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Dr. Abdolkarim Ayadi
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Photo: http://www.ir-psri.com/pic/Photos/Photo1139_1.jpg
Dr. Abdolkarim Ayadi
Proximity to power begets power. For the last quarter century of the shah’s rule in Iran, no one had as much access to the shah as his personal physician, Dr. Abdolkarim Ayadi. He lurked in the background, staying clear of the cameras, yet relentlessly pursued power and fearlessly promoted his Bahai faith. A diminutive man, he was, after the shah, one of the most powerful people in the country.[1]
His critics called him the Rasputin of the Pahlavi court. Just as Rasputin had convinced the tsarina that only he could save the life of the sickly crown prince, Ayadi caught the attention of Prince Ali-Reza, the shah’s brother, who believed that he possessed great healing powers.[2] Some have suggested that Ayadi first entered the court when he cured Crown Prince Mohammad Reza, of a serious ailment.[3] Others think that Ayadi owed his rise to the fact that the shah’s second wife, Soraya, considered him a trustworthy friend in an otherwise belligerent court. The fact that the shah was a hypochondriac added to the urgency of Ayadi’s constant presence at the court.[4]
Whatever the cause, by the mid-1950s Ayadi was one of the shah’s closest confidants. He was a master at the art of translating his proximity into lucrative jobs and opportunities. During the 1960s and 1970s, his political power and financial muscle grew rapidly. By 1975, SAVAK reported that he held no less than eighty jobs.[5] Prime ministers and ambassadors, desperate to get an urgent message to the shah when he was traveling or vacationing or out of his office, knew that Ayadi was the best conduit. He would pass messages to the shah and relay back responses. In 1968, when the Prime Minister Amir-Abbas Hoveyda, wanted to inform the shah about an incipient crisis about Tehran’s bus system, and the fact that city roads have too many potholes, he wrote an urgent message to Dr. Ayadi. It was also from Ayadi that he received the brief note bearing the shah’s response.[6] By then Ayadi was more than a personal physician; he functioned as chief of staff, private secretary, trusted emissary, and advisor on health matters.
He was the most prominent member of the Bahai faith in Iran. According to a CIA report, “Ayadi, a Bahai, is credited by one observer as being one of those who protects the sect against persecution by the more fanatical Iranian Moslems.”[7] Ayadi’s family dismisses that claim, suggesting instead that “he never allowed matters of his Bahai faith interfere in his political work.” [8]
Abdolkarim Ayadi was born in 1907 (1286) into a family deeply steeped in the early advent of the Bahai faith. His grandfather, Hajj Mirza Taghi Abhari, was one of the four Ayadi-Amre Allah, or “Hands of the Cause of God,” a central authority in the earliest hierarchy of the emerging Bahai religion.[9] The religious title became his family name. The choice was defiant in view of the profoundly anti-Bahai atmosphere created by the Shiite clergy in early twentieth-century Iran. Abdolkarim continued the Ayadi family’s tradition. He declared his belief in the new religion when he joined the military, although such a declaration was against the law at the time. In fact, Ayadi spent some time in prison as a result, but buoyed by his mother, a devout Bahai, he never shirked his religious responsibilities. Ultimately, he was allowed to continue his service.[10]
Ayadi received a military scholarship to study abroad. It is unclear whether he won the scholarship because of his academic excellence or because Reza Shah developed an affinity for him when he saved the crown prince’s life. He went to Paris and began studying to become a veterinarian, but soon transferred to medicine. After completing his studies, he returned to Iran, where he lived with his doting and domineering mother. He never married, although he had an avid interest in women all his life.
Some believe he was an agent of the British and believe that he, like the shah’s other close friends, was placed in the path of the shah. Ironically, one of the people who make this claim is Hoseyn Fardust, also thought by his critics to have been a British “plant.”[11] It is more likely that close contacts with Prince Ali-Reza, the shah’s brother, who suffered phobic fears of microbes and infections, eventually brought Ayadi to the attention of the shah. Trust in members of the Bahai religion was something the shah seems to have learned from his father. Reza Shah chose another Bahai lieutenant, Sanii, to be the crown prince’s special aide at the Officers Academy. This time the shah made the choice himself.
