the Anatomy of Haiti descent into hell
Jean Charles
The Anatomy of Haiti’s Decline into a Failed Nation
By Jean H. Charles
From Haiti’s golden era in 1946 to its present condition in 2026, the country has descended into humiliation and dysfunction. Once admired internationally, Haiti is now widely regarded as a failed state and, tragically, a subject of ridicule. Its citizens are mistreated abroad, including in neighboring countries such as the Dominican Republic, where Haitian children are frequently expelled—sometimes violently.
In its two centuries of existence, Haiti has never been so isolated and dejected by the international community. Victor Hugo, in his 1860 address to the Haitian people, described Haiti as the “light and salt of the earth.” Today, it is no longer merely in purgatory—it has become hell on earth. Even Haiti’s own leaders and aspiring leaders often act as accomplices of the gangs that terrorize the population, pledging only to retain power rather than restore order or dignity.
This essay examines how Haiti fell so far. As described by the International Rescue Committee in its annual report, Haiti is now among the five most critical and wretched nations on earth.
I will turn 80 years old in February 2026. My life has coincided almost entirely with Haiti’s decline. Although I have spent the past 60 years in New York City—one of the most civilized places on earth—I cannot ignore the fate of the more than 12 million people who remain in Haiti.
I submit that Haiti’s decline can be attributed to the actions and policies of six key personalities and three structural sectors.
Political Leadership and Economic Policy Failures
First, I accuse what many consider Haiti’s most venerated president, Dumarsais Estimé (1946–1950). During his presidency, the Haitian peasantry was becoming increasingly prosperous. The United Fruit Company purchased organic bananas grown on small family plots. President Estimé ordered the open market closed and replaced it with a program in which politicians bought bananas from peasants and resold them to the company. Within six months, corruption led to the delivery of substandard bananas, causing the program’s collapse. Eighty years later, the embargo on Haitian banana exports remains in effect, condemning the peasantry to chronic poverty.
Yet, is so easy to transform Haiti into a paradise for the peasants. We have to organize them into cooperative and let them produce what they know how to do best: grow the organic fruits, and spice for the great markets of the world. Jeff Bezos would be happy to have the Haitian peasant as a principal shipper to send him every night the fruits of season: citrus and guinea peas in the winter, soursop, and cherimoya in the spring, mangoes, apricots and passion fruits in the summer, avocado and quinoa in autumn. Already we have the best mango in the world. Soon the customer from New York or London will discover our baby banana which is better than all its brethren in the world.
The second personality responsible for serious harm to the Haitian peasantry—and consequently to the national economy—is Bill Clinton. Rice production in the Artibonite Valley once supplied Haiti’s staple food needs. Clinton forced the Aristide government to open the market to subsidized Arkansas rice, displacing local production and devastating Haitian farmers.
Furthermore, during Aristide’s return to power in 1990, President Clinton delivered what I consider a mortal blow to Haiti. I personally witnessed, at the White House, Clinton’s decree that Haiti’s labor force should focus on textile manufacturing, while Mexico would concentrate on agriculture. This policy remains in effect today, despite the fact that 85% of Haitians are engaged in agriculture.
The third factor in Haiti’s decline was the Duvalier dynasty. From 1957 to 1986, François “Papa Doc” Duvalier and Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier ruled Haiti with an iron fist. For 33 years, progress and modernization passed the country by, leaving it with weak institutions, no meaningful infrastructure, and governance reminiscent of the middle Ages.
The fourth factor was the regime of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Under his leadership, the culture of gangs and kidnappings took root. By grooming young bandits, Aristide created the adult gangsters who terrorize the population today. The disbanding of the Haitian army further crippled the state’s ability to ensure security. These decisions produced the perfect storm of instability.
The fifth factor has been the succession of illiberal governments that followed Aristide. From René Préval to Michel Martelly to Jovenel Moïse, corruption became entrenched, and the Haitian population was systematically betrayed.
Structural and International Factors
Beyond individual leaders, Haiti’s decline can also be traced to the choices made by the founding fathers, who prioritized a war economy over nation-building. National resources were devoted to constructing forts rather than schools, infrastructure, or civic institutions.
Equally damaging has been the transactional behavior of the international community toward Haiti. During the era of Toussaint Louverture, Haiti maintained respectful and equal relations with the United States under John Adams—according to historian Ronaldo Angelo Johnson, the only time the two nations treated each other as equals.
Two countries have inflicted severe damages to Haiti, in the first place, France has profited of the internal division occurring in Haiti to impose a draconian tribute as indemnity for the independence. It took one century of payment to satisfy the principal and the interests of the debt. The Christine Taubira legislation declaring slavery as an act cruel and inhuman should have be given legal ammunition for the recovery of the indemnity. But Jean Bertrand Aristide has spoiled that opportunity in injecting politics to the issue instead of dealing with the issue as a matter of law.
