--- On Wed, 8/26/09, Media Research Center <cyber...@mail.mediaresearch.org> wrote:
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Tracking Liberal Media Bias Since 1996
Wednesday August 26, 2009 @ 10:18 AM EDT
Hayes, a Senior Writer at The Weekly Standard, provided more examples in a Tuesday (late Monday night) post on the magazine's blog on parts of the report which have eluded other journalists:I think you can daw direct lines from the enhanced interrogation techniques used to the information that they provided, and forgive me, indulge me for reading one of these about al Nashiri, who was the plotter of the USS Cole attack. "Following the use of EIT's," these techniques, "he provided information about his most current operational planning as opposed to the historical information he provided before the use of the EIT's." I mean, it doesn't get clearer than that. So we can debate the morality, we can debate whether this was torture. We can't debate any longer about whether this was effective.
...And what about 9/11 mastermind, Khalid Shaykh Mohammad? More coincidence? From page 91:From the Tuesday, August 25 World News on ABC:
On the other hand, Khalid Shaykh Muhammad, an accomplished resistor, provided only a few intelligence reports prior to the use of the waterboard, and analysis of that information revealed that much of it was outdated, inaccurate or incomplete. As a means of less active resistance, at the beginning of their interrogation, detainees routinely provide information that they know is already known. Khalid Shaykh Muhammad received 183 applications of the waterboard in March 2003.The section immediately following this overview of KSM’s pre-waterboard disclosures is redacted. But flip back a few pages in the IG report, to page 87, and we learn the details of KSM’s post-waterboard intelligence. KSM provided so many leads to other terrorists and plots that the IG described him as “the most prolific” source of information among the detainees. So, what did he tell us?
He provided information that helped lead to the arrests of terrorists including Sayfullah Paracha and his son Uzair Paracha, businessmen who Khalid Shaykh Muhammad planned to use to smuggle explosives into the United States; Saleh Almari, a sleeper operative in New York; and Majid Khan, an operative who could enter the United States easily and was tasked to research attacks [redacted]. Khalid Shaykh Muhammad’s information also led to the investigation and prosecution of Iyman Faris, the truck driver arrested in early 2003 in Ohio.Let’s review. Abu Zubaydah gave up some information before the use of EITs. But “since the use of the waterboard…Abu Zubaydah has appeared to be cooperative,” and gave up even more intelligence. Al Nashiri provided mostly historical information in the short time before EITs were employed. “However, following the use of EITs, he provided information about his most current operational planning…” And “accomplished resistor” Khalid Shaykh Muhammad provided mostly useless information before the application of EITs. Afterwards, he “provided information that helped lead to the arrests of terrorists” – so much information, in fact, that he was regarded as the “most prolific” intelligence source.
Reasonable people can – and do – disagree about the morality of using EITs. But only the most accomplished resister could continue to claim that they were not effective.
BRIAN ROSS: ...It was clear today that the partisan battle lines have been drawn over the CIA, led on one side by the former Vice President, who has long been the chief defender of the CIA's harsh interrogation techniques. DICK CHENEY, FILE FOOTAGE: They were legal, essential, justified, successful and the right thing to do.From the NBC Nightly News:
ROSS: It was at Cheney's request that the CIA made public yesterday two top secret reports that said the detainee interrogations were pivotal. “Detainees have given us a wealth of useful information on al Qaeda,” the report says, “thwarting a number of al Qaeda operations,” including a proposed 9/11 style attack on Los Angeles, on London's Heathrow airport and the capture of a leading southeast Asia al Qaeda leader who reportedly had 70 operatives ready to carry out terrorist attacks in the West.
Nowhere in the reports, however, does the CIA ever draw a direct connection between the valuable information and the specific use of harsh tactics. So, Charlie, there's just enough for both sides to argue about, while CIA officers in the field are left to figure out just what is expected of them.
— Brent Baker is Vice President for Research and Publications at the Media Research CenterANDREA MITCHELL: ...So who right? The new documents reveal that 30 of the detainees -- a third of those held in the CIA secret prisons -- were subjected to the questionable practices. Cheney says the tactics “saved lives and prevented terrorist attacks.” His proof -- in part, this memo, describing how 9/11 mastermind Khalid Sheikh Mohammed who was water boarded 183 times, admitted to a series of plots: One, in late in 2001, to crash a hijacked airliner into the tallest building on the U.S. west coast, another in early 2002 to send al Qaeda operative and U.S. citizen Jose Padilla to set off bombs in apartment buildings in an unspecified major U.S. city and a never before disclosed plan in 2003 “to employ a network of Pakistanis to target gas stations, railroad tracks and the Brooklyn bridge in New York.”