Throughout his long tenure as the shah’s personal physician, Ayadi kept his private medical practice open and saw at least ten other patients a day. He served both the poor who came to receive free treatment and the rich and powerful who came to ask for favors. His contact with the poor gave him knowledge of public sentiment. His family claims that he reported the troubles he heard to the shah, but others believe he kept his silence to keep his power. Unless records of his conversations with the shah are found and published, the truth will remain unknown. Circumstantial evidence, however, indicates little willingness on his part to rock the boat.
Ayadi’s name topped the list of figures opposed by the critics of the regime. Some accused him of financial impropriety. Others were against him because of his faith. A third group, the proponents of the ancien regime, fault him for his sycophancy and his refusal to bear bad news to the shah. He was happy, they say, simply to be close to the shah and to use that closeness for his own advantage.[12] A fourth group faults him for his lack of medical acumen and his inability to see the seriousness of the shah’s disease. Even the shah, who trusted him as an aide, did not have much faith in his medical judgment. In private court circles, he would often chide Ayadi and ask, “Who in his right mind would put his life in your hands?”[13]
Ayadi had a number of important jobs outside his court appointment. In his military career, he reached the rank of three-star general. He was the head of ETKA, a financial nerve-center in charge of the procurement of everything from drugs and uniforms to meals and office supplies for the Iranian military. He was also in charge of government efforts to import pharmaceuticals in Iran. Both those offices developed infamous reputations for financial malfeasance during Ayadi’s tenure. There were widespread rumors of other financial entanglements. The American Embassy in Tehran wrote that Ayadi “as a shareholder in a number of companies . . . owns 15 to 40 percent of these firms. In such cases, the shares are registered under variations of his name such as Abdle-Karim, Karim or Eyadi. General Ayadi holds an exclusive right to develop shrimp fishing in the Persian Gulf.”[14] In another CIA report, Ayadi is referred to as “the major channel through which the Shah dabbles in commercial affairs. He is said to have been a childhood friend of the Shah. . . . It is said that Ayadi accompanied the Shah on his honeymoon with his second wife, Soraya. Ayadi was reported on one time for fronting for the Shah in the Southern Fishing Company.” [15]
Ayadi was also the patron and protector of Hojabr Yazdani, the capitalist robber baron and corporate raider. Yazdani’s actions became particularly problematic when he started buying banks. He used Ayadi’s name to intimidate anyone who did not accede to his demands. For example, he went to Mehdi Samii’s house early one morning and tried to use Ayadi’s name to get a loan he did not deserve. On another occasion, when he began to muscle his way into the Iranian Bank, which was owned by the Ebtehaj family, they called on Ayadi and asked him to get Yazdani to give up his hostile takeover bid. The general refused to intervene.[16]
In addition to these financial activities, Ayadi was involved in a wide range of other projects—some philanthropic, others for profit, and some that combined the two. He was a founding member of the Mehre private hospital, in its time one of the most modern medical institutions in the country.
Ayadi also used his influence to shield his fellow members of the Bahai faith. When in 1965 there was an attempt to purge the National Iranian Oil Company of all Bahais, Ayadi intervened on their behalf and aborted the process. The Islamic Republic of Iran has claimed that because of the protection Ayadi afforded the Bahais, during his tenure its numbers in Iran increased thirtyfold.[17] But his power to stop the persecution was limited. In mid-1950s, when the shah, under pressure from the clergy—particularly Ayatollah Boroujerdi—allowed a vicious attack on sacred Bahai sites in Iran, he asked Ayadi to disappear from the scene. Ayadi went to Italy for about nine months and returned to enhanced power and prestige.
The animus against the Bahais, however, was so strong that, in spite of Ayadi’s power, he and other members of the Bahai leadership were subjected to SAVAK surveillance.[18] The public, SAVAK reported, were unhappy with what they perceived as the disproportionate amount of power and influence held by the Bahais of Iran.
