Parshat Miketz-Chanuka – Celebrating Milestones פרשת מקץ-חנוכה
Simon Wolf
Parshat Miketz - Chanuka Celebrating Milestones Simon Wolf |
The Rambam codifies this description in his opening to the Laws of Chanuka, “During the period of the second Temple, when the Greeks were the governing power, they proclaimed decrees against the Jewish people, abrogating their religion and forbidding them to study Torah or to perform Mitzvot. They pillaged their wealth and absconded with their daughters; they entered the Temple and breached its walls and defiled that which was pure. The people of Israel were sorely distressed by their enemies, who oppressed them ruthlessly until the God of our fathers had mercy on them, rescued them from their repression and saved them. The Chashmonean great priests overcame them, defeating them and saving Israel from their tyranny. They appointed a king from among the priests and Israel's kingdom was restored for more than two centuries, until the destruction of the second Temple. The Jews emerged victorious over their foes and destroyed them on the twenty-fifth of Kislev; on that day they re-entered the Temple where they found only one jar of pure oil, enough to be lit for only a single day; yet they used it for lighting the array of lamps for eight days, until they managed to press olives and produce pure oil. Because of this, the sages of that generation instituted that the eight days beginning with the twenty-fifth of Kislev should be observed as days of rejoicing and praising God. Lamps are lit in the evening by the doors of the homes, on each of the eight nights, in order to display and publicize the miracle. These days are called Chanuka, when it is forbidden to eulogize or to fast, similar to the days of Purim. The daily lighting of the lamps on Chanuka is a rabbinical directive, like the reading of the Megilla on Purim.”[3]
The impression that emerges from the Gemara’s historical synopsis is that Chanuka was the celebration of a moment of historical significance in the struggle of the Chashmonaim against their Greek oppressors. Against overwhelming odds, the insurrection culminated in a decisive victory for the Chashmonaim who were able to cast off the yoke of Greek tyranny and reverse their repressive religious decrees. This pivotal victory was enshrined as a holiday for posterity with the establishment of the eight-day celebration of Chanuka. The Rambam extends and enhances the significance of the moment when he notes that the triumphant Chashmonaim established for the first time since the destruction of the First Temple and the Babylonan exile autonomous Jewish rule in the Land of Israel that lasted “for more than two hundred years until the destruction of the Second Temple.”[4] It is a fairytale-like story where the underdogs decisively defeat their enemies and usher in a period of religious renaissance, political autonomy and economic prosperity.
The most authoritative historical account of the period surrounding the story of Chanuka is found in the Sefer HaMakkabim.[5],[6] Within Sefer HaMakkabim, time is chronicled according to Minyan HaShtarot or the ancient Macedonian calendar. It was a unique Greek calendrical system that measured time from a particular historical event rather than by the reign of the current monarch.[7] As a result, it allowed for a more consistent and continuous enumeration of time which made it much more efficient and effective for dating events and documents, especially situating them chronologically relative to other events or records. It was similar to the Jewish calendar which enumerated years from the Exodus from Egypt and in later times from the creation of the world. There is considerable controversy as to why Minyan HaShtarot was adopted by Chazal as the default Jewish dating system for legal documents.[8] It was used extensively for dating contracts, marriage documents and bills of divorce and it remained in use in some Jewish communities well into the thirteenth century. Some Rishonim maintain that the base year for the calendar was Alexander the Great’s ascension to the throne or possibly the year he successfully vanquished the Persian Empire.[9] Others suggest that the more likely starting point corresponds with the year in which the Seleucid dynasty was established. This might be correlated with the defeat of Antigonus I by Ptolemy I and Seleucus I (the founder of the Seleucid dynasty) which then freed Seleucus I to take control of his appointed position as Satrap of Babylon, the region that was allocated to him at the Partition of Triparadisus. Based on the Gemara, the accepted starting date for Minyan HaShtarot is 311-312 BCE.[10]
