Open Letter To UN By Shilluk Community in Diaspora
Jean-Francois Darcq
"We are deeply saddened by the continued devastation, killings
gang-rape, and torture of untold proportion in the Shilluk Kingdom
carried out by none other than their own Government of South Sudan
(GoSS)."26 July 2010
Date: July 19, 2010
From: Shilluk Community in Diaspora
To: H.E. UN Secretary-General
UN Headquarters
First Avenue at 46th Street New York, NY 10017
USA
Subject: Atrocities Committed by SPLA in the Shilluk Kingdom
Your Excellency Ban Ki-Moon,
We the undersigned members of the Shilluk community in Diaspora take
this opportunity to write this open letter to you regarding the
atrocities which are committed by SPLA in Shilluk Kingdom against
civilian population. We are deeply saddened by the continued
devastation, killings gang-rape, and torture of untold proportion in
the Shilluk Kingdom carried out by none other than their own
Government of South Sudan (GoSS).
Background of Conflict:
The GOSS was established in South Sudan in 2005, as stipulated in the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the Government of
Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement (SPLM) on 9th
January, 2005 in Nairobi, Kenya. That agreement stopped the longest
civil war in Africa.
Unfortunately, an unprovoked situation had suddenly risen in Malakal
town, the capital of Upper Nile State on 9th January, 2009 during the
celebration of the 5th Anniversary of the CPA. The Dinka of Upper Nile
State claimed that the town belongs to them and, therefore, they
should lead the procession. As a result, they attacked the Shilluk who
were put before them in the procession. This incident happened in the
presence of President of the Republic of Sudan and his 1st Deputy
Vice President and President of GOSS. The same night the Dinka
attacked two Shilluk villages of Abaniim and Anakdiar with modern
sophisticated weapons, killing scores of innocent citizens.
The Dinka and the Shilluk had been living as good, peaceful and
friendly neighbors for time immemorial. They mingled up in cattle
camps, fishing pools, and folklore dances. They inter-married freely.
The only known enemies of the Southern people were the northern Arabs
who invaded the South, enslaved, exploited and marginalized people for
over two hundred years.
In 1975/6, the Upper Nile Province was now subdivided into Upper Nile,
Jonglei and Unity States. The boundary between Upper Nile and Jonglei
states was fixed at a point 8 miles south of where the KhorFulus pours
into the Sobat River, and stretched westward pass Jebel El zeraf and
touch on the White Nile at Wathkec and to Lake No. The Padang Dinka of
Fangak District in Jonglei Province petitioned the High Executive
Council (HEC) of the former Autonomous Southern Region. They
contended that the boundary should have been fixed at Sobat River to
the north of Jonglei and the
White Nile River to the west of it.
Hon Abel Alier who was the President of the High Executive Council
(PHEC), together HE Late Hilary Paul Logali who was the Regional
Minister of Regional Administration, Police and Prisons rejected the
petition. They again petitioned President Joseph James Tumbura, but
once more their petition as denied in a letter signed by the relevant
Minister. The issue was further raised with Late Dr John Garang who
also confirmed the previous decisions of his predecessors.
With the coming into force of the CPA, a county was created for the
first time for the Padang Dinka of Fangak in Jonglei State and named
Khor Fulus County. This brought a tag-of -war between those of Luac,
Rut and Thoi on the Khor Fulus side and Paweny ofAtar Ardeba on the
other, which resulted in a lot of death because of use of modern
weapons that were passed to them by their sons after the war with the
north. In order to bring these tribes together, HE Salva Kiir created
for them a county which Mr. Kiir thought would solve the problem once
and for all. Unfortunately, despite being the residents of Jonglei
State, Mr. Kiir gave them a site called Pigi in the Shilluk land of
Upper Nile State. Thus approving their claim which was rejected by the
previous governments of Abel, Tumbura and JohnGarang. This continued
and persistent petitioning by the Dinka shows clearly their interest
is to occupy Shilluk land east of White Nile from Zeraf mouth in South
to Jodo in the north.