But administration officials say there is no way to know whether the same information could have be obtained from him without waterboarding or whether he would have given it up sooner had he been handled differently. In fact, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed told the International Red Cross in 2006 he lied to fool his questioners.
TOM PARKER, AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL: He made stuff up to deliberately mislead his interrogators and make them stop and took pleasure in the fact that the United States had probably wasted money responding to these fabrications.
MITCHELL: An argument experts say that may never be resolved. But tonight, John McCain who opposed the Bush/Cheney interrogation policies, criticized the Attorney General's decision to investigate CIA interrogators, creating more political headaches for the White House.
TAMRON HALL: But, the big picture right now, of course, is health care reform, the focus of that town hall with Senator McCain. And Democrats are planning about 1,000 rallies between now and Labor Day when Congress returns from August recess. And former- reform supporters want lawmakers to see that Americans still support an overhaul of this system. And starting tomorrow, a Health Insurance Reform Now bus will actually travel across the country, holding events in 11 different cities. The cities, Phoenix, Albuquerque, Denver, Des Moines, Pittsburgh, Raleigh, Charlotte, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Indianapolis and Columbus. Quite a mix there. Plus the public option is now getting support from centrist Senator Max Baucus, Democrat from Montana, and a member of the so-called "Gang of Six," that, of course, being the group of senators negotiating health care reform. But, David, it appears the public is still not getting accurate information about the public option and other possible health care reforms. A brand new poll out just today says a majority of Americans still believes some of what the White House has labeled myths about reform. Indiana University's Center for Health Policy and Professionalism research found 51 percent says that public option health care will increase costs instead of lowering them. And because of the difficulties in this battle over health care, Democratic Senator Russ Feingold says there- there probably won’t be a bill before the end of the year, perhaps not at all.—Scott Whitlock is a news analyst for the Media Research Center.
MSNBC GRAPHIC: Health Care Momentum Shift?
DAVID SHUSTER: And Tamron, now the bigger picture, despite the pessimism from Democrats like Feingold, is momentum for progressive health care reform starting to pick up, at least in the west and mountain states. As Tamron just mentioned, Max Baucus spoke about the support- his support for the public option in a conference call with Montana Democrats. That was intriguing. And now the Denver Post, one of the largest papers in the mountain region, is calling for a public option, saying it's the only real way to bring about real reform. Quote, "It's the best way to slow escalating health care costs and expand access to quality care. The country ultimately will lose if the public option vanishes because of the Democratic efforts effort to make health care a bipartisan effort." David Sirota is a syndicated columnist and author of The Uprising. He joins us from Denver. And, David, what was the impact of that newspaper endorsement and what’s going on with Max Baucus?
DAVID SIROTA (Syndicated columnist): Well, I think we'll feel the impact of that editorial. We have got a lot of congressional elections here that are going to be contested. Congressman John Salazar is up for a tough election. Congresswoman Becky Markey up for a tough election and I think you're going to see the Denver Post editorial piece is really going to impact that debate. Both of those members have said that they conceptually support a public option. But you never know what's going to happen in the negotiation. As it relates to Max Baucus, look, I think it’s pretty obvious what’s happening. A new poll came out showing that the Democrats in Montana, quite a small state are extremely unhappy with Baucus on the issue of health care and Baucus who had originally said in May that he strongly supports a public option, but has subsequently backed off that position, is coming back around. So, you're seeing a lot of movement there.
SHUSTER: Well, In fact, let's put up that poll. It's from the liberal blog Daily Kos. 34 percent of Montana Democrats approve of Senator Max Baucus's actions on health care. 55 percent disapprove. And, again, Max Baucus has been leading the effort to try to negotiate some sort of bipartisan compromise with Republicans despite no evidence that the Republicans are giving the Democrats anything in return. Does Max Baucus then- should we read into this, David, that he's signaling the Democrats in Montana, "If the Republicans don't come along, yes the public option will be there in what we try to get through?"
