Combat 18 Statement
Resistance
STATEMENT OF EVENTS
by The Original Combat 18
With the sentencing to life imprisonment of Charlie Sargent
and Martin Cross for the death of Chris Castle, events
surrounding the sole protagonist in this matter, William
Browning, must be exposed and looked at for the safety
of people unaware of the true nature of despicable creature.
Briefly, the case for the prosecution was that Sargent &
Cross were aware that Castle would be calling at the
Harlow address on his own, to return some tools of Sargent's.
And Browning, alone, stayed sitting in a car well away from
the house, and took no part in the events that day.
The case for the defence was that Sargent & Cross were
unaware of this visit, and that Castle along with Browning
and others had come to kill Sargent, with Browning having
a handgun on his person.
Most in Britain are aware that Browning had for a long
time prior to this case been issuing threats that he
was going to kill Charlie, and generally mouthing off
and displaying a handgun.
Thus any person with any degree of intelligence would
find it impossible to believe the prosecutions claims
that Castle had merely gone to return Sargent's plastering
tools to him, which had been stolen by Browning and others
when they burgled Sargent's Chelmsford home weeks earlier,
bear in mind.
It should also be born in mind that Sargent was an intended
victim for one of the letter-bombs sent from Denmark, by Thomas
Nakaba, a Japanese skinhead who had named in his subsequent
court case for his role in the bombs, none other then Browning
as being the mastermind behind it all.
Nakaba comes back into the story with regard to the murder
trial, when Cross's lawyers wrote to him at his gaol in Denmark,
where he is serving 8 years for carrying out Browning's dirty work.
The lawyers asked if he would attend court here to testify
to the character of Browning, who was the main prosecution
witness against Sargent & Cross. Nakaba wrote back saying
"I will do anything I can to help out Charlie & Martin."
Some weeks later Cross's lawyer visited Nakaba in his Danish
prison cell to take a preliminary statement from him,
only to be told by Nakaba,"I have been visited by your
British Special Branch and offered a deal I cannot refuse.
I do not know any William Browning and can no longer
be of help."
Nakaba had already named Browning in his own trial. He
clearly has no love for this man responsible for getting
him 8 years. Any testimony he gave in the murder trial
could not be used against Browning, as he (Browning) was
not on trial. It would merely outline Browning's dangerous
character to the jury. So why did the British government
want Nakaba stopped from coming over here? Why are
they protecting Browning?
A few days into the trial "Frenchie" was passing through
Chelmsford town centre when Browning and 9 others attacked
him. They pulled him down and threw boots and fists at him,
but he managed to get to his feet, being a very powerful
weight-lifter. Browning then declares "one on one" for a
straight fight and Frenchie puts Browning on his arse in
seconds, so the other nine jump in again, but are disturbed
by the police and run away. The police round up 8 of the
attackers including Browning and state that the attack
was captured on three separate CCTV camera's. All 8 are
taken into custody.
Now, "Frenchie" was a witness for the defence, having been
at Sargent's Chelmsford flat one day when Browning and 4
others broke the door down and charged in with weapons
looking for Charlie. Thus "Frenchie" is a witness
in a murder trial who has been attacked. As all of you know,
this would mean at the very least all of those involved in
the attack would be remanded in jail until the end of the
trial, at the very least. I personally know of a person
who never saw light of day for 6 months after
threatening a witness in a trial once, let alone
attacking one in such a cowardly manner.
On the same day of this attack, some hours later, Browning
and all the others were released from custody without charge!
"Frenchie" was informed that the CCTV footage had
mysteriously not come out either, surprise surprise.
Why is Browning being protected, so blatantly ?
The following day a group of supporters of Sargent &
Cross in the courthouse were brought to the attention of the
police. Browning was called out of the courtroom into
the police liaison room, where he must have been asked
the names of those there supporting Sargent & Cross.
When Browning returned, with his friends the police,
he pointed out one of the group saying "that's him there."
The man he was pointing out had an outstanding warrant
for his arrest and the police duly arrested him. When
Browning had given over the names and the cops had
checked them out this person's "wanted" status had come
up on the ZOG computer, but Browning had actually pointed
him out to the cops so they could arrest him! For the
whole day Browning was in and out of the police liaison
room like a fiddlers elbow. Is this the act of a
militant Nazi? Or an informant/agent ?
For the rest of the days of the trial Browning was seen
in the company of a middle-aged man in a suit who most
believed was Browning's lawyer. The person transpired to
be the producer of the World in Action T.V. show.
Browning was constantly in this man's company, as was
Simon Biggs. As we understand it, a show is due to be
screened in the coming weeks, no doubt to promote
Browning as a wondrous hard-line militant Nazi leader.
And thus set the honey trap for ZOG to try and
draw "dissidents" in to him.
An interesting point is that due to the police logging
the attack Browning carried out on "Frenchie," the matter
although dropped, is still sub-judice and cannot be
commented on, or Browning's role in the trial. Thus the
media can report what a "hard man" he is, but not what
a grass he is. What a surprise.
Browning took the stand for ZOG against Charlie & Martin,
as did Mark Atkinson and Steve Vogel, a half-breed Jew whose
lies were probably the most damning. Vogel claimed Charlie &
Martin had told him they planned to kill someone prior
to the death of Chris Castle, which sadly the jury believed.
Vogel after giving his initial statement to the police
was suddenly given a £5,000 franchise for a fast-food bar
which he runs in Suffolk. Blood money for his
perjuries & lies.