From early 1974, Ayadi’s decisions had far-reaching consequences for the shah and the country. In April 1974, the shah noticed a “swelling under his left rib.” French physicians were brought in, and they diagnosed lymphocytic leukemia. Dr. Ayadi asked them “not to mention the words ‘cancer’ or ‘leukemia’ to the Shah.” [19] Ayadi, along with Assadollah Alam, the court minister, and Dr. Abbas Safavian, decided to keep the shah’s sickness a secret from him, from the queen—the regent—and from the nation.
In the mid-1970s, there were increasing rumors of Ayadi’s erotic peccadilloes. According to Alam, the shah was a notorious womanizer, and “guests,” foreign and local, were procured for him on an almost daily basis.[20] Ayadi was said to be engaged in these activities.[21]
As the country was moving closer to revolution in 1978, Ayadi’s fortunes changed dramatically. In a nod to the power of the religious zealots, he lost his job at court. He also received death threats in anonymous letters.[22] When another prominent member of the Bahai faith, General Alimohammad Khademi, was killed in his own home, Ayadi’s nephew, Dr. Mehri Rasekh, insisted that he leave Iran.
Of all the members of the shah’s inner circle, Ayadi was one of a handful of people who received his passport and exit visa through the personal intercession of the shah. When Ayadi first went to the Foreign Ministry for his passport, officials refused him. He called the court and solicited help. After about an hour, the foreign minister himself issued the passport. The same process was repeated at the airport, where low-level officials resisted his attempt to leave the country. The shah intervened again, and the once-powerful general left Iran amid rumors that he had “used his position to embezzle very large sums of money for himself.”[23] A group alleging to be from the Central Bank published lists of currency transfers out of Iran; they claimed Ayadi had transferred 275,000,000 tooman, ($70,000,000).[24] His family claims that he left Iran penniless[25] and that by then his only possessions were a few pieces of real estate, which were confiscated by the new Islamic Republic.
He settled in Paris, where he suffered from cancer. It is a measure of the complicated nature of his relationship with the shah that in spite of thirty years of intense personal contact, his name does not appear in the shah’s memoir, Answer to History.
1. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK (Tehran: Markaz Baresiye Asnade Tarikhiye Vezarate Etela’at, 1384/2005), 296.
2. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1, 201.
3. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author. See the chapter on Dr. Rasekh in this collection.
4. Soraya Esfandiyari, Soraya: The Autobiography of Her Imperial Highness (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1964).
5. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1, 212.
6. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 296.
7. CIA, “Elites and Distribution of Power in Iran,” no. 1012, NSA.
8. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
9. For a discussion of the title “Hands of the Cause of God, see Encyclopedia Iranica, s.v.
“Ayadi.”
10. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
11. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1.
12. Ardeshir Zahedi, interviewed by author, Montreux, July 17, 2004.
13. Several people, including Jamshid A’lam and Ardeshir Zahedi, told me of these biting remarks.
14. U.S. Embassy, Tehran, “Representative List of Intermediaries and Influence Peddlers,” np.
780, NSA.
15. CIA, “Elites and Distribution of Power in Iran.”
16. Ebtehaj, Khaterat, vol. 2, 553.
17. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 297.
18. In a report, officials seek and receive permission to tap the phone conversations of all leaders of the Bahai faith, including Ayadi. See Javad Mansuri, ed., Tarikh Giyam-e Panzdahe Khordad be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK [15th of Khordad According to SAVAK Documents], vol. 1 (Tehran, 1377/1998), document no. 2/95.
19. William Shawcross, The Shah’s Last Ride (London: Chatto and Windus, 1989), 199.
20. Volume 5 of Alam’s diary is replete with accounts of these “guests” and how they were treated. For an analysis of the volume, and the more than two hundred guests, see my “Alam and the Origins of the Islamic Revolution,” in Abbas Milani, Sayyad-e Sayah’ha [King of Shadows] (Los Angeles: Nashr-i Ketab, 2005).
21. Ardeshir Zahedi, interviewed by author, Montreux, July 17, 2004. 22. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
23. Shawcross, Shah’s Last Ride, 197.
24. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 297.
25. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
Photo: http://www.ir-psri.com/pic/Photos/Photo1139_1.jpg
Dr. Abdolkarim Ayadi
Proximity to power begets power. For the last quarter century of the shah’s rule in Iran, no one had as much access to the shah as his personal physician, Dr. Abdolkarim Ayadi. He lurked in the background, staying clear of the cameras, yet relentlessly pursued power and fearlessly promoted his Bahai faith. A diminutive man, he was, after the shah, one of the most powerful people in the country.[1]
His critics called him the Rasputin of the Pahlavi court. Just as Rasputin had convinced the tsarina that only he could save the life of the sickly crown prince, Ayadi caught the attention of Prince Ali-Reza, the shah’s brother, who believed that he possessed great healing powers.[2] Some have suggested that Ayadi first entered the court when he cured Crown Prince Mohammad Reza, of a serious ailment.[3] Others think that Ayadi owed his rise to the fact that the shah’s second wife, Soraya, considered him a trustworthy friend in an otherwise belligerent court. The fact that the shah was a hypochondriac added to the urgency of Ayadi’s constant presence at the court.[4]
Whatever the cause, by the mid-1950s Ayadi was one of the shah’s closest confidants. He was a master at the art of translating his proximity into lucrative jobs and opportunities. During the 1960s and 1970s, his political power and financial muscle grew rapidly. By 1975, SAVAK reported that he held no less than eighty jobs.[5] Prime ministers and ambassadors, desperate to get an urgent message to the shah when he was traveling or vacationing or out of his office, knew that Ayadi was the best conduit. He would pass messages to the shah and relay back responses. In 1968, when the Prime Minister Amir-Abbas Hoveyda, wanted to inform the shah about an incipient crisis about Tehran’s bus system, and the fact that city roads have too many potholes, he wrote an urgent message to Dr. Ayadi. It was also from Ayadi that he received the brief note bearing the shah’s response.[6] By then Ayadi was more than a personal physician; he functioned as chief of staff, private secretary, trusted emissary, and advisor on health matters.
He was the most prominent member of the Bahai faith in Iran. According to a CIA report, “Ayadi, a Bahai, is credited by one observer as being one of those who protects the sect against persecution by the more fanatical Iranian Moslems.”[7] Ayadi’s family dismisses that claim, suggesting instead that “he never allowed matters of his Bahai faith interfere in his political work.” [8]
Abdolkarim Ayadi was born in 1907 (1286) into a family deeply steeped in the early advent of the Bahai faith. His grandfather, Hajj Mirza Taghi Abhari, was one of the four Ayadi-Amre Allah, or “Hands of the Cause of God,” a central authority in the earliest hierarchy of the emerging Bahai religion.[9] The religious title became his family name. The choice was defiant in view of the profoundly anti-Bahai atmosphere created by the Shiite clergy in early twentieth-century Iran. Abdolkarim continued the Ayadi family’s tradition. He declared his belief in the new religion when he joined the military, although such a declaration was against the law at the time. In fact, Ayadi spent some time in prison as a result, but buoyed by his mother, a devout Bahai, he never shirked his religious responsibilities. Ultimately, he was allowed to continue his service.[10]
Ayadi received a military scholarship to study abroad. It is unclear whether he won the scholarship because of his academic excellence or because Reza Shah developed an affinity for him when he saved the crown prince’s life. He went to Paris and began studying to become a veterinarian, but soon transferred to medicine. After completing his studies, he returned to Iran, where he lived with his doting and domineering mother. He never married, although he had an avid interest in women all his life.
Some believe he was an agent of the British and believe that he, like the shah’s other close friends, was placed in the path of the shah. Ironically, one of the people who make this claim is Hoseyn Fardust, also thought by his critics to have been a British “plant.”[11] It is more likely that close contacts with Prince Ali-Reza, the shah’s brother, who suffered phobic fears of microbes and infections, eventually brought Ayadi to the attention of the shah. Trust in members of the Bahai religion was something the shah seems to have learned from his father. Reza Shah chose another Bahai lieutenant, Sanii, to be the crown prince’s special aide at the Officers Academy. This time the shah made the choice himself.