In Chapter Four, Sefer HaMakkabim describes the rededication of the Temple by Yehudah Hamakkabi and the establishment of the holiday of Chanuka in the year 148 or what would equate to 163-164 BCE. The narrative details the painstaking efforts undertaken by Yehudah and his fellow Kohanim to purify and restore the Temple service. They repair the breaches in the walls and rebuild the altar entirely since it had been defiled by idolatrous worship. “And then early in the morning on the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month, that is the month of Kislev, in the year 148 of the kingdom, they arose in the morning and offered burnt-offerings according to the law on the new sacrificial altar. And at the exact time of the month on which the nations had profaned it, on that very day, it was consecrated with songs, and lutes, and harps, and cymbals. And all the people fell on their faces, and prostrated before God worshipping and blessing the God of heaven, who had given them success, strength and salvation. And for eight days they celebrated the consecration of the sacrificial altar and offered burnt-offerings, thanksgiving offerings with heartfelt joy…And there was great celebration among the people for now the reproach of the nations had been removed. Then Yehudah and his brothers and the entire assembly of Yisrael decreed that the days of the consecration of the sacrificial altar should be observed with Hallel and thanksgiving to God on the anniversary every year for eight days, from the twenty-fifth day of the month Kislev. And at that time, they built reinforced walls and strong towers around the Temple on Har Tzion in order to prevent the nations from once again trampling and defiling it as they had done before. And Yehudah placed a force there to protect the Temple; and he fortified the city of Beit-Tzur in order to protect it, so that the people might have a stronghold facing Edom.”[11]
The retelling of the Chanukat HaMizbeach, the rededication of the Temple as well as the description of the establishment of the holiday of Chanuka closely parallels the account cited by the Gemara.[12] More intriguing, however, is the introduction to this section, which sheds light on the broader context of the story Chanuka. “Yehudah and his brothers declare, ‘Now that our enemies have been subdued and crushed, let us go up to purify the Temple.’ And the whole camp gathered together, and ascended Har Tzion. And they found the Temple desolate, the sacrificial-altar profaned, the gates burned down, the chambers demolished and thickets overtaking its courts. They rent their garments, sprinkled ashes on their heads and mourned gravely. They trumpeted the trumpets and fell on their faces and their cry rose to the heavens.
At that time, Yehudah appointed a regiment of men to lay siege against those in the citadel (the Acra, a Seleucid fortress overlooking the Temple), while they purified the Temple. And he chose undefiled priests, who had remained faithful to the covenant of God and he commanded them to purify the Temple and dispose of the defiled stones to an impure location...”[13] The fact that Yehudah appoints those that had remained faithful to God to lead the purification of the Temple implicitly acknowledges that there was a sizable camp of individuals, and priests, who were not steadfast in their beliefs and practices. Indeed, many of the Jews of that period had embraced Hellenism and were opposed to what they viewed as the unenlightened antiquated practices of their fellow Jews. These assimilated Jews adopted and actively promoted the Hellenistic culture and worship and sought to wrest control from the “religious zealots” and compel their traditionalist counterparts to follow suit. The Hellenist camp gained popularity and flourished until they encountered resistance from a small band of “radical” Kohanim led by Mattityahu and his sons. These priests steadfastly stood by their faith and began an insurrection that was exceedingly successful and gained popularity and momentum with a series of unexpected military victories.
It is very likely that the Seleucid-Greek decrees and military intervention against the Jews and later the Chashmonaim was prompted by appeals from embattled Jewish Hellenists who were under siege and suffered heavy setbacks from this new agile military force who was resisting the process of Hellenization.[14] Only twelve years prior to the story of Chanuka, Yerushalayim had been turned into a Greek polis and the process of profanity reached its nadir seven years later with Antiochus IV’s return from a successful battle against the Ptolemites in Egypt; his advances were eventually thwarted by the intervention of the rising Roman Empire. On his return through Yerushalayim, he ransacked the city, slaughtered the Jews, erected a statue to Zeus in the Temple and instituted religious decrees against the Jews in an attempt to possibly secure his control over Judah, subdue the Jewish revolt and lend imperial support to the Hellenists.[15] He established the citadel in Yerushalayim, manned with loyalist troops, to enforce the decrees, collect tributes and thwart any Jewish attempt to reestablish worship in the Temple.