The location of a Jonglei State Dinka County in the Shilluk land of
Upper Nile State, coupled with the fatal attacks on two Shilluk
villages gravely angered Shilluk youth. Some of them organized
themselves into a civil society defense force for the protection of
the Shilluk land. They launched counter attacks on several Dinka
villages which were built on Shilluk land, killing a handful of
people.
Using the general disarmament and collection of unlicensed fire-arms
as a pretext, GoSS ordered the Sudan Peoples Liberation Army (SPLA) to
search the entire Shilluk land. They applied various inhuman methods
of tortures, like gang-rape of minors and wives, and burning down of
villages including Holy Shrines where they suspected the presence of
the civil society forces. We suspected that burning down of the Holy
Shrines are attempts to eradicate or destroy the Shilluk monarchy.
They barricaded the river banks so as to keep these armed groups from
gaining access to water. The innocent ordinary citizens, caught up in
the area of these operations got scattered in the forests, with no
food, drinking water, medical supplies and, above all, with no safety.
There are also numerous reports of deaths from gunshots, hunger and
thirst especially among children and the elderly.
The situation has been worsening by the assassination of a paramount
chief and eight of his companions. The government suspects the civil
society forces for this senseless murder. But up to now there seems to
be no one convicted for these heinous murders. The government also
accused a rival political party SPLM-DC whose chairman contested
against the GOSS president in the last general elections to be
responsible for the establishment of the civil society force in the
Shilluk land. But SPLM-DC denied the claim.
Your Excellency, as we mentioned earlier the Shilluk and the Dinka
have always lived peacefully and friendly. The giving of Shilluk land
to the Dinka by President Salva Kiir has caused chaos and anarchy in
the area at a time when peace and stability are greatly needed for a
successful run-off referendum for the self-determination scheduled for
January 9, 2011.
Objective:
Your Excellency, your intervention into this security matter is
necessary and urgently needed so that the southern people can cast
their votes in the referendum without fear. Thank you very much. With
our highest compliments please.
Yours' Sincerely,
Signed by
Shilluk Community in:
USA
Uncle James Ogilo Agor
Mr. Michael Aban Kalkon
Mr. Othow Kur Awang
Mr. Jwothab Wanh Othow
Mr. Aban Pagan Othow
Mr. Otom Oluak Nyawello
Mr. Yusuf Apara Nawi
Mr. Chol Ocam Allan
Mrs. Lucia Peter Tugo
Mrs.Teresa Nyaum Nawi
Mr. Oyot Samuel Ador
Mr. Bolis Agal
Mr. Charles Bartholomew Anyang
Mr. Ywomo Arop Byenyo
Mr. Augustine Afamet Ochoung
Mr. Okoth Omai Awak
Mr. Fabio Mathew Deng
Mr. Ongien Ojwok Ding
Mr. Omai Othow Ajak
Mr. Obwony Odhong Yowin
Britain
Dr. Joseph Kucburo Ajang
Mr. Obdiah Obenyi Aywok
Mr. Karlo Kwol Akol
Mr. Akic Adwok Lwaldeng
Mr. Okuc Peter Awol
Mr. Julius Hakim Deng
Mr. Peter Fashodo Ageng
Mr. Gabriel Gwang Ajang
Mr. Lam Arop Yor
Mr. Ojiango Abar Dingmejok
Canada
Mr. William Amum
Mr. Samuel Otong
Mr. Sabino Diok
Mr. Emmanuel Jimmy
Mr. Philip Oyath
CC:
Mr. Barrack Obama- President of the United States
Mr. David Cameron- Prime Minister of Britain
Mrs. Julia Gillard – Prime Minister of Australia
Mr. Stephen Harper- Prime Minister of Canada
Mrs. Jens Stoltenberg- Prime Minister of Norway
United Nation Human Rights- Geneva
Human Rights African Watch-Washington
Mr. Omar Bashir- President of Sudan
Mr. Meles Zenawi- Prime Minister of Ethiopia & IGAD Chairman
Mr. Salva Kiir- Vice President of Sudan & President of GoSS
Mr. Simon Kun- Governor of Upper Nile Sate
Please note that the following support documents are enclosed: Scroll
down for further information.