Others who gave false testimony but were not called to
stand at the actual trial were Darren Wells, Kevin
Whatmough, Roy and Kevin Johnson, John Hannigen and
Atkinson's girlfriend Liz.
Here we have a bunch of treacherous scum who have
actively worked hand in hand with ZOG to get two
National Socialists jailed for life!
At the courthouse Browning's treason was supported
by all of the above, "Tic" from Wigan and notably
Simon Biggs who had taken time off from burgling
old ladies' homes to stand by his paymaster Browning.
The most notable thing with Browning is his totally
non-existent support from London with the exception
of a few 15 year old Chingford skinheads, who simply
know no better then to listen to his bravado-bullshit.
It is a concern for the future how many of these
young children Browning will get jailed, as rest
assured it will happen. Browning has now put out a
magazine called Strikeforce which as per usual Searchlight
magazine has given glowing reports on in their bid to
boost up Browning. His links with Searchlight are
already widely known, by information and photograph's
he sells to Gerry Gable the Searchlight magazine editor.
This magazine, Strikeforce, speaks of "death to ZOG"
and the militant armed struggle, yet Browning in truth
spends his days in the company of the police and T.V.
producers, who he claims in print should all be killed!
He urges people in this magazine to engage in the
militant armed struggle, but of course will not himself.
He gloats about the letter-bombs, but the truth is
that a Japanese skinhead carried these out, merely
receiving his orders by telephone from a coward sitting
at home in London, with no risk taken by himself, it
all being put onto the Jap. Browning has escaped arrest
many times as he is so obviously in the pay of the state.
Yet Browning has managed to destroy a large part of the
racialist movement in Britain, get people jailed in
Denmark and Britain and of course the sole blame lays
on him for the death of Chris Castle, who was just
another pawn in Browning's scheme.
Tomorrow in London the original members of Combat 18
are reforming for a show of strength and solidarity
for Martin Cross & Charlie Sargent, and will be
opposing a Marxist parade going through North London.
It should be understood that Combat 18 was born in
London, and in London it died some 12 - 18 months
ago as a direct result of Browning's treason
and treachery.
We are aware idiots still use the C18 name, notably
those connected to Browning's C.D. selling operations,
but simply there was only ever one real C18 and
only ever will be, 1992-1996 London.
We hope that this statement will at least warn some
of you to the truth regarding Browning and his
associates. Boycott - avoid - the following:
Browning is the guitarist in the band No Remorse
(not the Paul Burnley one)
Browning runs I.S.D. Records from his fraudulent
partner Marcel Schiff's NS88 box address in
Denmark, and also one in Sweden.
Browning's American operations are run by Jason
Zinn of Wolfpack services in Minnesota.
Browning's magazine Strikeforce operates from
BM BOX 5581 London WCIN 3XX. All of the above should
be avoided for your own safety.
Statement issued by East London COMBAT 18
"Mightier than the tread of marching armies is the
power of an idea whose time has come."
-Victor Hugo
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Karl Zimmer
Doing The Enemy's Work
By John Tyndall, Chairman of the British National Party
Spearhead - September 1995
THIS ARTICLE is one which for a long time I hoped I would not have to write.
It goes very much against the grain to give space in this magazine to people
who are both personally contemptible and personally insignificant and who,
moreover, are likely to enjoy as a huge bonus the feeling of importance that
will come to them as a result of getting such a mention. Developments over
the past couple of years, however, give me little alternative. In fact, if I
am at fault it is not saying sooner what I am going to say here.
Perhaps the best point at which to begin this story is to go back to
September 1993. Readers ought to remember that month, for it was the month
in which the British National Party won its magnificent election victory in
East London's Tower Hamlets. By all normal calculation, this achievement
should have raised the morale of our party members to new heights, giving
them all the more incentive to throw their full weight into the struggle and
strengthening yet further the bonds of unity and comradeship that had always
been a notable feature of the BNP since its formation eleven years earlier,
and which had endured throughout the difficult 1980s when progress forward
for our politics in Britain was tortuously slow.
But it was not long before I began to find that in the wake of this great
triumph there were rumblings of discontent in the party ranks in many areas.
Branches were becoming racked with internal divisions. Friends were turning
against friends. Many activists were dropping out, and nasty rumours were
starting to circulate throughout our movement. I found myself the target of
some vicious personal smears, and I was not the only one to suffer; some of
my chief colleagues in the party leadership were getting the same treatment,
including one or two who had played major roles in the successful election
campaign that had put the BNP on the British political map as never before.
What was it that was poisoning our party from within just at a time when it
ought to have been in better shape and better spirits than ever before? I
began to enquire earnestly into this strange phenomenon. There were many
discussions with my fellow party leaders. It was at this time that I began
to become acutely conscious of the existence of a group of people calling
themselves 'Combat 18'.
Of course I had heard of this outfit before, but nothing about it had
suggested that it should be regarded in any more significant light than the
countless other forgotten and forgettable minuscule grouplets that flit
across the political scene from year to year accomplishing nothing beyond a
few lines in the Jewish Chronicle or Searchlight magazine. Sometimes one
gets the impression that the people who report on these grouplets invent
them where they don't even exist - just for the purpose of an occasional
'scare' article to justify the existence of what has become the
'anti-fascist industry', a booming and lucrative but highly competitive
sector of the mostly stagnant British economy. When I first heard the name
of 'Combat 18' mentioned I had no reason to believe that it should occupy
five seconds more of our thoughts than any of the others.