That citadel, which was highlighted above, remained as a source of difficulty for the Chashmonaim during the dedication of the temple and celebration of Chanuka and for many years after. Professor Yishaya Gafni suggests that many of the Chashmonean battles were not actually attempts to conquer Yerushalayim, but rather endeavors to obstruct the Seleucid reinforcements from breaking into Yerushalayim to reinforce and relieve the garrisons entrenched in the citadel. There was no decisive victory on Chanuka, but rather a small success and a détente between the warring parties before the hostilities resumed shortly after. The Makkabim were engaged in continuous battles and all of Mattityahu’s sons were ultimately killed in military campaigns that took place subsequent to the story of Chanuka.
In chapter six of Sefer HaMakkabim, a work authored by a writer clearly sympathetic towards the Chashmonean dynasty, the narrative continues beyond the events of Chanuka. After the death of Antiochus IV in the year 149 (162 BCE), in the following year which was roughly two to three years post Chanuka, Yehudah Hamaccabi lays siege to the citadel in Yerushalayim in an effort to finally expel the Hellenists entrenched there. Once again, the Seleucid Greeks were called in to rescue their loyal subjects and King Lusias arrives with a substantial force to break Judah’s siege of the citadel. Judah is compelled to abandon the siege and confront the advancing enemy forces in a battle at Beit Zecharia. There his brother Elazar attempts to kill their commander with a suicide attack on what he mistakenly identified as the elephant with the royal harness. Although he was successful in his mission, it unfortunately did not yield the desired results due the misidentification. After that battle, the Seleucid Greeks advance on Beit Tzur. The city is unable to withstand the assault due to it being a Sh’mittah year which left the people famished and weakened due to the lack of sustenance. The citizens surrender and abandon the city in favor of the Greeks who set up a garrison there to begin their siege and attack on the Makkabean stronghold in the rededicated Temple.
Due to the Sh’mittah year, there were already limited provisions for those defending Yerushalayim, which were further strained by the refugees who had sought sanctuary in Judah from the other areas occupied by foreign forces. The dire situation in Yerushalayim is described by Sefer HaMakkabim, “There were but a few men left in the sanctuary, since the famine had prevailed over the rest and they scattered, each to his own place.” The Temple would likely have been lost once again had it not been for a fortuitous situation where a competing protégé of Antiochus IV, Phillip, had returned to Antioch to seize the crown that required the hasty withdrawal of Lusias’s armies to defend his claim to power. Before departing, Lusias has the stronghold walls of Har Tzion torn down in order to prevent future Jewish insurrections from barricading themselves in the Temple to stave off Seleucid Greek attacks.
In both the years 151 (160 BCE) and 152 (159 BCE), following the ascension of Demetrios to the Seleucid kingship, once again Jewish Hellenistic instigators encourage the king to dispatch substantial military forces to crush Yehudah HaMakkabi. The Seleucid army was decisively defeated in their first attempt, but successfully kill Yehudah in their second campaign. In the aftermath, the Hellenists regained ascendancy and initiated renewed persecution of the Chashmonean followers. In the year 153 (158 BCE), the Greeks and their loyalists return to Yerushalayim and its environs where they reinforce the citadel and surrounding cities and station garrisons in each of the fortified locations. They also begin tearing down the wall of the inner court of the Sanctuary which had been there since the time of the prophets and which was only impeded from being completed by the death of the leading collaborator, Elyakim, “who was struck down by the hand of God.” Judah’s brothers, Yonatan and Shimon eventually lead a new insurgency and successfully wrest control from the Seleucid Greeks and their loyalists.