1. Open Letter by The Representatives of Collo Nation in The National,
Southern Sudan and Upper Nile State Assemblies to The Governor of
Upper Nile State, South Sudan, 10 Jan.2009
2. An Open Letter on Insecurity and Land Grabbing to H.E Salva Kiir
President of GoSS.
By Clement Mbugoniwia, Leader of USSP, 24 January, 2009
3. USSP Press Release: GoSS"s Impartiality in Addressing Upper Nile
State Insecurity?
27 June, 2010
4. An Open Letter from Collo Community in USA to H.E Salva Kiir
President of GoSS,
29 January, 2009
5. An Article by Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba Dimensions of Current Political
Discourse over Malakal, 19 October, 2009
6. The Shilluk Kingdom Today: Challenging Dinka invaders
By Ustaz/ James Ogilo Agor, 10 July, 2010
1. Written reactions to the unprovoked attack on Anakdiar
10 January 2009
H.E. The Governor,
Upper Nile State
Subject: The Unprovoked Attack on Anakdiar.
We, the representatives of the Collo nation in the National, Southern
Sudan and Upper Nile State Assemblies would like to submit to you our
concerns on the above subject.Yesterday, when the whole Sudan was
celebrating the fourth anniversary of the historic signing of the
Comprehensive Peace Agreement, fighting took place in the morning
between Collo and Dinka tribes over which traditional procession (Yai)
should enter the stadium first. Thanks to God, the fighting was
limited only to members of the two tribes in the two processions using
spears, lances and sticks. Yet several persons from both sides were
injured, some of them seriously.
The order of the processions appears to be a trivial issue, but it is
a serious matter deep-rooted in the claims over the ownership of
Malakal town, the location of the celebration. According to tradition,
the procession of the owner of the location where the celebration
takes place leads all participating processions. It is common
knowledge that some elements of the Baliet Dinkas have been claiming
ownership of Malakal town and all the Collo areas east of the White
Nile and north of Sobat river.
At about 5:00 pm in the evening of the same day, credible reports were
received that some elements of the Dinka were preparing to attack
Anakdiar. This information was passed to your Excellency officially by
the Commissioner of Panyikang County in the Stadium and you confirmed
at 7:00 pm that a military force was sent to Anakdiar and you
instructed that this information be passed to His Majesty the Reth of
Collo and assure him not to worry as things were under control. Your
instructions were communicated to His Majesty accordingly.
To our bewilderment and dismay, Anakdiar was attacked at about 2:00 am
today by armed Dinka. They found no resistance of any sort. More than
fifteen lives were lost, some people burnt in their houses, scores
wounded and thousands displaced. The force that you’re Excellency
assured us to have left for Anakdiar in the evening yesterday never
left at all. Only a Police force on their own initiative left for
Anakdiar at about 9:00 am today!!
This callous murder of innocent people must be condemned in the
strongest terms possible and the perpetrators apprehended to face the
full brunt of the law. The displaced persons who found their way to
Malakal town arrived in very miserable conditions and yet received
very little attention from the authorities. We are grateful to the
foreign NGOs that were on the scene. If these displaced persons were
to go back to their areas at all, the Government authorities must
provide them with the protection they trust.
This incident is not an isolated one. We are receiving reliable
reports of moves by elements of the same tribe to attack Collo areas
they claim to be theirs, such as Lul, Obang (Canal Mouth), Atar, etc.
In fact in Lul area, Abanim village was burnt to ashes, several people
killed and others captured. It is, therefore, clear that there is a
well coordinated plan to seize Collo land by the force of arms.
We are deeply concerned that the authorities are not taking serious
measures to arrest these unprovoked attacks nor resolve the issues at
the centre of the dispute.