But as my enquiries proceeded I came to alter this view.
One report after another came through to me from all over the country
indicating that the agents of Combat 18 were at work sowing the seeds of
disaffection among BNP activists and inciting them to abandon their
loyalties to our party. With the more steadfast andsensible of our people
they were not succeeding, but there undoubtedly was an element in the party
on whom their poison was having some effect.
So what was the attraction of this little circle which liked to work in the
shadows? What was it about them that, to some, seemed to offer more than was
offered by a party that had just demonstrated it could win a municipal
election? Not least, why were people who proclaimed themselves to be
nationalists doing all they could to undermine the BNP? The phenomenon at
least deserved some closer study. What was the appeal of the Combat 18
programme - if indeed it could be said to have one?
POLICY OF VIOLENCE
The purported objective of Combat 18 was said to be 'direct action'. In
other words, the enemies of nationalism needed to be singled out and
attacked, not just with words, but literally and physically. The terror that
they had for so long carried out against nationalists should be turned
around and directed against them Combat 18 touted itself not as a political
party like the BNP but a something of an 'action group' that would track
down extreme left wing nasties and deal with them in the only language they
would understand: violence and intimidation.
Such a concept was bound to have a seductive ring to nationalists who had
for years endured the violence and intimidation of the militant left. In
terms of actual sentiment, it was difficult to feel repugnance towards the
policy. How many of us, if we are honest, would claim that we would lose
sleep at night knowing that a few of these pieces of garbage who had
terrorised our people had been given a dose of their own medicine?
But at the same time it was equally plain that the BNP would have to
dissociate itself completely from any such activities, both in public
declaration and in actual practice. To do otherwise would be to invite
certain draconian action by the establishment against our party and the
incarceration of its leadership and activists in jail. The Government had
already shown its preparedness to imprison BNP leaders on trumped up charges
resulting from activities that were perfectly lawful. What would it stop at
if our party was foolish enough to engage in criminal activities - or even
to be tied by association to others engaged in such activities?
Back in 1962 I became aware of a piece of legislation at the disposal of
governments in this country known as the Public Order Act of 1936, Chapter
6, Section 2 (lb), which said: - "If the members or adherents of any
association of persons, whether incorporated or not, are: - organised and
trained or organised and equipped either for the purpose of enabling them to
be employed for the use or display of physical force in promoting any
political object, or in such a manner as to arouse reasonable apprehension
that they are organised and either trained or equipped for that purpose;
then any person who takes part in the control or management of the
association, or in so organising or training as aforesaid any members or
adherents thereof, shall be guilty of an offence under this section..."
I came to know about this legislation by being involved, along with three
others, in a prosecution in which it was invoked. In fact the prosecution
failed to supply a shred of evidence that we had used physical force in
promoting any political object at all, and we were acquitted on one charge
in connection with that. We were nevertheless found guilty on another
charge, namely that the general style, presentation "and activities of our
organisation had given ground for 'reasonable apprehension' that physical
force was our purpose. We were sent to prison.
My memory of this prosecution convinced me that the slightest connection on
the part of the BNP with Combat 18 would lay us open to the danger of
similar action by the Government of our own day to imprison our leaders and
close us down. By unanimous consent of all involved in the national
leadership of the party, it was agreed that we would need to put a very
large space between ourselves and C18.
ATTACKS ON NATIONALISTS
After a little while, however, it became clear that for all Combat 18's
boast that it was going to carry the physical war into the enemy's camp by
direct attacks on red militants little, if anything, was being done in this
sector. In the weeks shortly following the BNP's election victory in Tower
Hamlets in September 1993 there were three savage assaults on key party
personnel. First, Administration Officer Alf Waite was injured by a letter
bomb - he might have been blinded had his glasses not protected his eyes
from the blast. Next, a red mob set on and beat up Newham election candidate
Michael Davidson when he was out canvassing, causing him to lose the sight
of one eye. Not long after this, a gang called at the home of Press Officer
Michael Newland and viciously beat him up, causing extensive injuries to his
face and body.
If ever there was a time for Combat 18 to demonstrate its mettle and
translate its big talk into deeds, this was the time. Had it been true to
its professed policies its activists would have carried out retaliatory
attacks on selected left-wing terrorists or preachers of terrorism, of which
there are ample number, whether or not they could actually be proven to have
taken part in the assaults on the BNP men.
But Combat 18 just did nothing.
Correction - it did carry out one or two attacks at about that time, but in
each case they were attacks on fellow nationalists. One young man, slightly
built, was set upon on his own and beaten by a mob of these brave warriors
outside a pub in London just before a BNP social was about to start. This
same young man had previously been subjected to a similar attack, in which
he was also substantially outnumbered, at a gathering of European
nationalists in Belgium. On that occasion too, the heroes were supporters of
Combat 18. Not long after the London attack on this man, BNP officials Tony
Lecomber and Eddy Butler were assaulted by personnel belonging to Combat 18.
Oh no, Combat 18 was far from inactive when it came to violence, but
strangely it was BNP people who were the targets of the violence, not
left-wingers!
