Duverger 1963

[Oday Forster]

A truly general theory of political parties cannot be built on a narrow definition of party that precludes applications to one-party systems and anti-system parties. Duverger's classic Political Parties fruitfully discussed single party systems as well as multiparty systems, and it compared paramilitary parties with competitive parties. His scope of application was so general that he did not base his study on a definition of party. In a later book, Duverger defined parties as (1) having "their primary goal the conquest of power or a share in its exercise," and (2) drawing "their support from a broad base" in contrast to pressure groups, which "represent a limited number with a particular or private interest" (1972: 1-2). The first part of his definition implied that parties can exist without contesting elections. The second part attempted, rather unsuccessfully, to distinguish parties from pressure groups--which is the critical issue in constructing a broad definition of a political party.

Sartori analyzed at length the conceptual issues in defining a party (1976: 60-64). He aimed for a "minimal definition" that treated as variables all properties that were not required of a party. Sartori defined a party as "any political group identified by an official label that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections (free or nonfree), candidates for public office" (p. 63). By indicating that elections need not be free, Sartori broadened the definition to include parties in party-state systems ruled by a single party. However, Sartori's definition did not admit for study those organizations that sought or obtained power outside the electoral process.

Still more broadly, a party can be defined as an organization that pursues a goal of placing its avowed representatives in government positions (Janda 1980b: 5). All organizations have multiple goals. To qualify as a party, an organization must have as one of its goals that of placing its avowed representatives in government positions. ("Government" here means in the U.S. sense of public office, not the British sense of the cabinet.[4]) Moreover, these individuals must be avowed representatives of the party, which means in practical terms that they must be openly identified with the party name or label. If an interest groups openly runs its owns candidates, it becomes a party. In Epstein's words, "The recognizable label (which may or may not be on the ballot) is the crucial defining element" (1966:104). Finally, the term "placing" should be interpreted broadly to mean through the electoral process (when a party competes with one or more others in pursuing its goal) or by a direct administrative action (when a ruling party permits no electoral competition) or by forceful imposition (when a party seeks to subvert the system and thereby capture the government). Thus, parties can pursue, respectively, competitive, restrictive, or subversive strategies to achieve their goal.

As opposed to Sartori's definition, this broader one accommodates the Bolshevik seizure of power in the 1917 revolution (Barghoorn 1956), the Cuban Popular Socialist Party's capitalization on Castro's rise to power (Griffiths 1988), the Iraqi Ba'th Party's takeover following the 1968 coup (Farouk-Sluglett and Sluglett, 1988), and the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party's practices in restricting electoral competition (Philip 1988). Obviously, these subversive and restrictive parties are different from competitive parties and require some different theory (LaPalombara and Weiner 1966, 29-33). Nevertheless, Duverger (1963) already demonstrated that revolutionary and authoritarian parties could be analyzed productively along with competitive parties, and other research productively compared parties in all regions of the world (Janda and Gillies 1983). It remains to be seen how much overlap there is in propositions covering different types of parties.

For comparative political parties, the basic issue in defining a party is whether parties are narrowly or broadly defined. The definition determines whether general theory is limited to explaining only the behavior of purely competitive parties in democratic systems or whether it aims at a broader universe, including parties in single party systems and anti-system or subversive parties. Many American party scholars would, like Schlesinger, be satisfied with a narrow definition of party that supported a "general" theory that only applied to competitive parties. Even many European scholars would accept a definition that restricted study to party systems in western democracies (von Beyme 1983: 2), but those studying the third world would need a broader definition that supported theory about parties operating in their political systems. Even Epstein, who restricts his own study to competitive parties in western democracies admits that "there is no harm in maintaining the breadth of definition" (1975:233).[5]

This review of literature on comparative political parties employs a broad definition of party. To skirt the vast comparative politics literature that is more interested in the nation as a unit of analysis, it slights writings on party systems in preference for those on individual parties. To structure my discussion, I rely on a conceptual framework employed in my cross-national survey of political parties (Janda 1980b). I contend that most of the important aspects of political parties, as opposed to party systems, can be embraced by ten broad

