The Story of British Diplomatic Representation in Modern Iraq, by Professor Ibrahim Khalil Al-Allaf, Professor Emeritus, University of Mosul

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Dec 4, 2025, 4:05:09 PM12/4/25

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2016 (translated by Google it may not be the best)
The Story of British Diplomatic Representation in Modern Iraq,
by Professor Ibrahim Khalil Al-Allaf, Professor Emeritus, University of Mosul
The story of British diplomatic representation in modern Iraq
Prof. Dr. Ibrahim Khalil Al-Allaf
Experienced Professor – University of Mosul
(1)
The question of the nature and beginnings of British political influence in the Ottoman Iraqi provinces of Baghdad, Mosul, and Basra is frequently raised. Much information on this subject has been found in books dealing with the history of Iraqi-British relations, but sometimes briefly, sometimes vaguely, and without differentiating between the various British diplomatic missions. The matter requires expertise and detailed knowledge, and I possess some books and letters that address this story. However, it is noteworthy that an Iraqi diplomat, Professor Najdat Fathi Safwat (may God have mercy on him), took it upon himself to write in the London-based magazine Al-Tadhamun, specifically in issue 137, dated November 23, 1985, and issues dated December 7-13, 1985, detailing British diplomatic representation in Iraq and Iraqi diplomatic representation in Britain. It is certain that Professor Najdat Fathi Safwat, as a diplomat and historian, relied on documents when documenting and writing, in addition to his experience and firsthand observations.
Today we will examine what he wrote about the origin and development of British diplomatic representation in Iraq during the Ottoman era. This representation began in the eighteenth century when the three provinces of Iraq: Mosul, Baghdad and Basra were parts of the Ottoman state. During the Ottoman era, Britain had three consulates in Baghdad, Basra and Baghdad. The British consul enjoyed, in addition to his title of consul, another title, which was (political resident).
Britain also had commercial agents in Baghdad and Basra. Basra held a special place for them, and this continued until the end of the eighteenth century. The British trading agency was the first institution to be elevated to a consulate. In 1764, the British ambassador in Istanbul, Henry Neville, obtained a firman (decree) from the Sultan approving the appointment of Robert Garden, representative of the East India Company, as consul in Basra and granting him the privileges and immunities usually granted to consuls of foreign countries. Robert Garden was the first official representative of the British government in Iraq.
In Baghdad, there was an agency, but it was not permanent. It was run by an Armenian in 1755 and then by an Englishman a few years later, in 1765.
Britain relied on the "political resident," who, along with his staff, looked after British political and economic interests in Baghdad and the cities of the Arabian Gulf, including Basra and Baghdad. Lord Curzon, the British Foreign Secretary, declared in 1892 in the House of Lords: "Baghdad is located within the ports of the Gulf and must be included within the concerns of British policy."
Therefore, the British were keen to have residency offices from 1797 until 1810 in both Baghdad and Basra. In 1810, the "Residency" in Baghdad became the "main British political agency in Iraq," and the Basra agency became subordinate to it. The British government announced that it was paying close attention to Turkish Iraq, as it called the provinces of Basra, Baghdad, Mosul, and later Mesopotamia. As is known, this came about because of Napoleon's plans in France and his attempt to attack India via Egypt and the Red Sea.
Thus, Britain – as Professor Dr. Abdul Aziz Nawar says in his book on “British Interests in the Rivers of Iraq” – became interested in the routes of Iraq and Egypt, and the conflict intensified between the British and the French to seize control of the region.
Harford Jones Bridges was the first British Political Resident in Iraq. He was appointed in 1798, the year in which Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Egypt. This Resident developed close relations with the Ottoman Governor, Suleiman Pasha the Great.
In the spring of 1808, Claudius James Rich was appointed as the new Resident. He spent thirteen years in Iraq and enjoyed overwhelming influence in Baghdad thanks to his good relations with the Ottoman governor. When Daoud Pasha took over the governorship of Baghdad in 1817, and he was the last of the Mamluk rulers, Rich maintained his relations with him. However, Daoud Pasha quickly realized the danger of the role played by the British Political Resident, Claudius James Rich, so his forces confronted the Residentship, and a fierce battle took place between the Ottoman forces and the Residentship Guard. The matter ended with Rich being expelled and leaving Baghdad, and Robert Taylor being appointed in his place.