LITERATURE OF LIES
In our researches into the activities of Combat 18 directed to undermining
the loyalty of BNP party members, we began to obtain some samples of the
publications put out by this organisation. Here we started to become aware
that the group known under that name is in fact part of a network of
interlocking organisations, with extensive cross-membership. Quite possibly
the organisations are in fact all one but carry out different operations
under different aliases. At any rate, there is clearly enough that they have
in common, and clear enough evidence of collusion between them, for us to
link them together as speaking virtually with one voice. At one moment they
may appear as 'Combat 18', at another as the 'National Socialist Alliance',
at another as something else. Publications that bear the name of one can be
seen quite manifestly as speaking for the others.
From a study of these publications, three things stand out. First of all,
the publications were so illiterate as to be a disgrace to the nationalist
movement, as well as seeming not to be able to express anything strongly
without resort to four-letter expletives. Few of us can pretend that we
never use such language privately as a means of giving release to our
annoyances and frustrations, but in literature intended for public
consumption it is counter-productive and therefore just plain stupid.
Secondly, they seemed to take up at least as much space making attacks on
the BNP and its personnel as they did with attacks on the left. Thirdly, in
their use of vicious lies against the BNP they were well up to the standards
set by Searchlight magazine, while their falsehoods were likely to be more
damaging because more willingly believed by nationalists.
A few examples of these lies will suffice. In one issue it was claimed that
the BNP welcome transvestites as members. The facts about this story are as
follows: Some months ago a person wrote to our office offering to organise a
unit in East Anglia. We knew nothing whatever about this person but it was
agreed that a meeting be set up in the region to discuss the formation of
the unit. At this meeting some people claimed that the person in question
was a practising transvestite. Later investigations revealed that this
person was in fact a hermaphrodite, better known as a sex-change case.
Transvestite or hermaphrodite, it was quite clear that he/she could not
remain a member of the BNP, and I directed immediately that his/her
membership of the party be terminated.
In a recent issue of one publication known as The Order mention was made of
the raid (by persons unknown) on the home of BNP Head of Administration Alf
Waite in which Mr. Waite's wife was assaulted and some computers were
stolen. It was stated that the raiders took with them "five computer disks
containing the entire BNP membership and mailing lists," and that "the BNP
leadership decided not to inform the regional organisers of these thefts,
and it was sadly left to the staff at the Order magazine to inform people of
these thefts..."
Here are two more lies. In fact the computer disks containing the membership
lists were hidden away at another location and not taken. Mr. Waite has told
us that all the lists had been deleted from the computer's hard drive after
being copied onto these disks, as it had been agreed with me long beforehand
should be done. As for our not informing regional organisers, a very short
time after the raid took place a bulletin was issued to party organisers
around the country telling them what had happened. What is true about the
statement is that almost immediately after the raid, and before the bulletin
had been posted, a well-known spokesman for Combat 18 was telephoning BNP
officers up and down the UK telling them about what had happened in such
tones as to suggest the obvious intent of spreading alarm and demoralisation
and undermining the confidence in the party. One person who reported one of
these calls to me a little later spoke of the evident glee in the voice of
the C18 caller. Clearly, C18 was attempting to exploit this very regrettable
incident so as to damage the BNP as much as possible.
We do not yet know the identity of the people who raided the home of Mr.
Waite and assaulted his wife in the act of stealing the computers. What we
do know is that these telephone calls by C18 to our organisers started a
very short time afterwards and at a time when very few people could have
known about what had just happened.
In another item in the same issue of The Order it was stated that the BNP
welcomed Jews to party membership. This is another falsehood based on a
misinterpretation of something said by Richard Edmonds in answer to a person
who approached him at the bar at the end of a recent BNP meeting. In fact,
just a year ago a situation arose in which it was necessary for me to make a
ruling on the question of whether membership of the party should be open to
Jews. I ruled that it should not. In an explanatory circular letter to some
party officers on the subject immediately afterwards, I said that this
ruling was made in recognition of the fact that in a situation in which the
majority of members of the Jewish community in Britain, and certainly all
organised Jewish bodies in the country, regarded themselves as being in a
state of war with our party it would be utterly impractical for the party to
admit Jews members, among other reasons because of the fact that their
membership would only be conducive to internal divisions and lowering of
internal morale in the party. In this I cited laws in operation in World War
II whereby German, Italian and Japanese nationals in the United Kingdom,were
deprived of normal residents' rights, and in some cases imprisoned, because
of the state of war that existed between Britain and their countries of
origin.
In the same circular letter I also said that the ruling was "without
prejudice to the party's overall policy towards Jews resident in Britain,
which is that no harm will come to any such persons who have not in any way
acted in a manner harmful to the British Nation." Richard Edmonds, in
underlining this latter point in answer to the questioner, was
misinterpreted as having said that Jews were acceptable as members of the
BNP "if they are pro-British." Clearly, if Combat 18 seriously wanted to
ascertain the truth about our party's position on Jewish members they would
have contacted me for a clarification of the matter. They did no such thing
because it suited them to interpret Richard Edmonds' statement in the way
that they did. Whatever stones these people can find to throw against our
party they will find and they will throw. Truth is unimportant to them when
it comes to utilising any story, or any foul rumour, in the task of damaging
the BNP. More recently, information has reached me that these reptiles are
circulating stories to the effect that money raised by special fund appeals
launched by our party is going into the pockets of its leaders for the
purchase of yachts by the seaside and other similar luxuries. I happen to
live by the seaside myself but if I am in possession of a yacht moored at
the local Marina I have yet to be informed of it - perhaps someone would
tell me where it is, as it would make a useful venue for BNP conferences!
