What Kind of Democracy Is More Suitable for China (Part 7) -- Wei Jingsheng | 什么样的民主更适合中国(七) -- 魏京生

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Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1671-W1206
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1671-W1206
 
Release Date: June 17, 2024
发布日:2024年6月17日
 
Title: What Kind of Democracy Is More Suitable for China (Part 7) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题:什么样的民主更适合中国(七) -- 魏京生
 
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
 
Note: Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese parts of this release.  If this mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request for special delivery to us or visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2024/report2024-6/WeiJS240617onMoneyPolitics7A1671-W1206.htm which contains identical information.
 
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What Kind of Democracy Is More Suitable for China (7)
-- Wei Jingsheng
 
 
Chinese culture has a long history, with its successful aspects as well as backward and decadent aspects.  Now facing the establishment of a new system, do we need to imitate others or establish a new system suitable for Chinese culture?  This issue has been debated for more than a hundred years.  Many friends say that it is enough to follow the American model and there is no need to explore our own model.  I disagree with this simplistic statement.
 
First of all, no successful democratic system in the world is completely imitated from others.  Every country that can successfully establish a democratic system must consider its own cultural traditions and unique reality.  Only by designing a democratic system with its own characteristics on this basis can it succeed.
 
Secondly, the so-called "total Westernization" idea that came from Japan during the Republic of China period has never been implemented, neither is it possible to implement such a naive idea.  The fundamental reason why democracy by Sun Yat-sen and the elites of that generation failed was that they were divorced from the reality at that time and were not understood and accepted by all sectors of society, especially the majority of the lower classes.  It was just imitating the American system, and as a result, a revolution was understood by most Chinese as a change of dynasty, not a revolution of the social system.  Total Westernization that is divorced from social reality has been proven to impossible to succeed in China.
 
Close observation shows that the democratic systems of successful Asian democracies around us, such as Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore, are not completely westernized, and they do not even imitate each other, but each has its own characteristics.  Although their paths to democracy are different, the methods of success are the same, that is, they do not imitate, but design their own systems that are acceptable to all classes and implement democratic principles based on the reality of their own society and the basic principles of democracy.
 
Another example is the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).  During the revolutionary stage, it was found that it was impossible to completely imitate the Soviet Union, because the social realities of each country were different.  After the founding of the People's Republic of China, it was also found that it was impossible to completely imitate the Soviet system as well.  It could only be based on the principles of one-party dictatorship and deprivation of human rights, and in accordance with the actual conditions of China at that time, to establish a Communist system with Chinese characteristics.
 
China's institutional tradition has its failed aspects, stemming from the bureaucratic class that protects each other.  It leads to a lack of supervision and constraints, so politics would gradually become corrupt and incompetent, and dynasties had to be changed.  The people suffer.  However, in the process of development, some good systems have also been established, which are not dependent on the bureaucratic system of the emperor.  After being learned by the Western democratic system, they have become an effective way to improve democracy.  There were also attempts to exclude the influence of money on politics, by not allowing businessmen to participate in politics.  Although unfair, it does effectively keep politics from being influenced by money.
 
Even though for various reasons, corrupt politics was still influenced by money, it was still a more reasonable design than the current businessmen in the West who directly decide politics.  I have visited many Western democratic countries, and people from all walks of life including politicians are complaining that money has too much influence on politics, which is an important reason for some wrong decisions.  Representative democracy in name is often not influenced by the opinions of the majority of people, but led astray by money.  In contrast, excluding the manipulation of politics by the business class is a very important design.
 
Because the existing decision-making groups are interest groups themselves. It is not reliable for them to restrict themselves.  For years, it has been difficult for them to improve the system by reducing their own available interests.  This is a headache for Western democratic countries now.
 
Thus, we can consider solving this problem once and for all when we are in the initial stage of establishing and designing our democratic system in China.  Make arrangements to reduce the influence of the business class on politics, ensure that the opinions of the majority can fairly influence decisions, reduce decision-making deviations, and at the same time stop the trend of democracy in decline.  This is a new topic.  We may be able to do it, so we must start thinking about it now.
 
 
(This English version is translated by Ciping HUANG, without any compensation.  Wei Jingsheng and the Wei Jingsheng Foundation appreciate her decades of contribution, especially for allowing the use and distribution of her translations of these commentaries.)
 