In the year 167 (144 BCE), Yonatan, the beneficiary of a civil war in the Seleucid kingdom, attempts once again to capture the citadel in Yerushalayim. While it appears that he was not successful in this endeavor, he does begin to expand the borders of the Chashmonean kingdom beyond the narrow areas of Yerushalayim and the surrounding cities of Judah. He is captured and killed after falling prey to a deceitful peace initiative set as a trap by the Seleucid invaders at the city of Ptolemias in the Galilee. He is succeeded by his brother Shimon. Two years later, in the year 171 (140 BCE), Shimon finally successfully conquers the citadel in Yerushalayim after laying siege to it. “And in the year 171, in the second month, on the twenty-third day, Shimon’s forces entered the citadel with shouts of praise and thanksgiving, with palm branches, harps, cymbals and lyres, and with the singing of hymns and songs, because a great enemy of Israel had been crushed. Shimon ordained that this day should be celebrated every year with gladness. He further fortified the Temple Mount alongside the citadel, and he and his companions dwelt there.”[16] Shimon rules as both the king and high priest until he is assassinated along with his two eldest sons by his son-in-law in 135 BCE. He is succeeded by his third son John Hyrcanus. Shimon’s military campaigns and political achievements significantly expand the Chashmonean kingdom as the Seleucid Empire is beginning to crumble from pressure from both within and without. Those borders are further enlarged under his son John Hyrcanus. Shimon’s reign inaugurates a golden age of prosperity and autonomous Chashmonean rule that endured until the civil war between Hyrcanus II and Aristobilus II which in ~63 BCE culminates with the Roman occupation of Judah by Pompei.
From the foregoing historical synopsis, it becomes clear that Yerushalayim and the Temple precincts were not fully secured until nearly twenty-three years after the celebration of the initial Chashmonean victory commemorated by Chanuka. In addition, during those intervening years, the Jewish people endured many trials and tribulations, continued persecution, military setbacks and profound tragedies. Our intention is not to challenge the historicity of Chanuka, but rather to recalibrate the lens through which it is viewed and the context in which it is found.
For a people living in exile for millennia, the vision of a return to the Land of Israel with autonomous rule was little more than a distant dream with a remote possibility of ever coming to fruition. A downtrodden and oppressed people in a bleak state of exile are rarely interested or concerned with the complex intricacies and prolonged difficulties required to develop such an autonomous governance. They do not wish to dwell on the ongoing military battles and sacrifices necessary to securely establish oneself as a formidable and enduring nation with legitimacy. Rather, they yearn for a utopian future that offers them hope and a light at the end of the seemingly endless tunnel of exile. In order to sustain a pining desire for redemption and preserve their belief in national restoration, they need to celebrate an idealized story of Chanuka that offers an idyllic and glorious future, imagining a meteoric, miraculous and decisive victory similar to the Chashmonaim and a political rise akin to Yosef’s instantaneous transformation from prisoner to viceroy. They are rightfully and solely interested in the dream and not reality. Yet, this necessary over-simplification of Chanuka comes at a price. Over time, people begin to believe that the reality will come true like a dream (בְּשׁ֣וּב יְ֭קֹוָק אֶת־שִׁיבַ֣ת צִיּ֑וֹן הָ֝יִ֗ינוּ כְּחֹלְמִֽים),[17] fostering unrealistic expectations regarding the process of redemption.
It is precisely here where the “real” story of Chanuka has so much to offer and speaks most powerfully to our generation. The Chanuka success of the Chashmonaim was not an endpoint, but rather a first step in a long, arduous and imperfect process. According to the Tzitz Eliezer, even the military victory itself on Chanuka came at such a high cost that they only felt comfortable establishing it formally as a holiday in the subsequent year (לשנה אחרת).[18] It would take nearly twenty-three years before the victorious Chashmonaim would actually establish a vibrant, autonomous and stable empire. In the interim, even in the dark moments marked by uncertainty and struggle, they continued to celebrate the annual eight-day holiday of Chanuka with Hallel and thanksgiving to acknowledge the tremendous Divine munificence shown to them.[19] Though only the beginning of a difficult, multi-year battle filled with colossal highs and lows, Chanuka constituted a significant and critical milestone that set the trajectory towards the eventual restoration of “Israel's kingdom.” As we proclaim annually in the Haggada, Dayeinu (דיינו), each step, especially the first, is worthy of consideration, reflection and gratitude. No matter how imperfect the process of redemption, Chanuka implores us to recognize God’s hand and celebrate each milestone with Hallel and thanksgiving.