IDEOLOGY
Parallel with all this claptrap is the suggestion that somehow the BNP is
abandoning the hard cutting edge of its ideology and opting for weaker
policies. Those who believe such talk show their incapacity to distinguish
substance from shadow.
Most certainly our party is constrained by changing times, and a vast
extension of its opportunities for political growth, to make its
organisation more professional and its message more relevant to the concerns
of the masses of people in Britain who are now, or soon could be, its
potential supporters. In times when a movement has no hope of an appeal
beyond the fringes, it can afford the indulgence of pandering almost solely
to fringe opinion - and it is indeed to some extent forced to do so if it is
to keep its active nucleus intact. When, on the other hand, it sees open the
door to support among the mainstream, it has to adjust both its targets and
its approaches. This does not have to mean, and in our case it most
decidedly does not mean, diluting its principles or policies; it does mean
presenting those principles and policies to the public in a manner geared to
modern necessities, and above all to the quest for power. Those who do not
understand this distinction reveal the shallowness of their minds and the
basic lack of seriousness in their approach to politics. But because so much
of the propaganda of C18 isdirected at those with shallow minds and an
inability to be serious it can have so corrosive effect. One of the
seductions of C18 propaganda is that it appeals to the type who is too
lazy-minded and too much of a thrill-seeker to apply himself to the basic
disciplines necessary to activity that is geared to real politics, who just
wants to play at something which requires serious organisation and serious
work. To be an activist in the BNP involves making a certain commitment. It
has its pressures and it makes its demands. Such an activist puts himself in
the front line, where there can on occasions be some troublesome
repercussions. Some people just are not up to this commitment, and prefer
instead the soft option of escapism into pursuits which amuse and titillate.
To this mentality the C18 way appeals. It makes no demands. It requires no
disciplines. It asks for little or nothing in the way of commitment. It is
the easy way out.
PREACHERS OF THE COUP D'ETAT
There is one other noticeable feature of the literature of Combat 18 and
similar and interlocked groups. They all espouse the theory that no progress
can be made in Britain by the constitutional methods of fighting through the
ballot box - from which one can only draw the conclusion that the strategy
they favour is one of terror and violence, a conclusion they confirm by
repeated advocacy of such methods.
This is the kind of counsel that can only appeal to stunted minds. Were
Britain some sort of banana republic with conditions that made armed
insurrection against the state both feasible as well as hallowed by
tradition and habit, there might be some sense and logic in such an
approach. For the United Kingdom in the 1990s and 2000s this is a
prescription so crazy in its remoteness from reality that its champions
qualify only to be consigned to mental institutions where, under the
charitable care of men in white coats, they may run around the gardens
insisting to everyone that they actually are Pancho Villa and Fidel Castro.
Just where are terror and violence going to lead in this country? Is there
going to be a coup d'etat against the state? If so, who is going to lead it?
What are going to be the forces through which it is accomplished? These
meat-heads have never sat down for five minutes to read their history and
analyse the conditions under which the achievement of political power by
armed force has been possible. If they had, they would understand that the
elementary requirements are: a largely revolutionary population, substantial
support in the higher ranks of the armed services and police, vast resources
of money and, not least, fifth-columnists placed within the apparatus of the
state itself. Perhaps we are underestimating Mr. Charlie Sargeant when we
presume that he does not have, and is not likely ever to have, such
battalions standing by ready at the moment of destiny to respond to his
command, but I rather think not. It would seem to me that the furthest
horizons to which these people's minds are capable of extending are
threatening 'phone calls at night to left-wing activists and the occasional
brick through the window of some Pakistani shopkeeper - when there is time
that can be spared from attacking the BNP. On such solid foundations does
the plan to seize power by methods other than the ballot box seem to rest,
so that perhaps we may not live to witness the day when the crack troops of
C18 stage their assault on the House of Commons, with their tanks lined up
in Parliament Square and their machine-gun-toting einsatzgruppen storming
the citadels of Westminster!
No, in Britain the constitutional way, difficult though it may be, is the
only way, while terror and violence lead only in one direction: to the
criminal court and the jail cell - unless by some mysterious and esoteric
design they enjoy the protection of the state which the latter gives for
arcane purposes of its own - of which the morons who blab about these things
have not the tiniest comprehension. Here it is perhaps opportune to examine
some curious developments and ask some penetrating questions.
WHY NO PROSECUTIONS?
I have mentioned one prosecution in which I was involved - a long time ago.
However, the law that applied then still applies now. Not so long ago I was
involved in another prosecution, this time under a section of the Public
Order Act of 1986 concerned with 'race relations'. Along with the editor of
British Nationalist, John Morse, I was put in the dock for having written
and published material likely to stir up 'race hatred'. We were both given
sentences of one year each, later reduced on appeal to six months. This was
in 1986.
Just a year ago, I was given a copy of a publication bearing the name of
Combat 18. It was printed on glossy paper and must have cost money to
produce. On reading some of the contents, I saw immediately that references
to members of ethnic minority groups far exceeded in the extremity of their
language anything that John Morse or I had ever written in our own
publications. In one section there was talk of sending Blacks home "in body
bags."
In this and other publications turned out by these jokers there are constant
incitements to people to commit acts of violence in pursuit of their
political aims, and in another glossy product again bearing the name of
Combat 18 there were instructions on bomb-making. If ever there was a case
of there being 'reasonable apprehension' that these people were organised
and trained "for the purpose enabling them to be employed for the use or
display of physical force in promoting any political object," these items
supplied all the evidence that should have been needed.
