Re: Arsenal Extended Power License 29
Katerine Aldrige
Microorganisms are the most abundant and diverse taxa on Earth. They have the ability to tolerate extreme environments, catalyze a range of metabolic functions, and rapidly evolve in response to changing environmental conditions. Imagine if plants and animals could harness these powers. In fact, microorganisms confer numerous benefits to plants and animals. For example, microorganisms in the mammalian gut improve nutrition, reduce susceptibility to disease, and even alter host behavior ( -1" data-hasqtip="3">1). Some of the most complex microbiomes are found in soils, where they are responsible for nutrient cycling, crop yield, and carbon sequestration ( -2">2). In some cases, soil microbes can even rescue plants from the negative consequences of climate change ( -3">3). If plants and animals can build associations with specific microbial members that maximize benefits, then harnessing microbial powers may provide rapid and efficient solutions to the challenges resulting from global change.In PNAS, Gehring et al. ( -4">4) show that the relationship between soil microbial communities and plants is not a fortunate coincidence. Instead, some pinyon pine genotypes form associations with different belowground ectomycorrhizal fungal (EMF) communities that help them contend with drought. These EMF communities were responsible for the observed difference in drought tolerance between host tree genotypes. Because these microbial communities are, at least partially, under plant genetic control, EMF community composition is an extended phenotype of the host tree and potentially a mode of adaptation to the increased drought stress pinyon pines face in a changing climate. Given the vast array of biogeochemical and metabolic functions in the microbial arsenal, if similarly tight linkages occur between diverse soil bacterial and fungal communities and host plant genotypes, then host plants may possess a powerful tactic for adapting to environmental change.
The achievement of preserving peace on the peninsula after the Korean Armistice Agreement is remarkable. Alliance strength kept the peace and provided the long stability essential for the South Korean people to achieve the miracle on the Han. Koreans should be proud of their achievements, including a vibrant democracy and a world-leading economy.
Because of our challenging era, the success of the US-South Korean alliance must now pivot on and from the peninsula to the more significant threats posed to the regional and global order. The pivot foot of the alliance will remain grounded in advancing capabilities and a tighter-than-ever level of defense cooperation to ensure that North Korea cannot fire its growing nuclear arsenal without risking its survival.
South Korea is technically capable of building an independent nuclear weapon. However, abandoning the nuclear nonproliferation treaty and building a South Korean nuclear program would inject disunity into an ironclad alliance, massively disrupt trade and investment, and grievously weaken the global nuclear nonproliferation regime. Still, Americans need to see how difficult it is to remain restrained when faced with North Korean taunts and provocations and when questions inevitably remain about US (or any alliance) guarantees.
This NATO-like nuclear planning group should also seek to build a multilateral path that would bring Japan and Australia into a deeper, common understanding about how best to maintain deterrence and respond to various contingencies in which deterrence might fail. After all, these US allies face increasingly sophisticated threats and all developing advanced weapons systems, from undersea vessels to hypersonic missiles. But the multilateral nature of complex extended deterrence points to the second level of alliance transformation: the alliance pivot to the Indo-Pacific region.
The recent restoration of South Korea-Japan cooperation in information sharing and restoring preferred trading status can be a springboard for a far more comprehensive set of partnerships for South Korea and countries throughout the Indo-Pacific region.
Trilaterally, South Korea, the United States, and Japan can move from real-time information sharing regarding North Korean missiles to enhanced operational capability for greater exercising and capacity for meeting growing drone, air, and missile threats. Equally important is to expand the scope of the alliance to encompass not just military might but economic and technological leadership among Indo-Pacific countries, as well as internationally.
Bilateral cooperation in new domains should enable new forms of multilateral cooperation. Existing mechanisms provide ample opportunity for expanding such collaboration. South Korea's work with other democratic and like-minded actors must remain competitive in critical and emerging technologies, backed by a secure supply chain and a trusted data flow.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue is, first and foremost, about economic and technological leadership, and South Korea should be brought in to participate in elements related to these areas. The area most ripe for addition, without joining the Quad, relates to maritime domain awareness. South Korea is advancing its aerospace and undersea capabilities. At the same time, the Quad countries are pursuing an Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness that promises to improve situational awareness throughout the vast maritime region.