Throughout his long tenure as the shah’s personal physician, Ayadi kept his private medical practice open and saw at least ten other patients a day. He served both the poor who came to receive free treatment and the rich and powerful who came to ask for favors. His contact with the poor gave him knowledge of public sentiment. His family claims that he reported the troubles he heard to the shah, but others believe he kept his silence to keep his power. Unless records of his conversations with the shah are found and published, the truth will remain unknown. Circumstantial evidence, however, indicates little willingness on his part to rock the boat.
Ayadi’s name topped the list of figures opposed by the critics of the regime. Some accused him of financial impropriety. Others were against him because of his faith. A third group, the proponents of the ancien regime, fault him for his sycophancy and his refusal to bear bad news to the shah. He was happy, they say, simply to be close to the shah and to use that closeness for his own advantage.[12] A fourth group faults him for his lack of medical acumen and his inability to see the seriousness of the shah’s disease. Even the shah, who trusted him as an aide, did not have much faith in his medical judgment. In private court circles, he would often chide Ayadi and ask, “Who in his right mind would put his life in your hands?”[13]
Ayadi had a number of important jobs outside his court appointment. In his military career, he reached the rank of three-star general. He was the head of ETKA, a financial nerve-center in charge of the procurement of everything from drugs and uniforms to meals and office supplies for the Iranian military. He was also in charge of government efforts to import pharmaceuticals in Iran. Both those offices developed infamous reputations for financial malfeasance during Ayadi’s tenure. There were widespread rumors of other financial entanglements. The American Embassy in Tehran wrote that Ayadi “as a shareholder in a number of companies . . . owns 15 to 40 percent of these firms. In such cases, the shares are registered under variations of his name such as Abdle-Karim, Karim or Eyadi. General Ayadi holds an exclusive right to develop shrimp fishing in the Persian Gulf.”[14] In another CIA report, Ayadi is referred to as “the major channel through which the Shah dabbles in commercial affairs. He is said to have been a childhood friend of the Shah. . . . It is said that Ayadi accompanied the Shah on his honeymoon with his second wife, Soraya. Ayadi was reported on one time for fronting for the Shah in the Southern Fishing Company.” [15]
Ayadi was also the patron and protector of Hojabr Yazdani, the capitalist robber baron and corporate raider. Yazdani’s actions became particularly problematic when he started buying banks. He used Ayadi’s name to intimidate anyone who did not accede to his demands. For example, he went to Mehdi Samii’s house early one morning and tried to use Ayadi’s name to get a loan he did not deserve. On another occasion, when he began to muscle his way into the Iranian Bank, which was owned by the Ebtehaj family, they called on Ayadi and asked him to get Yazdani to give up his hostile takeover bid. The general refused to intervene.[16]
In addition to these financial activities, Ayadi was involved in a wide range of other projects—some philanthropic, others for profit, and some that combined the two. He was a founding member of the Mehre private hospital, in its time one of the most modern medical institutions in the country.
Ayadi also used his influence to shield his fellow members of the Bahai faith. When in 1965 there was an attempt to purge the National Iranian Oil Company of all Bahais, Ayadi intervened on their behalf and aborted the process. The Islamic Republic of Iran has claimed that because of the protection Ayadi afforded the Bahais, during his tenure its numbers in Iran increased thirtyfold.[17] But his power to stop the persecution was limited. In mid-1950s, when the shah, under pressure from the clergy—particularly Ayatollah Boroujerdi—allowed a vicious attack on sacred Bahai sites in Iran, he asked Ayadi to disappear from the scene. Ayadi went to Italy for about nine months and returned to enhanced power and prestige.
The animus against the Bahais, however, was so strong that, in spite of Ayadi’s power, he and other members of the Bahai leadership were subjected to SAVAK surveillance.[18] The public, SAVAK reported, were unhappy with what they perceived as the disproportionate amount of power and influence held by the Bahais of Iran.