On the other side the United States in invading Haiti in 1915 has caused irreparable harm to the country. The officers in charge of the invasion were from the South, injecting their sentiment of racism upon the Haitians. To the plus side, the United States introduced public health, infrastructure building, and reorganization of the army in the country but it reinforced the concentration of services and institution in the capital to the detriment of the provinces.
Today, with a population that is approximately 85% illiterate, Haiti is treated by the international community—particularly the so-called Core Group—as a vassal state. Haiti’s vital interests are routinely subordinated. While Haitians do suffer from a tendency to scapegoat foreign powers, the country also lacks leaders comparable to Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore or Ho Chi Minh of Vietnam—figures who built nations despite foreign interference.
Where Do We Go from Here?
How can Haiti rebuild itself and reclaim pride in its glorious past? The
answer lies in the words of Jean-Jacques Dessalines:
“I have spent entire nights to give you this nation. Take good care of
it—for yourselves and for humanity.”
As a former presidential candidate, I have written a book outlining a path out of Haiti’s failed-state condition. Most importantly, I have identified and mentored a young leader willing to put these ideas into practice.
His name is Jude Élie.
He has amassed an impressive international pedigree, canvassing much help for the wounded country.
He will have to apply the five principles of nation-building articulated by Ernest Renan, offered to peoples emerging from oppression under the Prussian and Ottoman empires:
- Develop a strong sense of national belonging among Haitians
- Build solid institutions from rural communities to the capital
- Support marginalized groups—peasants, women, and residents of urban ghettos
- Define and pursue the nation’s higher mission
- Cultivate resilience, creativity, and education among the youth
These tasks must be preceded by the pacification of the country, including the eradication of gangs and the culture of corruption and impunity.
Jude Élie must reject the culture of endless complaint and lead Haiti back toward the “light and salt of the earth” envisioned by Victor Hugo. He must anticipate the modern equivalents of Napoleon Bonaparte and Thomas Jefferson to avoid the fate of Toussaint Louverture. He must embody both the wisdom of the dove and the cunning of the serpent to prevent internal betrayal, such as that which led to the death of Jean-Jacques Dessalines.
Only then can Haiti be guided toward peace, dignity, and prosperity.
Jean Hervé Charles, LLB, MSW, JD
Presidential Candidate, 2016
Contact: jeanhc...@aol.com
Jean Charles
The Anatomy of Haiti’s Decline into a Failed Nation
By Jean H. Charles
From Haiti’s golden era in 1946 to its present condition in 2026, the country has descended into humiliation and dysfunction. Once admired internationally, Haiti is now widely regarded as a failed state and, tragically, a subject of ridicule. Its citizens are mistreated abroad, including in neighboring countries such as the Dominican Republic, where Haitian children are frequently expelled—sometimes violently.
In its two centuries of existence, Haiti has never been so isolated and dejected by the international community. Victor Hugo, in his 1860 address to the Haitian people, described Haiti as the “light and salt of the earth.” Today, it is no longer merely in purgatory—it has become hell on earth. Even Haiti’s own leaders and aspiring leaders often act as accomplices of the gangs that terrorize the population, pledging only to retain power rather than restore order or dignity.
This essay examines how Haiti fell so far. As described by the International Rescue Committee in its annual report, Haiti is now among the five most critical and wretched nations on earth.
I will turn 80 years old in February 2026. My life has coincided almost entirely with Haiti’s decline. Although I have spent the past 60 years in New York City—one of the most civilized places on earth—I cannot ignore the fate of the more than 12 million people who remain in Haiti.
I submit that Haiti’s decline can be attributed to the actions and policies of six key personalities and three structural sectors.
Political Leadership and Economic Policy Failures
First, I accuse what many consider Haiti’s most venerated president, Dumarsais Estimé (1946–1950). During his presidency, the Haitian peasantry was becoming increasingly prosperous. The United Fruit Company purchased organic bananas grown on small family plots. President Estimé ordered the open market closed and replaced it with a program in which politicians bought bananas from peasants and resold them to the company. Within six months, corruption led to the delivery of substandard bananas, causing the program’s collapse. Eighty years later, the embargo on Haitian banana exports remains in effect, condemning the peasantry to chronic poverty.
Yet is so easy to transform Haiti into a paradise for the peasants. We have to organize them into cooperative and let them produce what they know how to do best: grow the organic fruits, and spice for the great markets of the world. Jeff Bezos would be happy to have the Haitian peasant as a principal shipper to send him every night the fruits of season: citrus and guinea peas in the winter, soursop, and cherimoya in the spring, mangoes, apricots and passion fruits in the summer, avocado and quinoa in autumn. Already we have the best mango in the world. Mango Francis that grow only in Haiti. Soon the customer from New York or London will discover our baby banana which is better than all its brethren in the world.
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