Shabbat Shalom and Chanuka Sameach
[1] גמרא שבת כא: ומגילת תענית פ"ט (הסכוליון)
[2] מאי חנוכה? דתנו רבנן: בכ"ה בכסליו יומי דחנוכה תמניא אינון, דלא למספד בהון ודלא להתענות בהון. שכשנכנסו יוונים להיכל טמאו כל השמנים שבהיכל, וכשגברה מלכות בית חשמונאי ונצחום, בדקו ולא מצאו אלא פך אחד של שמן שהיה מונח בחותמו של כהן גדול, ולא היה בו אלא להדליק יום אחד, נעשה בו נס והדליקו ממנו שמונה ימים. לשנה אחרת קבעום ועשאום ימים טובים בהלל והודאה. (שבת כא:) ועיין במגילת תענית ביתר הרחבה.
[3] בבית שני כשמלכו יון גזרו גזרות על ישראל ובטלו דתם ולא הניחו אותם לעסוק בתורה ובמצות, ופשטו ידם בממונם ובבנותיהם ונכנסו להיכל ופרצו בו פרצות וטמאו הטהרות, וצר להם לישראל מאד מפניהם ולחצום לחץ גדול עד שריחם עליהם אלקי אבותינו והושיעם מידם והצילם וגברו בני חשמונאי הכהנים הגדולים והרגום והושיעו ישראל מידם והעמידו מלך מן הכהנים וחזרה מלכות לישראל יתר על מאתים שנה עד החורבן השני: וכשגברו ישראל על אויביהם ואבדום בחמשה ועשרים בחדש כסלו היה ונכנסו להיכל ולא מצאו שמן טהור במקדש אלא פך אחד ולא היה בו להדליק אלא יום אחד בלבד והדליקו ממנו נרות המערכה שמונה ימים עד שכתשו זיתים והוציאו שמן טהור: ומפני זה התקינו חכמים שבאותו הדור שיהיו שמונת הימים האלו שתחלתן מליל חמשה ועשרים בכסלו ימי שמחה והלל ומדליקין בהן הנרות בערב על פתחי הבתים בכל לילה ולילה משמונת הלילות להראות ולגלות הנס, וימים אלו הן הנקראין חנוכה והן אסורין בהספד ותענית כימי הפורים, והדלקת הנרות בהן מצוה מדברי סופרים כקריאת המגילה. (רמב"ם הלכות מגילה וחנוכה ג,א-ג)
[4] קשה לקבל את טענת הרמב"ם כי אחרי מאה שנה הרומאים כבר נכנסו לתמונה והמלכים אז הפכו להיות מלכי וסאליות לרומא וגם יש פקפוקים לגבי הייחוס של חלק ממלכי החשמונאים ובמיוחד מהורדוס ואילך
[5] זה רק נאמר לגבי ספר מכבים (מקבים) א ובוודאי שהספר כתוב מנקודת מבט של תומך בחשמונאים אבל מהפרטים והיכרות במקומות הנזכרים נראה שזה מחובר זמן קצר לאחר האירועים ובדרך כלל מסכימים החוקרים על אמיתות התיאורים בכללם
[6] ספר מכבים א במקורו נכתב בעברית אבל לא נשאר כתבי-יד מהמקור בעברית. מה שנשאר לנו הוא מה שמתורגם ליוונית בSeptuagint וגם מה שנמצא בספר יוסיפון בספר קדמוניות היהודים (שבחלק גדול סמך על ספר המכבים). לפיכך כל ציטוט בין בעברית ובין באנגלית הוא תרגום של תרגום.