It will be recalled that since the late 1970s, some elements of the
Dinka have been disputing the boundary between them and Collo nation
claiming some areas to belong to them. The Collo had responded by
writing petitions to the Regional Government of Southern Sudan at that
time. We thought the matter was laid to rest when the Minister of
Administration by then, Mr. Hilary Paul Logali, and the Minister of
Decentralization later, Mr Charles Kuot Chatim, both ruled in Collo's
favour. These elements of the Dinka brought up the issue once more in
1995 and as usual the Collo responded by addressing the authorities
concerned. Again, the Collo won the case.
What surprises us now is that when these elements of the Dinka revived
their unfounded claims in 2004 and thereafter, nothing was done
despite Collo's legitimate demand that the Government of Southern
Sudan (GOSS) sets up a committee to demarcate the border between the
two tribes once and for all. The petitions of the Collo supported by
the necessary documents in that respect were delivered to the highest
authorities in the GOSS including the President and the Vice
President. It is also to be noted that over the same period, the Collo
were disarmed while their neighboring tribes were not.
In light of the repeated and continuous provocations in the form of
unsigned seditious leaflets and now armed attacks and in view of the
clear unwillingness or inability of the authorities in Government of
Southern Sudan to settle the dispute peacefully, we find ourselves, as
representatives of our people, with no moral authority to restrain any
more those who would be forced to pay the aggressors in their own
coin. Every person has a legitimate right to self-defense.
It is our sincere hope that the authorities in Upper Nile State and
the Government of Southern Sudan will act firmly and swiftly at this
eleventh hour to address this very serious situation by putting an end
to violence, bringing the perpetrators to book and resolving the
border dispute for good in accordance with the borders of 1/1/1956.
This is the only way to have stability and peaceful coexistence in the
area.
Thank you.
Signed by:
Members of the Collo nation in the National, Southern Sudan and Upper
Nile State Assemblies as per the attached list.
c.c. The President of the Republic of Sudan;
c.c. The President of the Government of Southern Sudan;
c.c. The Vice President of the Government of Southern Sudan.
Members of the Collo nation in the National, Southern Sudan and Upper
Nile State Assemblies who signed the petition (in alphabetical order).
The National Assembly:
Mr Ezekiel Mojwok Aba
Dr Lam Akol Ajawin
Dr Mario Arenk Awet
Mr Onyoti Adigo Nyikwac
Dr William Othwonh Awer
Southern Sudan Legislative Assembly
Mr Angelo Gwang
Dr Charles Yor Odhok
Mr Joseph Bol Chan
Mr Samson Oyay Awin
Upper Nile State Legislative Assembly
Mr Acwany Arop Denyong
Mr Gabriel Oyo Aba
Mr Juliano Nyawelo Dak
Mr Kosti Amuj
Mr Mahdi Khalifa Shambali
Mrs Martha Angar
Mr Mustafa Gai Lwal
Mr Nyilek Chol
Mr Peter Awol Alijok
Mrs Rita John
Mr Samuel Aban Acien
Mr Santino Ajang Aban
Mr Santino Ocai Opun
DEMANDS PRESENTED BY THE COLLO REPRESENTATIVES IN THE NATIONAL
ASSEMBLY, SOUTHERN SUDAN LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY AND UPPER NILE STATE
ASSEMBLY TO H.E. THE GOVERNOR ON 12/1/2009.
The arrest of the attackers and subjecting them to trial.
Formation of investigation committees on the incidents and the circumstances
surrounding them. Such committees must include Collo as members.
The protection of Collo areas with forces they trust.
The naming of the counties according to the message of the Chairman of the
SPLM dated October 2004.
Demarcation of the borders of counties within the State in accordance with the
borders of 1/1/1956.
Taking firm measures against those who incite tribal hatred and sedition.
Stopping the misuse of power and refraining from exploiting state organs to the
service of tribal ends.
Disciplining the authorities of Radio Malakal for allowing the
transmission through
it of provocative and seditious material.