From early 1974, Ayadi’s decisions had far-reaching consequences for the shah and the country. In April 1974, the shah noticed a “swelling under his left rib.” French physicians were brought in, and they diagnosed lymphocytic leukemia. Dr. Ayadi asked them “not to mention the words ‘cancer’ or ‘leukemia’ to the Shah.” [19] Ayadi, along with Assadollah Alam, the court minister, and Dr. Abbas Safavian, decided to keep the shah’s sickness a secret from him, from the queen—the regent—and from the nation.
In the mid-1970s, there were increasing rumors of Ayadi’s erotic peccadilloes. According to Alam, the shah was a notorious womanizer, and “guests,” foreign and local, were procured for him on an almost daily basis.[20] Ayadi was said to be engaged in these activities.[21]
As the country was moving closer to revolution in 1978, Ayadi’s fortunes changed dramatically. In a nod to the power of the religious zealots, he lost his job at court. He also received death threats in anonymous letters.[22] When another prominent member of the Bahai faith, General Alimohammad Khademi, was killed in his own home, Ayadi’s nephew, Dr. Mehri Rasekh, insisted that he leave Iran.
Of all the members of the shah’s inner circle, Ayadi was one of a handful of people who received his passport and exit visa through the personal intercession of the shah. When Ayadi first went to the Foreign Ministry for his passport, officials refused him. He called the court and solicited help. After about an hour, the foreign minister himself issued the passport. The same process was repeated at the airport, where low-level officials resisted his attempt to leave the country. The shah intervened again, and the once-powerful general left Iran amid rumors that he had “used his position to embezzle very large sums of money for himself.”[23] A group alleging to be from the Central Bank published lists of currency transfers out of Iran; they claimed Ayadi had transferred 275,000,000 tooman, ($70,000,000).[24] His family claims that he left Iran penniless[25] and that by then his only possessions were a few pieces of real estate, which were confiscated by the new Islamic Republic.
He settled in Paris, where he suffered from cancer. It is a measure of the complicated nature of his relationship with the shah that in spite of thirty years of intense personal contact, his name does not appear in the shah’s memoir, Answer to History.
1. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK (Tehran: Markaz Baresiye Asnade Tarikhiye Vezarate Etela’at, 1384/2005), 296.
2. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1, 201.
3. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author. See the chapter on Dr. Rasekh in this collection.
4. Soraya Esfandiyari, Soraya: The Autobiography of Her Imperial Highness (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1964).
5. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1, 212.
6. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 296.
7. CIA, “Elites and Distribution of Power in Iran,” no. 1012, NSA.
8. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
9. For a discussion of the title “Hands of the Cause of God, see Encyclopedia Iranica, s.v.
“Ayadi.”
10. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
11. Fardust, Khaterat, vol. 1.
12. Ardeshir Zahedi, interviewed by author, Montreux, July 17, 2004.
13. Several people, including Jamshid A’lam and Ardeshir Zahedi, told me of these biting remarks.
14. U.S. Embassy, Tehran, “Representative List of Intermediaries and Influence Peddlers,” np.
780, NSA.
15. CIA, “Elites and Distribution of Power in Iran.”
16. Ebtehaj, Khaterat, vol. 2, 553.
17. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 297.
18. In a report, officials seek and receive permission to tap the phone conversations of all leaders of the Bahai faith, including Ayadi. See Javad Mansuri, ed., Tarikh Giyam-e Panzdahe Khordad be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK [15th of Khordad According to SAVAK Documents], vol. 1 (Tehran, 1377/1998), document no. 2/95.
19. William Shawcross, The Shah’s Last Ride (London: Chatto and Windus, 1989), 199.
20. Volume 5 of Alam’s diary is replete with accounts of these “guests” and how they were treated. For an analysis of the volume, and the more than two hundred guests, see my “Alam and the Origins of the Islamic Revolution,” in Abbas Milani, Sayyad-e Sayah’ha [King of Shadows] (Los Angeles: Nashr-i Ketab, 2005).
21. Ardeshir Zahedi, interviewed by author, Montreux, July 17, 2004. 22. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
23. Shawcross, Shah’s Last Ride, 197.
24. Hoveyda be Ravayate Asnade SAVAK, 297.
25. Shapour Rasekh, correspondence with author.
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