SIROTA: Well, I take a more cynical view. I think he's saying something to local folks that he's not saying to national folks and negotiators, and this is a typical Max Baucus thing. He says one thing at home and then he goes to Washington and says something else. The question will be at the end of the day, where he does go down. You know, he takes a huge amount of money from the health insurance and pharmaceutical industry. But, he’s also saying something pretty crystal clear at home. So, it really matters, actually, how much pressure is put on him at home. Montana is a very small state. Max Baucus isn't up for election- re-election for a number of years, but he is always worried about losing a Democratic primary. If he does not deliver a public option, you can bet there'll be real pressure for a real primary.
HALL: And, David, this call for a public option, is it also meant to put pressure on the White House to be stronger? We have heard back and forth of whether a public option is back on the table, if it’s negotiable, as well. So, is it beyond a message to Mr. Baucus?
SIROTA: Absolutely. I think if a main stream conservative paper like the Denver Post which is a huge regional force in this region, it is coming out, saying the public option is absolutely necessary and as you'll notice, the message was necessary to keep costs down. That's a fiscal conservative message, if that's the message coming from a moderate conservative editorial board that's very big, I think it is a message from the White House that it's got to get back on the message.
MSNBC GRAPHIC: Is Tide Beginning to Turn on Health Care Reform?
SHUSTER: David Sirota, syndicated columnist and author of The Uprising, David, thanks for the update from Denver, we appreciate it. And Tamron, you know, if the anti, sort-of, reform crowd on the right owned the early part of August, you almost get the sense that things are starting to pick up on the left, as far as the last couple of weeks in this month and that could make it very intriguing.
HALL: I think this is going to be incredible. I think this is going to be very incredible. Those who think this debate is dead or that we have seen the best of the back and forth, I certainly think they're wrong after this recess.
SMILEY: The reason why he's in trouble right now on this bill is precisely because he's tried to be bipartisan rather than –Host David Gregory quoted Speaker Pelosi and radical Rep. Maxine Waters that a "public option" is mandatory, and it’s time for the brass knuckles:
SCARBOROUGH: No, no.
SMILEY: – try and – hold on – rather than trying to lead by putting his plan out front. And to David's question, yes, he has backtracked on the public option. When you look at what he said last summer running for office, David, taxing the windfall profits of the insurers, out the window; single payer, out the window; buying medicine in bulk to keep cost down, especially where generic drugs are concerned, out the window. And now here we sit at the end of summer and we're debating whether or not the public option is still on the table? We have moved a long way from where we started.
GREGORY: Supporters of the president are saying, to Joe's point, "You own Washington. You campaigned hard on this thing. Knock some heads, get people in line to get behind you."Next, Gregory ran videotape of Sen. Tom Coburn from the previous Sunday, suggesting that harsh anti-government talk outside town-hall meetings might be warranted by how massively the federal government is spending money, and asked Smiley:
SMILEY: I think they're right about that. The only point I'm making here is had he not started by trying to be bipartisan, he'd be getting whipped up side the head for not trying to reach across the aisle, number one. Having said that, Congresswoman Waters and others are right about the fact that a public option, I think, ought to be essential here. The American people can't buy it if you can't sell it. He's the commander in chief, but he's tried to be the collaborator in chief. That doesn't work.
GREGORY: Fear of loss of control over their own government. Is that what's out there?
SMILEY: No. This is not about angst, this is not about anger, this is about hate. There is a, there is, there's a set of folk in this country -- thankfully not, not, not everybody -- but there is a group in this country that does not, will not accept a legitimate Democratic presidency, Joe, under any condition.
MR. SCARBOROUGH: Or, or Republican.
MR. SMILEY: They -- exactly. They will not accept a legitimate Democratic president. And as a result, the pushback on Obama is even worse than the pushback on Clinton. When you show up with these guns strapped to your waist and these comparisons to Hitler, that isn't anger about government taking control of your life.
MR. SCARBOROUGH: Right.
MR. SMILEY: That is, that is unadulterated hate, and it's got to be called for what it is.