Disciplining the officer that the Governor ordered to move a force to Anakdiar
on the 9th instant for failing to execute the order.
The State authorities must take serious steps so as to return the
areas of the State
occupied by the Jonglei State.
Taking care of the displaced persons and rendering the necessary services to
them. Compensation of all the persons affected by the recent incidents.
2.USSP leader writes to South Sudan President over insecurity and land grabbing.
Sunday 22 February 2009
An Open Letter to
H.E Salver Kiir Mayardit First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan
and President of Southern Sudan Government and Commander-in-Chief of
SPLA Armed Forces, Juba, South Sudan
24/01/09
Your Excellency,
Subject: The alleged Wanton Attack on Anakdiar, Abanim, Obang, Atar
(Collo areas), the land grabbing in Madi and Acholi land and the
continued LRA’s attacks and brutal killings of civilians in Western
Equatoria State.
Please allow me first and foremost to extend on my own behalf and on
behalf of my party, United South Sudan Party (USSP), our deep sympathy
and condolences to the families of Collo (Shilluk) who lost their
loved ones in Collo land in the hands of certain alleged Dinka
elements following the alleged wanton attack on villages of Anakdiar,
Abanim, Obang, Atar on 10 January 2009, in which 16 people were
reported murdered according to a letter written by some local Members
of Parliaments addressed to the Governor of Malakal on 15th January
2009 . We also extend our condolences to the families and relatives of
the civilians killed by LRA’s sustained attacks in Western Equatoria
State recently. For those who were injured on the 9th January, 2009,
during the fourth anniversary of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement
(CPA) that took place in Malakal, we extend our sympathy to them and
their loved ones.
Your Excellency,
It is high time that the government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) took
serious measures to bring the murderers to justice. It has to be noted
here that, unlike the events that followed the conclusion of the Addis
Ababa Peace Agreement in 1972 where every refugee or displaced person
went back to their original village and settled back to reconstruct
their place, the signing of the CPA on 9 January 2005, has been marked
by a series of fatal incidents in Western Equatoria State, Madi Land
and Acholi Land in Eastern Equatoria and most recently, in Malakal,
Anakdiar, Abanim, Obang and Atar involving land grabbing by some
alleged Dinka elements. Surprisingly enough, the government of
Southern Sudan has done too little to address these profoundly sad
episodes. Unless the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) takes swift
and stern measures against these perpetrators, GOSS will be accused of
deliberately turning a ‘blind eye’ and condoning these deplorable
atrocities. Such an irresponsible behaviour from a government will
only encourage different communities to take the law into their own
hands to protect themselves. That will plunge our country into chaos
which we are totally against. In this connection, we have to be
mindful of what happened in other African countries like Rwanda,
Kenya, and so on, which we must learn a lesson from and take decisive
actions to avoid at all cost. Any government has the obligation to
protect all citizens regardless of their tribe; otherwise, the
government will be failing in its duties and responsibilities. So, it
would be wise to resolve this problem of land grabbing before it spins
out of control.
Your Excellency
In light of the aforementioned problems, we recommend the following measures:
1- The mindless murderers have to be brought to justice promptly.
2- Formation of an independent committee to probe the incidents in
Malakal, Anakdiar, Abanim, Obang and Atar and their findings and
recommendations to be made public.
3- The borders issue of the counties within Upper Nile State as well
as neighbouring states has to be settled without further ado.
4- The displaced persons should be returned safely to their homes or
villages and given compensation they deserve for all what they have
lost as a result of the attack. Likewise the government has to give
them protection in their villages.
5- As for the land disputes in Madi and Acholi land, we advise that an
independent committee be formed to probe the alleged land disputes in
Madi and Acholi land to help the government resolve the matter
amicably and speedily.
6- The LRA attacks on civilians in WES must be taken more seriously
than has so far been taken and be considered a declaration of war by
the LRA (a foreign force) against the people of South Sudan.