The British Political Resident continued to enjoy a distinguished status in Ottoman Baghdad until the beginning of the First World War. The British government was keen to show the Political Resident and surround him with all manifestations of splendor and magnificence. Since the time of Reige, the Residents had armed guards numbering a few hundred, and they had their ornate attire and their fine horses.
The residence also had an armed boat called (Kuzmit) that was moored next to the residence, whose building was located on the Tigris River. The people of Baghdad recognized this boat and called it (Kuzmit boat).
The visit of the British Political Resident to the Ottoman Governor's Palace was an important occasion, as people would see the Resident walking the roads from the Residency headquarters in his ornate official uniform, riding on his horse, surrounded by a procession of guards, servants, and followers. This is how he appeared to the people in all his comings and goings in Baghdad and its suburbs, all in order to show influence and grandeur. People often gathered on both sides of the road to see this procession. This continued until the outbreak of the First World War and the Ottoman State's support for Germany in the war against Britain, and Britain's sending of its well-known campaign and the occupation of Basra in 1914, then the occupation of Baghdad in 1917, and the occupation of Mosul in 1918. Thus, Britain reaped the fruits of the efforts of its Political Residents, its commercial agents, and those who cooperated with the British from the local population in imposing its control over all of Mesopotamia: Iraq.
(2)
In a previous article, we discussed the history of British diplomatic representation in Ottoman Iraq. Today, we turn to the history of British diplomatic representation in Royal Iraq, from 1921, when the modern Iraqi state was formed, until the fall of the Hashemite monarchy on the morning of July 14, 1958, when the army staged its glorious revolution and established the Republic of Iraq. As we mentioned previously, the late Iraqi diplomat, Professor Tajdat Fathi Safwat, wrote about this history in the London-based magazine "Al-Tadhamun" in the issue published on December 7-13, 1985.
When we tell the story of Iraqi diplomatic representation during the monarchy, we must remind our dear readers that Iraq fell under British occupation between 1914 and 1918. Basra was occupied in 1914, Baghdad in 1917, and Mosul in 1918. Thus, British influence in Iraq reached its peak, and the British entered Baghdad on March 11, 1917, as occupiers, even though they claimed that they came to liberate the Iraqis from the Ottomans and restore Baghdad to its former glory. However, they went too far in destroying Iraq and subjected its people to injustice and mismanagement to such an extent that the Iraqis launched their great revolution in 1920.
The British military forces included (political officers) who worked in British intelligence, and they were the ones who mixed with the population and accompanied (General Stanley Maude), the commander of the British forces that entered Baghdad, (Sir Percy Cox) in his capacity as a political officer. There was no longer a British Residency or Consulate in Baghdad, as the whole country had fallen under military occupation and direct rule.
The British forces began to establish a (General Civil Administration), the story of which was told later by Miss Bell, the Oriental Secretary to the British High Commissioner. Sir Percy Cox was appointed (General Political Governor) of Iraq, and thus Cox is considered the first representative of Britain in Iraq after the First World War.
In 1918, Percy Cox was transferred to Tehran, and his deputy, Colonel Arnold Wilson, became the deputy to the Civil Governor-General. Arnold Wilson was known for his affiliation with the British Indian school, which advocated for the continuation of direct military rule over Iraq, without allowing its inhabitants the opportunity to govern themselves.
On April 25, 1920, the League of Nations entrusted Britain with the mandate over Iraq, considering that its people were unable to govern themselves or that they needed international trusteeship. However, the Iraqis launched their great revolution in 1920, so the British were forced to change their policy and abandon the policy of direct rule and think about establishing a local government. Percy Cox was returned to Iraq as a High Commissioner in preparation for establishing an Iraqi government that would be run - as Miss Bell said - by Iraqi hands and British minds.
