So why is Germany behaving the way that it does? Over the last couple of weeks, there have been countless attempts to find an explanation. Most have been unconvincing. Some have argued that Germany is simply no longer a reliable ally, while others have gone even further to suggest that Berlin is actively working with Moscow to undermine Ukraine. Neither is true. Instead, Germans see the world differently and their leaders are primarily responsive to the political constraints of their office.
In the midst of faltering European economies, Germany has thrived. It has grown to become the fourth-largest economy in the world. Yet at the end of World War II, a mere 70 years ago, the country lay in ruins. Much of its infrastructure, including major ports and railroad hubs, had been heavily bombed by Allied air forces; the city of Dresden had been utterly destroyed. More than 7 million Germans lost their lives during the war; the population of Cologne dropped from 750,000 to 32,000. And morally, the country was beyond bankrupt as the gruesome details of the Nazis' systematic murder of 11 million Jews, Poles, Russians, Roma, homosexuals, and others were exposed. Yet Germany pulled itself out of this deep chasm to become one of the most influential and trusted nations. Many view the country as the lynchpin of the European Union. In a 2014 BBC World Service poll, Germany ranked first in popularity, with 60 percent of the international community rating it positively. How had the shadow of Hitler been overcome?
While Japan has largely forgone reconciliation, Germany has used its policy to claim a moral high ground and become a trusted power. Hanns Maull, the foreign policy analyst, says that one reason Germany has become so trusted is the lengths it has gone to distance itself from its days as an aggressive power. "Whereas you might say power is central to politics, power is taboo to Germany today," Maull says. "People don't like to talk about it because the abuse of power was so dramatic and has deep implications for the collective conscience. Military power, in particular, is taboo. Germany debates the role of force and has a very cautious approach. Germans are willing, under certain conditions, to use military force but never to use it alone and only when there's no choice but military intervention." That trust from its neighbors, Maull says, made German reunification possible. "And Germany's relationship with Israel has been a cornerstone of that trust."Is there a foreseeable end to reconciliation? Gardner Feldman says no. "It's an ongoing process and it never ends," she says. "That's why today you have young Germans with absolutely no relationship to what happened in World War II willing to volunteer in countries seen as victims of the Nazis." Maull agrees. "Every year, what reconciliation means might change, but it's open-ended. Every new generation has to deal with this." Gardner Feldman notes that there are still commissions monitoring the language used in German textbooks, unfinished compensation issues, and attempts to reclaim art seized by the Nazis.
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Matthias Scherer, Professor for Risk and Insurance, is trusted lecturer of the German Actuarial Association (DAV) for the next three years. The examination boards of the DAV for the subjects "Insurance Mathematics" and "Financial Mathematics and Risk Management" confirmed the activity in June 2022.
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A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart. Only free peonies can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of their own.
One of the things that has served to convince us that the Prussian, autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace Within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of conjecture but a fact proved in our courts of justice that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial Government accredited to the Government of the United States. Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people towards us (who were, no doubt, as ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.
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