Original link of this commentary:
https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/wjs-06172024100327.html
 
To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2024/WeiJS240616onMoneyPolitics7.mp3
 
Related screenshot of Wei Jingsheng's commentary on RFA website:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2024/newsletters2024-2/WeiJSonMoneyPoliticsG240617RFApage.jpg
 
(Written and recorded on June 16, 2024.  Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia on June 17, 2024.)
                                              
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中文版
 
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1671-W1206
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1671-W1206
 
Release Date: June 17, 2024
发布日:2024年6月17日
 
Title: What Kind of Democracy Is More Suitable for China (Part 7) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题:什么样的民主更适合中国(七) -- 魏京生
 
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
 
如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2024/report2024-6/WeiJS240617onMoneyPolitics7A1671-W1206.htm
 
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什么样的民主更适合中国(之七)
-- 魏京生
 
 
中国文化源远流长,有其成功的方面,也有已经落后腐朽的方面。现在面临建立一个新的体制,是需要模仿别人呢,还是建立一个适合中国文化的新制度呢?这个问题已经争论了一百多年。很多朋友说按照美国的样子就可以了,不必探索自己的模式。我不同意这种简单化的说法。
 
首先,国际上成功的民主制度,没有一个是完全模仿别人。每一个国家能够成功建立起民主制度,都要考虑自己的文化传统和独特的现实。在这个基础上设计自己特色的民主制度,才能成功。
 
其次,民国时期从日本传来的所谓"全盘西化"的想法,从来没有实行过,也不可能实行这种天真的想法。孙中山和那一代精英们的民主之所以失败,根本原因是和当时的现实脱离,没有得到社会各界及特别是下层大多数人的理解和接受。仅仅是模仿美国的制度,结果一场革命被大多数人理解为改朝换代,而不是社会制度的的革命。脱离社会现实的全盘西化被证明不可能成功。
 
近距离观察,我们周围成功的亚洲民主国家:日本、韩国、台湾、新加坡的民主制度,不要说全盘西化,甚至彼此也没有模仿,而是各有各的特色。虽然走向民主的道路各不相同,但成功的方法却都一样,就是没有模仿,而是根据自己社会的现实和民主的基本原则,设计出各阶层都可以接受,也实行了民主原则的自己的制度。
 
再例如中国的共产党,在革命的阶段就发现完全模仿苏联的道路,根本就作不到,原因就是各国的社会现实不同。在建国后也发现,完全模仿苏联的制度也不可能。只能是按照一党专政和剥夺人权的原则,按照中国当时的现实状况,建立起有中国特色的共产党制度。
 
中国的制度传统有其失败的方面,这就是官官相护的官僚阶层。这导致缺乏监督和制约,所以政治逐渐会走向腐败无能,不得不改朝换代。受苦的是人民。但在发展过程中也建立了一些好的制度,不依赖于皇帝的官僚制度,被西方民主制度学习后,成为完善民主的有效方法。还有试图排除金钱对政治的影响,也就是商人不得参与政治。虽然这不公平,但也确实有效地保持了政治不受金钱的影响。
 
虽然由于各种原因,腐败的政治仍然受到了金钱的影响,但比西方现在的商人直接决定政治,还是一种比较合理的设计。我走访了许多西方民主国家,各阶层包括政界的人们都在抱怨,金钱对政治的影响太大,是导致一些决策错误的重要原因。名义上的代议制民主,很多时候并不是由大多数人的意见所影响,而是被金钱带偏了。相比之下,排除商业阶级对政治的操纵,是很重要的设计。
 
由于现有的决策集团自己就是利益集团。由他们自己制约自己并不可靠。由他们自己削减自己可得的利益来完善制度,多年的尝试证明很困难。这是现在西方民主国家很头疼的问题。
 
那么我们中国在建立我们制度的开始阶段,在设计我们的民主制度时,就可以考虑一次性地解决这个难题。作出减少商业阶级对政治影响力的安排,保障多数人意见可以公平的影响决策,减少决策偏差,同时可以停止民主在衰退的趋势。这是个新的课题,我们有可能做得到,所以必须从现在就开始思考。
 
 
(本评论的英文版本由黄慈萍翻译。魏京生和魏京生基金会感谢她数十年来相关的无偿贡献,特别是使用和发布此译文的许可。)
 
评论的原始链接:
https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/wjs-06172024100327.html
 
相关录音:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2024/WeiJS240616onMoneyPolitics7.mp3
 
自由亚洲电台发表魏京生相关评论的网页截图:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/pic/newsletters/newsletters2024/newsletters2024-2/WeiJSonMoneyPoliticsG240617RFApage.jpg
 
(撰写并录音于6月16日。自由亚洲电台2024年6月17日播出。)
 
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