[7] מלכות יונים לא היו מונין בו לכל מלך ומלך כמו שהיו מונין לשאר מלכים אלא לתחלת המלכות היו מונין לעולם ויראה לי הטעם מפני שהיה כבוש גדול ודבר מפורסם ביותר ועשאוה כשנת העיקר לענין החשבון: (מאירי ע"ז י.)
[8] אמר רב נחמן: בגולה אין מונין אלא למלכי יונים בלבד. הוא סבר: דחויי קא מדחי ליה, נפק דק ואשכח, דתניא: בגולה אין מונין אלא למלכי יונים בלבד. (עבודה זרה י.)
[9] ...וכבר נהגו כל ישראל למנות בגיטין או ליצירה או למלכות אלכסנדרוס מקדון שהוא מנין שטרות... (רמב"ם גירושין א,כז) וגם עיין במאירי שמצוטט בהערה 7
[10] עבודה זרה י. וגם עיין מנין שטרות.
[11] מכבים א ד,נא-נט
[12] חסרון בולט הוא נס פך השמן ואפילו יותר בעיתי מה שנמצא בספר יוסיפון קדמוניות היהודים יב,ז על חג האורים שצריך שיעור מיוחד ואכמ"ל
[13] מכבים א ד,לו-מא
[14] אפשר שחלק מהמלחמת אחים גם היה קשור למחלוקת לגבי תמיכה בממלכת הסלאוקית (יונים) בצפון לתמיכה בממלכת התלמיית (יונים) בדרום שלחמו כמה מלחמות ביניהם לשליטה על ארץ יהודה (שנכבשה ע"י שניהם יותר מכמה פעמים בשנים אחרי מות אלכסנדר מוקדון)
[15] עיין מכבים א פרק א
[16] מכבים א יג,נא-נב
[17] שִׁ֗יר הַֽמַּ֫עֲל֥וֹת בְּשׁ֣וּב יְ֭קֹוָק אֶת־שִׁיבַ֣ת צִיּ֑וֹן הָ֝יִ֗ינוּ כְּחֹלְמִֽים: (תהלים קכו,א)
[18] ומה שהוריתי עוד שאם רוצים להודות על נס - ההצלה יכוונו על כך בעת אמירת הלל ביום ראש חדש הסמוך, כמה נימוקים היו לי על כך, ראשית בתורה כתיב בה דרכיה דרכי נועם ולאו אורח ארעא הוא לעמוד ולומר הלל בעת שההרוגים חללי - המלחמה (מלחמת ששת הימים) מוטלים עוד לפנינו והללו בוכים ומיללים ואיך יעמדו מולם המוני ישראל וישמחו, ומה גם שכל בית ישראל שותפים בצער זה של נפילת הגבורים שמסרו נפשם על קדושת השם והארץ ולמען העם היושב עליה. ואמרתי שאולי זהו גם אחד מהנימוקים על זה שבנס חנוכה רק לשנה אחרת קבעום ועשאום ימים טובים בהלל והודאה כדאיתא בשבת ד' כ"א ע"ב, והיינו מפני שבאותה שנה עוד היו מתיהם שנפלו במלחמה מוטלים לפניהם והיו אבלים עליהם אבילות - חדשה ולכן לא יכלו עוד לקבוע ימי הלל והודאה (ויש לעיין בדברי העמק שאלה שאילתא כ"ו אות א' ע"ש ואכמ"ל). (שו"ת ציץ אליעזר חלק י סימן י אות ב)
[19] הַזֹּרְעִ֥ים בְּדִמְעָ֗ה בְּרִנָּ֥ה יִקְצֹֽרוּ: הָ֮ל֤וֹךְ יֵלֵ֨ךְ׀ וּבָכֹה֘ נֹשֵׂ֪א מֶֽשֶׁךְ־הַ֫זָּ֥רַע בֹּֽ֬א־יָב֥וֹא בְרִנָּ֑ה נֹ֝שֵׂ֗א אֲלֻמֹּתָֽיו: (תהלים קכו,ה-ו)
[20] By Marshall46 - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=6453088