Therefore, we urge GOSS to invoke article 12(2), and 12 (3) of the
permanent ceasefire and security arrangements implementation
modalities and appendices so as to protect innocent civilians and the
territorial integrity of Sudan without delay.
7- Emergency relief aid, resettlement and rehabilitation programme
need to be initiated through the state government with the help of
GOSS to help those affected by the LRA attacks. Your Excellency, we
write this letter out of genuine concern for the common good of our
people, the South Sudanese people, who have lost more than several
million lives in the course of their struggle for freedom,
independence and human dignity.
Thank you very much.
Clement Mbugoniwia Leader of United South Sudan Party (USSP)
3.USSP Press Release: GoSS’s Impartiality in Addressing Upper Nile
State Insecurity
Sunday, 27 June 2010
USSP
It is indeed a matter of great concern that south Sudan is currently
passing through a worrying state of insecurity. But sad still is the
fact that most of the procedures taken by the GoSS or even the local
authorities in addressing these serious developments have been
massively sub-standard and marred by ethnic prejudices.
Now as I write this release, the whole of the Upper Nile State lives
in a huge state of terror and insecurity. It must be remembered that,
since the tribal confrontations that happened between the Chollo and
Dinka Padang Communities during the CPA celebrations one and a half
years ago has led to a terrible fall out in relationship between the
communities and made worse by issues of controversial and disputable
land rights. However, it was the government intervention from the
GOSS, a move much marred by tribal favouritism that eventually
promoted the current degree of enmity and antagonism that leaves too
little room for any sensible reconciliation.
Sadly enough the situation in Malakal the capital of the Upper Nile
state, has deteriorated drastically in the last few weeks following
the unaccounted for killing of the Chollo Para-mount chief, Oyath
Odhok.
However, the procedures taken thereafter by the GoSS ministers of
Interior Brigadier Gier Chuang Aloung and his counterpart the former
Minister of Legal Affairs that led the South Sudan Legislative
Assembly (SSLA) to unanimously strip all the SPLM-DC's MPs, Hon.
Samuel Aban AchIen, Hon. Andrew Okony Ayom, Hon. Martha Angar Kur, and
Hon. Onyoti Adigo Nyikwec from their immunities, then followed
immediately by what in fact amounted to arbitrary arrests, contradicts
the spirit of democracy, human rights and even the basic legal
procedures.
In Malakal it was a different scenario where Hon. Mustafa (Mayak) Gai
of the Upper Nile State Legislative Assembly, and citizens, Dr. Odol
(George) a pharmacist, Ayul Liebo, Oluny Ackiek Oluny and others were
kidnapped at night and taken to unknown destinations. There are
reports they were badly tortured and that their tormented families
could not have access to them. UNMIS Human Rights and Red Cross were
not even allowed to see them. And based on local reports from Malakal
Town that since SPLA are killing arrested civilians on daily bases at
former SAF HQs, then probably these detainees are not alive as of
dated.
At this stage, we would want to state this in the most unequivocal
terms that we regret and condemn the killings of the deceased
paramount chief and those who were with him, and extend our
condolences to their families, friends and relatives. However we must
say that it is also extremely important that the right procedures are
followed in such cases if the culprits are ever to be brought to
justice.
Again, it must be crystal clear to everyone that USSP as a political
party has no particular interest to speak on behalf of the SPLM-DC of
Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin; however, as a south Sudanese political party we
have every obligation to protect any disadvantaged group in South
Sudan. As we address the Chollo community's concerns, we are also
keen enough to see that justice is done for all.
Should it be suspected that the murder of the late chief was political
motivated, it should be remembered that similar political attacks on
citizens' lives with resultant sad deaths have already happened in
many parts of south Sudan and still continue to happen, yet no such
mindless reactions were seen from the side of the SPLM led
authorities. Yambio is one such a town where senior police officers
lost their lives while on duty. Again a senior lady politician was
also savagely murdered and her body left for display in the town's
street. Still in Yambio town, not too long, school children were
showered with live-bullets by none but the official SPLA soldiers.