Smiley insisted that radical health "reform" is essential:
Back to the health care debate though, where this hate is spilling out in these rallies. I don't understand how we can even have a debate about the fact that health care's got to be reformed. That's the one thing I'm heartened by, that at least the leaders here in Washington seem to agree that the problem has got to get fixed. When you got 46 million people left out of a process, when those persons who think they are insured find out how underinsured they really are when a catastrophic illness hits. In the most multicultural, multiracial, multiethnic America ever, we still have health disparities that we could have balanced those disparities out by the year 2000. Eighty-five thousands folk in the year 2000 alone would still be living. When 80 percent of the folk who are not insured, David , come from families that have part-time and full-time workers, the system is broken. It's got to be fixed.
Scarborough talked about how the leftists like Pelosi and Henry Waxman may ultimately find a passable bill by talking to more moderate legislators, but Smiley concluded the segment by warning against compromises:
The bottom line is that Dr. King warned years ago against taking the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. We're not going to reform health care doing it gradually. He's got to be bold about this. My granddad, David, said all the time, if you're going to stand, stand. If you're going to sit, sit. But don't wobble. The president is wobbling on this issue, and he can't do that if we're going to reform health care.—Tim Graham is Director of Media Analysis at the Media Research Center.
The truth is, for many states, Mrs. Palin's assessment likely is dead-on, except the "death panels" would be hospital-run, not government-run. Consider Texas. The Texas Advance Directives Act of 1999 became law with support from a broad ideological spectrum, but one of its unintended consequences has been astounding. When a patient or family wants health care to continue but the attending physician does not, the Texas law allows a hospital committee to have the final say under the amorphous concept of "medical futility."A partial transcript of the August 23 This Week, which aired at 10:10am, follows:
Texas law only requires the hospital to provide the patient and family with 48 hours' notice before a hospital "ethics" committee meets and makes a decision on terminating life support. There are few due-process safeguards in the law to protect patients during this committee proceeding.
Once the hospital ethics committee decides that further care is medically futile, the family is given just 10 days to find a facility that will accept the patient, or the hospital and doctors can end curative care with impunity. Virginia law is similar but gives the family 14 days.
Furthermore, if the statute is followed, the hospital and others involved are cloaked with complete criminal, civil and licensing immunity. In other words, even if the hospital's decision to pull life support was incorrect, it is immune from lawsuit or prosecution. All this sounds quite like a "death panel" to me. Under Texas law, the hospitals are not just allowed to try to persuade a family to "pull the plug" but are allowed to take the action themselves and end all curative care if the family disagrees.
GEORGE STEPHANOPOULOS: The President also says that the debate has been infected by falsehoods. And probably the most notorious one is the one made by your former running mate, Sarah Palin, who said that his bill would encourage death panels that would encourage euthanasia [sic]. He called that an extraordinary lie. And he is right about that, isn't he?—Scott Whitlock is a news analyst for the Media Research Center.
SENATOR JOHN MCCAIN: Well, I think that what we're talking about here, is are we going to have groups that actually advise people, as these decisions are made later in life?
STEPHANOPOULOS: That's not in the bill.
MCCAIN: But, it's been taken out. But, the way that it was written made it a little bit ambiguous. And another thing-
STEPHANOPOULOS: I don't think that's correct, Senator. The bill, all it said was that if a patient wanted to have a Medicare consultation about end of life issues, they could have it, at their request. And the doctor would get reimbursed for it. No panel.
MCCAIN: But there was a provision in the bill that talks about a board that would decide the most effective measures to provide health care for people. Okay? Now, we had amendments. We Republicans have said that in no way would that affect the decisions that the patients would made and their families. That was rejected by the Democrats and the health committee.
STEPHANOPOULOS: But that's not a death panel.
MCCAIN: So, what does it- so what does that lead to? Doesn't that lead to a possibility, at least opens the door to a possibility of rationing and decisions made, such are made in other countries?
STEPHANOPOULOS: Boy, every, single independent group that looked at it said it just wasn't true.
MCCAIN: Well, then why did the Democrats turn down our amendments that clarified that none of the decisions that would be made by this board would in any way affect the depriving of needed treatments for patients? I don't know why they did that then.
STEPHANOPOULOS: So, you think Sarah Palin was right?
MCCAIN: Look, I don't think they were, "death panels." Don't get me wrong. I don't think that. But on the best treatment procedures part of the bill, they- it does open it up to decisions being made as far- that should be left - those choices left to the patient and the individual. That's what I think is pretty clear, which was a different section of the bill.
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