In October 1920, Sir Percy Cox returned to Baghdad and began meetings with the leaders of the national movement. He paved the way for the Iraqis to demand that one of Sharif Hussein’s sons be king of Iraq. Although the Iraqis preferred Prince Abdullah bin Hussein to be king, the British preferred Prince Faisal. A number of British diplomats met in Cairo with some Iraqis, including Jaafar al-Askari and Sasson Heskel, and Faisal was chosen. The Iraqis pledged allegiance to him, and he was crowned king of Iraq on August 21, 1921. The 1922 treaty was concluded to regulate relations between Iraq and Britain.
Sir Percy Cox retired and returned to his country, and was succeeded by Sir Henry Dobbs, who served as the British High Commissioner for six years. During his tenure, new treaties were concluded with Britain, all of which strengthened the British presence, including the treaties of 1924, 1927, and 1930. Under the 1930 treaty, Britain recognized Iraq as an independent state on June 30, 1930. Nuri al-Said was then Prime Minister. In 1933, Iraq was admitted to the League of Nations as an independent state, at which point the title of the British High Commissioner was changed to Ambassador. Correspondence between the Iraqis and the British stipulated that the British Ambassador would be given precedence over representatives of other countries, and that the Iraqi representative in Britain would hold the rank of Minister Plenipotentiary.
One of the important issues in the story of British diplomatic representation in Iraq is that the British government did not nominate a new ambassador to Iraq as required by the rules of protocol, but rather changed the status of the High Commissioner. As is known, the High Commissioner reports to the Colonial Office, while the ambassador reports to the Foreign Office. The Iraqi government felt what the British had done, but it was unable to do anything, so it submitted to the matter and welcomed the British ambassador (Sir Francis Humphreys), who remained his country’s ambassador to Iraq until the end of March 1935.
Sir Francis Humphries resigned from his post due to his old age and returned to his country in 1935. The British government appointed in his place (Sir Argebold Clarke Kerr), who was transferred from Stockholm where he was Minister Plenipotentiary. During the tenure of this ambassador, a coup took place in 1936 led by Lieutenant General Bakr Sidqi. After three years of working in Baghdad, he was transferred to China as ambassador, then to Moscow, and was granted the title of Lord, so his name became Lord Invergale.
Sir Maurice Peterson was appointed British Ambassador to Iraq and remained there between 1938 and 1939. He has published memoirs entitled “On Both Sides of the Curtain,” which includes a chapter about his work in Baghdad. This chapter was translated by Professor Najdat Fathi Safwat. In April 1939, Sir Maurice Peterson was transferred and succeeded by Sir Basil Newton. Sir Kinahan Cornwallis was then appointed after him. During his ambassadorship, the 1941 revolution and the Anglo-Iraqi War occurred. He remained ambassador until early 1945. After him came Sir Francis William Stonehor Baird, who remained in Baghdad until early 1948. He was succeeded by Sir Henry Mack on February 4, 1948, and then by Sir John Troutbeck, who remained ambassador in Baghdad until 1955.
The last British ambassador to Iraq during the monarchy was Sir Michael Wright, whose mission as his country’s ambassador ended with the July 14, 1958 revolution, the fall of the monarchy, and the establishment of the Republic of Iraq.
Reading the files of British ambassadors during the monarchy reveals an important fact: the British ambassador in Baghdad was one of the distinguished ambassadors among his foreign diplomatic peers. The British government chose them from among its best and most experienced ambassadors. However, what indicated their work in Baghdad was that most of them tried to interfere in Iraq's affairs and often clashed with Iraqi politicians. This behavior and conduct drew the attention of the American High Commissioner, Ambassador Waldemar Goleman, who said in his book entitled "Iraq in the Era of General Nuri," which was translated into Arabic: "The Iraqis complained about the way the British ambassador behaved, as his behavior was more like that of the High Commissioner during the mandate era than that of an accredited ambassador to a sovereign state... The British ambassador interfered in internal affairs by putting pressure on the king, the crown prince, and Nuri al-Said."
It seems that the memories of Britain’s long years of occupation in Iraq, their old influence, and the privileges afforded by the treaties with Iraq are behind the strange behavior of the British ambassadors.
(3)
In two previous articles, we discussed the history of British diplomatic representation in Iraq during the Ottoman and monarchical eras. Today, we discuss the history of British diplomatic representation during the republican era. Fortunately, the late diplomat and historian, Professor Najdat Fathi Safwat, undertook to document this through his article in the London-based magazine "Al-Tadhamun" in the issue published on December 7-13, 1985.
