons of judgments as a function of target gender. This hypothesis is exploratory in nature and does not carry a directional prediction.
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I'm not sure how accurate the judgements of sexual orientation were. The authors tend to slide from 'better than chance accuracy' to 'accurate' when discussing the results, but it seems clear that many of the judgements made were wrong or just lucky given the even chance of getting the right answer. Also, in an everyday situation most people will be heterosexual, so the 50:50 split imposed in the experiments was artificial.
The authors acknowledge that their work tells us little about everyday life:
"Although the present experiments deal primarily with whether above-chance accuracy in snap judgments of sexual orientation from faces can occur and how faces are processed to give rise to such judgments, it does so in an experimental setting wherein individuals are instructed to make forced-choice judgments of sexual orientation. Recent work, e.g., [41], [42] suggests that inferences of sexual orientation need not depend on the explicit instructions to judge faces as gay or straight. Nonetheless, a relatively unexplored question that is ripe for future research involves the external validity of these effects – do snap judgments of sexual orientation from faces occur in real-life settings? Additionally, what are the downstream consequences of snap judgments of sexual orientation, for example, on the perceiver’s feelings, thoughts, and behaviors towards the target?"
It seems to me that the external validity of the research is further limited by the exclusion of possible behavioural 'clues' concerning sexual orientation which might normally influence judgements. I'm left with a so-what feeling!
Dave Smith