Progress in IPEF may also be a harbinger for rethinking US membership in regional multilateral trade: the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership. If IPEF can show progress, then after the 2024 election, a US president should find a way to negotiate the United States back into a regional multilateral trading group of like-minded states.
Less controversial but still very important will be to parlay growing two-way investment in semiconductor chips, electric vehicle batteries, and other advanced technologies into a more comprehensive network of like-minded high-tech nations. Harmonizing industrial policies like the Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act will also require multilateral negotiation and compromise. And as suggested by the activities of the G-7 nations, including to help ensure secure access to critical minerals or the NATO nations in providing that Russian aggression against Ukraine is not allowed to prevail, security in the twenty-first century demands new forms of international cooperation.
Power Metals is actively prospecting the 9.0 x 9.5 km Case Lake Property for additional spodumene pegmatites. Prospecting on the northernmost claim next to Translimit Road, 7 km north of current drill program has identified white K-feldspar, quartz muscovite pegmatite dykes hosted by granodiorite similar to the Main Dyke. More prospecting will be done in this area in search of spodumene.
Case Lake Property is located in Steele and Case townships, 80 km east of Cochrane, NE Ontario close to the Ontario-Quebec border. The Case Lake pegmatite swarm consists of five dykes: North, Main, South, East and Northeast Dykes. Both the North and Main Dykes have spodumene-rich zones (muscovite-K-feldspar-quartz-spodumene-albite) and albitic aplite border zones. The Northeast Dyke contains very coarse-grained spodumene.
Power Metals Corp. is a diversified Canadian mining company with a mandate to explore, develop and acquire high quality mining projects. We are committed to building an arsenal of projects in both lithium and high-growth specialty metals and minerals, including zeolites. We see an unprecedented opportunity to supply the tremendous growth of the lithium battery and clean-technology industries. Learn more at www.powermetalscorp.com
Neither the TSX Venture Exchange nor its Regulation Services Provider (as that term is defined in the policies of the TSX Venture Exchange) accepts responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release.
In the past month, statements from Turkish officials indicated that the US was considering some sort of cooperation with Turkey in Libya, but what exactly that would entail remains unclear. US officials, on the other hand, have provided many statements during the same time frame that showed little evidence of an intent to cooperate with Turkey in Libya.
Here, I want to emphasize what the removal of FETO cultists from Turkish state institutions has meant. From the time I moved to Istanbul in 1999, until January of 2017, the city was plagued by frequent incidents of violence with overt political tones. Pipe bombs exploding in distant Istanbul suburbs. Unsolved or poorly investigated assassinations.
FETO was facilitating and/or collaborating with the perpetrators of the aforementioned attacks, and sometimes committing the acts themselves. Yet the US government continues to allow Gulen to reside in his Pennsylvania mansion without even a hint of possible extradition proceedings.
In the following four years, the US did exactly that, and emerged from the conflict as the greatest military and economic power in human history. The Marshall Plan, however, illustrated that the US was more than just power; its ideals and resources could also be utilized to promote democracy and political openness for other societies.
No matter how many times the military intervened, the Turkish people democratically restored the representatives of their choice to power. Progress occurred first haltingly, but then, especially in the past 40 years, with increasing rapidity. Now, Turkey has emerged as a regional, industrial and democratic power that the citizens of other regional and Muslim societies would greatly like to emulate, if only their rulers would allow them to.
Turkey is the most socio-culturally appropriate democratic model for its entire region. Because the US has abrogated its responsibilities in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkey must step into a new security role in order to preserve space for the sprigs of regional democracy that emerged during the Arab Spring to continue to grow, develop, and eventually flower.
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