As is well known, the July 14, 1958 revolution put an end to British influence in Iraq, which had extended since the eighteenth century, or rather, it began to change the features of this influence and change its drivers. Immediately after the revolution, the British ambassador faced security problems, which led to the army intervening to transfer the ambassador and his family to the Baghdad Hotel, and imposing strict security on the British embassy, which was attacked by angry crowds over what Britain had done in Iraq.
After the revolution's leaders reassured Britain and other countries that the revolution was for the people and did not target the interests of Britain or any other country, Britain recognized the republican regime. The British embassy remained without an ambassador for approximately six months, since the end of Sir Michael Wright's mission with the revolution. In December 1958, Sir Humphrey Trevelyan was appointed as Britain's ambassador to Iraq. Sir Humphrey Trevelyan arrived in Baghdad and began his work under difficult circumstances in Iraqi-British relations. One of his first tasks was to understand the mindset of the revolution's leaders and their stance towards the Baghdad Pact, relations with the West, the Sterling Area, the oil issue, and other related matters concerning experts, agreements, and treaties concluded between Iraq and Britain.
Sir Humphrey Trevelyan remained in Iraq until late 1961 and was succeeded by Sir Roger Allen, who was appointed in November 1961 and remained ambassador until 1965.
Professor Najdat Fathi Safwat mentions that Ambassador Humphrey Trevelyan has a book entitled: “The Middle East in Revolution”, and that he devoted about eighty pages to Iraq in which he narrated his memories of Iraq and his opinion of the leader Abdul Karim Qasim, Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces 1958-1963. Trevelyan died after receiving the title of Lord on February 8, 1985, and left behind several published works on diplomacy in addition to his memoirs.
Sir Richard Beaumont was appointed British Ambassador to Iraq, succeeding Sir Humphrey Trevelyan. He had previously served at the British Embassy as a counselor and was considered an expert on Arab affairs. After retiring from diplomatic service, he became President of the Arab-British Chamber of Commerce. During Beaumont's tenure, the June 1967 war broke out, and Iraq severed relations with Britain due to its pro-Israel stance. Relations were not resumed until May 1968. At that time, Trevor Evans was appointed. He did not hold the title of "Sir" that previous British ambassadors had held. Evans was a specialist in Arab affairs and had served as his country's ambassador to Algeria and Damascus. Upon his return from Baghdad, after completing his diplomatic mission, he was appointed a professor at Durham University.
After Trevor Evans came Balfour-Poole, who was fluent in Arabic. He was appointed in 1969. During his tenure, relations between Iraq and Britain were severed again due to Britain's stance on the issue of Iran's seizure of the three Arab islands of Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Musa. Balfour-Poole was transferred to the Sultanate of Oman, and upon his retirement, he was appointed professor at the University of Exeter.
In September 1974, relations between Iraq and Britain were restored, and John Alexander Graham was appointed British Ambassador to Baghdad. He had previously served as Private Secretary to the British Foreign Secretary. He was succeeded in April 1977 by John Stirling, who had previously served as Second Secretary at the Iraqi Embassy in Baghdad.
Following him, Stephen Loftus-Georgton was appointed British Ambassador to Iraq in September 1980. He had also previously worked at the British Embassy in Baghdad.
In October 1982, the new ambassador, Sir John Campbell Moberly, presented his credentials as the new British ambassador to Iraq.
The current ambassador to Iraq in 2016, at the time of writing, is Frank Baker, who succeeded Simon Cowells, who was his country's ambassador to Iraq in 2013. As is well known, Britain allied itself with the United States militarily and politically to invade Iraq in 2003, and alongside Ambassador Paul Bremer, the head of the Coalition Provisional Authority, was the British Ambassador John Grantstock. The British ambassador played malicious roles in the destruction and impoverishment of Iraq, which we unfortunately observe today, even though 13 years have passed since the occupation and the situation has gone from bad to worse. This is the way of the West and its countries; for a century, they have not wanted this region to rise up, nor have they wanted good for the peoples of this region - including Iraq.