So were the leaders of Combat 18 prosecuted? Well, there was a police raid
on the homes of two of them a few months ago, and hundreds of these items
were taken away as evidence.
But in the final outcome the decision was made not to prosecute. Why? This
is a very big 'Why?' for it opens up some very interesting questions. The
establishment jails Morse and Tyndall in 1986 and Tyndall and others some
years earlier, in one case for 'racial hatred' and in another for
'reasonable apprehension' that they were organised and trained for the use
of physical force in promoting a political object. Yet with far greater
evidence in the hands of prosecution in both these regards no action is
taken against the leaders of Combat 18. Is there not a peculiar stink in
this?
SO WHO IS BEHIND COMBAT 18?
For myself, I can see no logical reason whatever for this failure to
prosecute the C18 people other than that it suits the establishment to keep
C18 in existence. And why should it do so - other than to enable C18 to be
used as a weapon for damaging, and if possible destroying, the British
National Party?
Does this mean that the chief operatives of C18 are conscious and willing
agents of the state, deliberately working against the
Nationalist cause? Not necessarily.
I myself am very little acquainted personally with the people of whom I am
talking. For my knowledge of them I rely on the intellectual content of
their publications - which beggars description - and the personal
assessments of some of my friends and colleagues who know them a bit better
than I do. From this information the profile that forms is one of people of
very meagre intelligence albeit equipped with a certain destructively low
cunning. It is difficult for me to believe that such people are capable of
masterminding such a complex operation as the one in which I suspect they
are engaged, namely an operation to sabotage the Nationalist movement in
general and our party in particular. It seems much more likely that they are
just small-time gang leaders, class warriors with huge chips on their
shoulders, ambitious to build theirown little back-street empires and
resentful of others who seem to stand in their way. This alone could not
account for all of the activities in which they have been involved.
Somewhere there has to be a directing brain, much superior to theirs, able
to manipulate them to purposes which they would scarcely begin to
understand. So who might this be?
ENTER THE MYSTERIOUS MR. COVINGTON
In our investigations onto people with contacts with Combat 18 one name kept
on cropping up again and again. This was an American called Harold
Covington, who was found residing in Britain for a while some years ago and
was closely involved with a number of people from whose rands C18 emerged.
It has even been suggested that he was C18's founder. Mr. Covington's
political ideas closely parallelled those being peddled by C18 today.
It seems that at that time he was doing a lot of jetting around the world
while pleading poverty to his supporters. It was a matter of interest to us
that Mr. Covington was able to stay in this country for some while, while
having no trouble with immigration authorities as an 'undesirable' - a
hospitality not extended to revisionist Fred Leuchter, as many of our
readers will recall.
I happened to meet Harold Covington when he called at my home back sometime
around 1981. I certainly found him to be intelligent, though there was
something about the man's personality that told me I should be on my guard.
I did not think very much more about him until the C18 business forced us to
take a further look at him.
I promptly did some writing and telephoning to my numerous friends and
contacts in the United States to see what they could tell me about Mr.
Covington. The picture that emerged only deepened my suspicions concerning
his liaison with people over here.
Covington, I learned, had built for himself a notorious reputation
throughout the racial movement in America as a catalyst of internal
conflict, distrust and division. He made a speciality out of condemning some
of the leading activators of the American Right, either just by disparaging
their efforts as being of no value or by going yet further and blackening
their characters with highly personalised smears. He spent a great deal of
time sending circulars to people all around the world the contents of which
were occupied with attacks made more on fellow racial nationalists than on
our common political enemies. This latter I could confirm because one or two
of these circulars had been posted to me. One leader of the movement in the
US whom I know personally and whose judgement I greatly respect told me he
thought it very likely that Covington had for some years been working for
the FBI, though I have no way of proving or disproving this.
What is known is that Combat 18 had for a while used an American contact
address for some of its literature so as to get around Britain's draconian
race laws. This address, when traced, turned out to be one supplied by
Harold Covington. If my American contact's theory about Covington's
connections are correct, it would mean that large numbers of people in
Britain who have written off to his mailing address in response to C18
literature would have had their names and addresses passed on straight away
to the FBI, who would in turn have supplied them to the political police in
this country, whether MI5, Special Branch or both.
It is an interesting diversion from this story to reflect that one of C18's
major weapons in its war of words against the BNP has been its focus on some
of our real or imagined security lapses. We have never claimed that BNP
security is without flaw; such a thing is almost impossible to achieve with
our limited financial resources and in the environment in which we operate.
But it ill becomes C18 to cast stones of this kind when its own security
record is put under scrutiny. In the police raid on the C18 members referred
to earlier it is understood that computers were taken which couldwell have
contained some sensitive information (membership lists perhaps?).
C18 has been strangely quiet about this - which provides quite a contrast
with the noise that its people have been making about the computers stolen
from Alf Waite.
In another case, a man called Hitchcock was elevated to a major position of
power and seniority within C18 ranks, only later for it to be found that he
was passing information onto the police, one piece of which enabled them to
ascertain the location of a 'Blood and Honour' concert and therebyget it
cancelled.