Travaux Indits dc Science Politique IV INSTITUTIONS FRAN AISES ALLIAT Philippe Un exemple la boration de texte lgislatif la loi scolaire Dobr du 31 dcembre 1959 149 D.E.S Droit public Bordeaux Droit 1962 Dir Mabileau ARDOUIN Guy La premire applica tion de article 16 ei la presse 1-15 65 annex Mmoire I.E.P Bordeaux 1963 Dir Mabileau BR CHET Bernard La premire ap plication de article 16 94 D.E.S Droit public Bordeaux Droit 1962 Dir Mabileau BOSQUET Mme Colette Le conten tieux des dcrions locales eri fant que phnomne politique 109 D.E.S Science politique Paris Droit 1963 Dir Duverger CATY Gilbert Les dbats parlemen taires projets et propositions de loi relatifs la composition et au re crutement du Snat de ISSI 1884 D.E.S Science politique Aix Droit 1963 Dir Durand DELPON Jean-Pierre La libert de ensciqnement en Prance sous la IVS Rpublique 87 D.E.S Science politique Paris Droit 1962 Dir C.-A Colliard DELVOLVE Pierre Le plan et la pro cdure parlementaire 243 D.E.S Science politique Paris Droit 1963 Dir Berlia DESMOTTES Pierre De responsa- bilit pnale des ministres en rgime parlementaire fran ais 407 Thse Caen Droit 1962 Dir Ladreit de Lacharrire DUMONT Marc instruction civi que dans arme D.E.S Science politique Paris Droit 1963 Dir Duverger ESCARRAS Jean-Claude Essai ana lyse et interprtation du courrier un parlementaire 76 16 D.E.S Science politique Aix Droit 1963 Dir Co ac GRANGE Jean La fixation de ordre du jour des Assembles parlemen taires 162 D.E.S Science poli tique Paris Droit 1963 Dir Duverger GRAN JON Daniel La Rpublique et les principaux gnraux du Droit 89 D.E.S Droit public Aix Droit 1962 Dir Weil GuiCHARD Eliane Du caractre reprsentatif du Snat travers les lections du 26 avril 1959 74 D.E.S Science politique Paris Droit 1962 Dir C.-A Colliard LAUGIER Jean-Pierre La responsa bilit politique des ministres devant le Snat sous la IIIe Rpublique controverses cr pratique D.E.S Droit public Aix Droit 1963 Dir Durand LECLERCQ-PAULISSEN Jean Le pro blme scolaire en Belgique 1944- 1958 Essai de comparaison avec Ja situation fran aise 378 Thse D.R tudes politiques Paris 1962 Dir Remond Roux Antoine Le conseil cons titutionnel et le contrle de consfi- tufionnalit depuis 1958 113 D.E.S Science politique Rennes Droit 1963 Dir Georgel LIEBENWEIN ka Les lgislations dans les constitutions de la France et de Autriche Ill Mmoire Centre Et Europ Strasbourg 1963 Dir de Soto MEYER-ALAUZEN Colette La mo tion de censure sous la Vi Rpubli que 91 D.E.S Science politique Aix Droit 1962 Dir Trotabas MiCHAUD Roger Le droit parole Assemble nationale sous la VE 27

Riots in the Arab world are a phenomenon rooted in history, dating back to the 1920s. At that time, the British occupation of the Balfour territory created tension among the Arab inhabitants. Jews and Palestinians did not co-exist peacefully in Israel at the time. When the British put forth the Balfour Declaration, the Arabs expressed their dissatisfaction through violence to show the British that variability in Israel was an important feature. The Arab riots in 1929 went a step further after the fourth Aliyah.

The first factor leading to the longstanding bitterness in the region was the British brutality. As Jews immigrated into the area, acquiring a significant piece of land, Arabs were ultimately displaced, which contributed to their loss of jobs (Kimmerling, 2005, p. 37). Their influence on major decisions in the country was also reduced.

The riots targeted ethnic profiling centered on the Mizrahi Jews. Through a comprehensive literature review, the current paper will determine to what extent the Wadi Salib riots linked the two theories of political models examined. This paper is divided into four major parts, examining the theoretical background, the historical background, and an analysis of the selected models before drawing conclusions.

Lijphart (1969, p.207) illustrated the topology of various political systems. He asserted that three types of Western democracies systems exists i.e. the Anglo-American political systems practiced by United States and Britain, the continental European systems practiced by Italy, Germany and France and finally the political systems practiced by the Scandinavian and small nations.

Lijphart (1969, p.207) claims that the third type of political system are not labeled as distinct, and its elaboration is inadequate. He explains that these categories simply illustrate the amalgamation of Anglo-American and the continental Europe political structures (Lijphart, 1969, p.207). The three types of political topologies presented by Lijphart have formed an important influence in relative analysis of democratic edifices in many countries across the world. However, some critics have faulted Lijpharts topologies.

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