As they return to New York City, Charlie tells Frank about his problem at school. Frank advises Charlie to turn informant and go to Harvard, warning him that George will probably submit to Trask's pressure, so he should act and obtain a benefit before George does. While at a restaurant, Frank notices Donna, a young woman waiting for her date. He invites her to the dance floor, where they perform a spectacular tango ("Por una Cabeza"). The evening ends after Frank visits with a high-class escort, completing the stated objectives of his trip.
28 years ago, in 1992, the film Scent of a Woman, by Martin Brest, was released. The movie tells the story of Charlie Simms, who finds a job as an assistant to moody colonel Frank Slade, that lost his vision. Over time, this movie has become truly iconic and the scene where Al Pacino is dancing tango is one of the most moving scenes in cinema history.
She has a point, for it was probably in La Boca, chiefly in the brothels along Necochea Street, that Buenos Aires' (and Argentina's) most distinctive cultural expression, the tango, was created and first performed. Some people maintain that the dance's sexually explicit gestures were the result of immigrants flung together without a common language. With verbal seduction impossible, the process became, of necessity, more overt. Consequently, even in its country of origin, the tango has often been regarded as a reprehensible celebration of lowlife and loose morals. This disapproval was at its most censorious in the late '50s, after the fall of Perón, when the military government cracked down with puritanical zeal. It was not until relatively recently that tango was rehabilitated and the tanguerías, or dance clubs, revived.
Today tango classes are widely advertised throughout Buenos Aires, and every Sunday morning amateur dancers strut their stuff on San Telmo's Plaza Dorrego. But in an age when sexuality is ubiquitous in advertising and the media, tango inevitably has lost much of its ability to shock. Tanguerías are no longer brothels, merely nightclubs, and usually fairly staid ones at that. And tango itself has become part of the national mythology, a form of expression that speaks to Argentines of a formative period in their country's history, and one that confirms their self-image as a Latin people to whom display, style, and sensuality are indispensible ingredients of life.
Most tango bars are now within a few blocks of one another in San Telmo, these days a pleasant, rejuvenated barrio of old mansions and antiques shops. One evening I buy a ticket to the show at El Viejo Almacén on Balcarce Street and find myself ushered to a plain wooden table just beneath the stage. The mood is subdued and expectant like a theater. Eventually the lights dim and the band mounts the stage: piano, bass, violin, guitar, and finally bandonéon, the button accordion of German origin that gives tango music its surges and laments, its crescendos of passion and its diminuendos of melancholy and regret.
The show is a mixture of song and dance routines, all performed with passion and verve, but with a rather uneven level of quality. However, the club's principal dancers, Nélida and Nelson, are reckoned by the cognoscenti to be among the best in Argentina. One routine, in which Nélida is spun over and her head jerks back barely an inch from the floor, has the audience roaring and stomping. Personally, I find the most moving moments to be during the songs, when unprompted the audience joins in, softly at first, but with increasing confidence. Almost everyone knows the words by heart. Argentina, it is sometimes said, has two national anthems: the official one, and the tango Mi Buenos Aires Querido, or My Beloved Buenos Aires.
Tango was born in the hard-bitten world of the docks, whereas polo, the second of Argentina's defining national obsessions (the third is soccer), was imported by high-caste British merchants. Their headquarters was the distinctly genteel Hurlingham Club, named after the famous sports club in southwest London. Utterly dissimilar though they may appear, tango and polo actually express the national psyche in surprisingly similar ways. Both are highly charged and physically demanding, and both celebrate grace, style, and panache.
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Il nostro repertorio comprende musica classica, latino, tango, musica da film e musical, musica attuale, musica tradizionale internazionale ecc. Musica per cerimonia in chiesa, aperitivo, ricevimento.
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In this period, the structure of the Jewish communities changed radically. In 1840 there existed about 70 organized communities, in 1938 only 23. In 1840 Italian Jewry numbered 37,000, in 1931 47,485 (including many newly-arrived immigrants). The distribution of the Jewish population also changed. Many small rural communities disappeared, while medium-sized urban ones suffered through migration to the larger centers. Before the establishment of united Italy, each community had its own administrative and social structure, the central organization imposed by Napoleon lasting for only a short while. A first step toward introducing some measure of coordination among the communities was established by the Rattazzi Law of July 1857. But it was only in 1911 that a "Union of Italian Jewish Communities" (Consorzio delle comunità israelitiche italiane) was set up on a voluntary basis. Finally the law of Oct. 30, 1930, established on an obligatory national basis the Unione delle comunità israelitiche italiane and defined its administrative competence and that of the individual communities. It also defined the prerogatives of the rabbis, including authorization to perform marriages, provided that the relevant articles of the Italian legal code were read. The law laid down that all those considered Jews by Jewish law automatically belonged to the community if they did not make a formal renunciation.
The works of Josef B. Sermoneta and Roberto Bonfil, both professors at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, best articulate the problem of interpretation of Jewish culture in the Italian Renaissance. Sermoneta ("Aspetti del pensiero moderno nell'ebraismo italiano tra Rinascimento e età barocca," Italia Judaica, ii, 1986) argued that the familiarity with Italian literary and cultural trends did not entail assimilation: in short, participating in the cultural enterprises of the Renaissance went hand in hand with asserting Jewish uniqueness and spiritual superiority. Bonfil (Gli ebrei in Italia nell'epoca del Rinascimento 1991) urged Jewish historians to renounce harmonistic interpretation and to study Jewish history "on its own terms," that is by defining the social status of Jews in Renaissance Italy, and then reconstructing their unique Jewish experience. The studies of David Ruderman, Michele Luzzati and Kenneth R. Stow show many interesting aspects of Italian Jewish history.
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