But to return to Harold Covington, there would appear to be a great deal of
circumstantial evidence to support the theory that Covington, among others
several degrees more intelligent than the known C18 leaders in Britain, has
been using his influence with those people to encourage them in the tactics
of character assassination and division that he has practised to no small
effect on his own side of the Atlantic. What connection all this has with
the political establishment and its anti-nationalist policing operations is
hard to ascertain in terms of absolute proof. Certain people within the
nationalist camp are undoubtedly doing the work of the establishment by,
sowing division among nationalists and thus helping that establishment to
neutralise them. Why they are doing this is harder to pronounce upon with
absolute assurance. Are they people of anti-nationalist convictions who are
working against us for genuine ideological motives? Are they doing the dirty
work of the ruling power because they are being paid to do it or because
some circumstances in their personal lives and background give the police a
hold over them? Or can their actions be explained by nothing more
complicated than pure stupidity? At the moment of writing I cannot claim to
know the answers to these questions, while in any event those answers may
differ from one individual to another. In matters like these one must, at a
certain point, step back from the minutiae of the matter and take in the
whole broad picture. In this regard I might have some experience to offer
which others will find helpful.
IT'S ALL BEEN TRIED BEFORE
Most readers will know that I was deeply involved in the National Front in
the 1970s, being that party's leader from the middle of 1972 to the start of
1980, with a brief break between October 1974 and February 1976. During
those years the NF was enormously successful, and undoubtedly frightened the
establishment out of its wits. Every effort was made to smash it by way of
media propaganda and physical violence on the streets, but all this failed.
Eventually only one thing could, and did, stop the onward march of that
movement and that was for a split to be engineered within.
Four attempts were made to bring this about during the time of my
involvement with the NF: in 1970-71, in 1972, in 1974-75 and finally in
1979-80. The first three attempts were thwarted, though with much damage
caused. The final attempt succeeded, and from 1980 the National Front was
effectively finished, though it staggered on in truncated form for another
15 years.
Witnessing from close-up these repeated efforts to smash the party by the
tactics of 'divide-and-conquer', I became convinced eventually that behind
them - certainly the last two of them - there was the hand of the
establishment working in concert with our political enemies on the left.
Some people at the time thought my analysis far-fetched, but later it was
confirmed when certain key figures in the engineering of these splits were
found beyond doubt to have been working for our adversaries.
It was always probable that the establishment would be ready to employ
similar methods to smash up the BNP once it began to have reason to fear us
as it did the Front in former times. If ever there was a moment when this
establishment would have become convinced that the time had arrived to
strike at the BNP, that moment was our election victory in Tower Hamlets in
September 1993.
I am convinced it is no accident that that was when disruptive action
against our party started to move into top gear.
I believe that what we are dealing with today is a strategy employed by the
establishment to divide the nationalist movement, and thereby neutralise it,
in exactly the same way as was done in the 1970s. The tactics to some degree
differ - in those days they attacked my supporters and me for being 'too
extreme', while this time we are attacked for being 'not extreme enough' -
but the end being pursued is identical in all essentials. Meanwhile, the
time-honoured methods of lie, smear and malicious rumour are alive and
kicking. I know these kinds of people, and I know their game.
Over the past year or two the British National Party has been fighting a
battle on two fronts. Before us are our overt and known political enemies,
with whom we have shown we can deal as long as our ranks remain firm and
united in their loyalty and resolve. Behind us are the back-stabbers, who
work to destroy our movement by pretending to be part of it and thus gaining
the trust and confidence of credulous people, most of whom mean well but do
not understand the complexity of the war in which they are engaged.
There is no doubt, from the evidence that I have seen, that those whom I
have described as 'back-stabbers' have caused considerable damage to our
party. Bit by bit, by diligent application, we have repaired much of this
damage. But there is still more repairing yet to be done.
I end this article - which is necessarily long because of the detailed
nature of the evidence supporting it - by urging all nationalists in
Britain, and most particularly those in our own party, to shun like the
bubonic plague that coterie of big talkers, small doers and fantasy
revolutionaries who employ various AKAs but are best known as 'Combat 18'.
Whether these people know it or not - and my observation is that most of
them are too pea-brained to know it - they are doing our enemies' work. They
have had some success due to the gullibility of some of you. To those I
urge: don't be gullible any longer! With the worsening political situation
in Britain, the opportunities now awaiting our party are tremendous - but
only if we rid ourselves of this cancerous growth that has battened like a
parasite on our rear.
-----END ARTICLE-----
Harold Covington
Dear Will/"Karl":
As our British cousins would say, "Gor' blimey, guv, yer a twit!"
Wiking88
Harold Covington wrote:
> Dear Will/"Karl":
>
> As our British cousins would say, "Gor' blimey, guv, yer a twit!"
Of course fat ass can't defend himself...
--
- Wiking88 (www.klassen.net/wiking)
Candidus Productions - www.klassen.net/webdesign
Copyright © 1998 - Candidus Productions - All Rights Reserved
"There is no avoiding war; it can only be postponed to the advantage of
others." - Niccolņ Machiavelli (1469-1527)
Harold Covington
THE HAND OF FATE
Dear Winston,
You mentioned earlier [in a private e-mail] that you believe God or
Fate or whatever is looking out for both you and the National Socialist
movement. What theological or Scriptural basis do you have for that
statement?
-Anne from P.E.I.
************************************
Dear Anne,
If you mean can I offer you a few Bible verses, no, not really.
The first is that in point of fact, prior to October 31st,
I had already said everything I had to say on the subject of [deleted].
I always found the whole subject distasteful and I had decided to let the
whole thing lapse---and then this happened, thus forcing me to
resume attention to the subject.
The second thing is that these people were, in a very literal
sense, about to GET WHAT THEY WANTED---my effective departure from
the Movement, at least for the time being. Just a few short hours more
and they would have won---but Fate would have it otherwise.
I had been having some health problems recently, basically
problems resulting from being a 43 year-old man with a family history
of diabetes and a borderline thyroid condition. I was feeling lousy and
it was obviously going to be necessary for me to go back to work full
time for a company which offered health insurance as a benefit. I also had
several private writing projects, books, which I wanted to devote my time
to completing, and another I wanted to begin. Plus, to be frank, I was
tired of the whole rigamarole and I wanted to do something else with
my life for a while.
Now, what these idiots still apparently do not understand is
that there is a COLLECTIVE NSWPP leadership---I am simply a spokesman
and public front man as well as General Secretary in the editorial and
paper-pushing sense. The Party is actually run by the NSCO, and my
name does not appear anywhere on any corporate documents. In theory
I can even be fired if the NSCO doesn't like my performance.
I had asked---and been given permission---to hand over the Party
to the collective leadership for at least a year once the web site was
set up. The newsletter would return to monthly publication and also be
taken over by another editor, although I would write for it. There would
have been no "leader figure" for a time, just "NSWPP-NSCO". The Party
post office box would have remained in Chapel Hill for a while but then
been transferred to another city. They weren't happy with it but eventually
I prevailed; they really couldn't force me to stay if I didn't want to.
Realistically speaking, I had decided that I was going to use
this as a transition period to 're-integrate' myself as much as it is
possible for any racially aware White male to be re-integrated into what
is laughingly called 'normal' society, and that from then on I would write
and that would be it. I would not even be publishing my own newsletter.
In effect, I was easing myself out of the Movement after 24 years.
And then came the morning of October 31st, when the rat-faced
little
process server rocked up on my doorstep. They have squealed and cackled
(for
some reason) about my being at home at 8 in the morning. The reason for
that
was simple: I had a doctor's appointment that day.
The gods indeed have a very strange sense of humor, as Oscar
Wilde said. These fools did the ONE THING ON EARTH that could force
me to change my plans and remain at the head of the Party indefinitely.
I've always wondered about that, the timing of it. What divine
force or influence was at work to make them do this on THE VERY DAY I
was ready to announce my transition period into departure? A draft of
that announcement was already on the computer for e-mailing that night
and I had a printed version I was going to take to the copy shop to get
printed for mailing with that week's RESISTANCE after I finished at the
doctor. I can only thank God that they didn't wait until November 1st
to send the rodent around with his papers; if the announcement had
already gone out I would never have convinced anyone that I wasn't
'running away from the lawsuit'.
Contrary to what I have been accused of (if you want to call it
an accusation) I am not a religious man or a Christian---but I do believe
in a God or a Fate or a Force or whatever you want to call it. I took that
creep's appearance on my doorstep with his absurd lawsuit as a sign
and I immediately canceled my 'retirement'. All throughout my
career I have seen little signs like this that I am on the right track,
that I am fulfilling the destiny that God has planned for me, and that
I will not be allowed to deviate from it. This was one such event.
These people are, of course, utterly invincible in their vanity
and their stupidity. They made the worst possible screw-up they could
possibly make. All that has happened since has been completely
unnecessary and due entirely to that incredible, bone-headed mistake on
their part.
Of course they won't believe it. The whole linchpin of the belief
system of any cult is their own infallibility. But I and my comrades know
the
truth, and we still get a rueful chuckle over it.
Think about it, Anne. How could this have happened? How
could it occur on the VERY DAY when these people were within a few
short HOURS of getting everything they wanted? How is it that
literally hours away from a victory they have sought for years, it was
snatched away from them by their own arrogance and ignorance? There
is a lesson there, and it has nothing to do with me. It has to do with
the cause I serve---the cause of the Führer Adolf Hitler.
Serve the Führer and fear nothing, Annie. You may not
survive, you may not live to see victory, but I promise you that you
will be sustained and in times of doubt, you will be shown the way.
-Harold A. Covington
Ian P. McKinney
> THE HAND OF FATE
>
>
>Dear Winston,
>
> You mentioned earlier [in a private e-mail] that you believe God or
>
>Fate or whatever is looking out for both you and the National Socialist
>movement. What theological or Scriptural basis do you have for that
>statement?
>
> -Anne from P.E.I.
"Annie" is doubtless another Harold Covington alias. He does that
quite a bit. He writes letters of support to himself and then quotes
the letters whenever he vomits something onto either paper of the
Internet. The truth is that Harold has very few supporters and
probably only 5 of them are rational.
Regards,
Ian McKinney
Western Imperative Network
http://www.usaor.net/users/ipm/
----------------------------------------------------------
The Incomparable Dr. Revilo Oliver
http://ourworld.compuserve.com/homepages/america
David Duke
http://www.duke.org
Celts and Saxons Homepage
http://www.primenet.com/~lconley/index.html
Aryan Dating Page
http://www.adp.fptoday.com/
National Vanguard Books
http://www.natvan.com/
Afrikaner Resistance Movement
http://home.intekom.com/rsa/
Stormfront White Nationalist Center
http://www.stormfront.org/
Yggdrasil's White Nationalist Library
http://www.ddc.net/ygg/
Ernst Zundel - Free Speech Advocate
http://www.webcom.com/~ezundel/index.html
Harold Covington
Actually, Ian, it's all aliases. I'm really Christopher Marlowe.