Again of recent, an intelligence officer was murdered in Jonglei. All
these are dreadful deaths that the same authorities remain reluctant
to tackle head-on, and continue to drag their feet on them.
At this time the citizens of Upper Nile state, and especially so the
Chollo community feel intensely victimised on purpose and they
attribute the current insecurity in the state to SPLM's failures to
secure enough parliamentary seats from the state. Obviously, what is
largely seen by many in the Chollo community as an act of revenge has
been even made worse by the ill-timed disarmament campaigns being
carried out by what they resent as predominantly Dinka SPLA soldiers?
This last campaign has even targeted the Chollo Kingdom headquarters
in Fachoda with premeditated determination even to disarm the Kings
body-guards - are issues better revised as they are too volatile for
this stage of our history.
There are already countless reports of unexplained disappearances,
arbitrary arrests, tortures, mistreatment, harassment, gang rapes,,
etc....within the town of Malakal and its rural communities. Besides,
the latest reports talk of Chollo (Shilluk) villages being looted and
burned down by the SPLA.
Under all circumstances the politically motivated and maliciously
planned arrest of the members of the SSLA and the Upper Nile state
assemblies remains condemned in its strongest terms. As the issue at
hand doesn't real stand isolated as such, a purely tribal and
political vengeance can be clearly seen in display. Otherwise, how on
earth can the SPLM-led GoSS allow itself to treat this particular case
as if the Chollo Kingdom and Community are all but inseparable from
SPLM-DC, and deserve to be punished for the latter's political
victories in the state?
Above all it is worth clarifying that even the blood relatives of the
deceased Chollo paramount chief have come out openly saying that they
don't press charges against the arrested SPLM-DC MPs nor the SPLM-DC
political party, and are distancing themselves from what they see as a
malignant anti-Chollo campaign being championed by the GoSS Interior
Minister, Brigadier Gier Chuang Aloung.
We call upon the international community and all those commissioned to
observe Human Rights abuses, to use their positions to immediately
exert pressure on the GoSS. The leadership in the semi-autonomous
south Sudan must never be given the wrong signal that they can be
allowed to cut corners in addressing issues which are central to human
rights and the rule of law, and get away with impunity. Random arrest
of political opponents to cover-up what is otherwise a purely criminal
act is one thing that should not be tolerated.
The GoSS should immediately revise its approach in this case and cases
to come if it is to avert possible tribal antagonism. Senior
government officials must observe proper procedures, and the
exclusively SPLM dominated SSLA must stop being a mere rubber stamp to
everything that the executive presents, especially pertaining to the
kangaroo style and unjustifiable lifting of immunities.
The deceased paramount chief and those who died with him deserve
justice, as do the SPLM-DC MPs, and the countless members of the
Chollo community who found themselves helpless victims of a set up
where anyone who choose not to say "Oyeeee", is supposed not to say
anything.
DR. Justin Ambago Ramba, MD.
Secretary General
United South Sudan Party (USSP).
4. An Open Letter to the President of GoSS
Thursday, 29 January, 2009
H.E. the President of the Government of Southern Sudan and Chairman of
SPLM party Juba, Sudan
CC: The Governor of Upper Nile State
CC: Human Rights Organizations
FROM: Collo Community in USA
SUBJECT: Urgent Request to Halt the Padang Jieng Armed Encroachment
into the Collo East White Nile and South Sobat River land.
Your Excellency,
Please accept our sincere heartfelt strong condemnation of the
treacherous act of violence and death caused by the Padang Jieng to
innocent peace loving Collo citizens in Malakal, Anagdiar, and Abanim
during the ninth January 2008 (4th CPA Anniversary in Malakal) a few
days ago.
The CPA signed between The NCP and the SPLM on 9th Jan, 2005 in Kenya,
charged the two negotiating parties with, “Making Unity of the Sudan
Attractive to Southerners” during the interim period. Having been
agreed that NCP shall pick one State as model in which it would
experiment the phenomenon of making unity attractive to southern
people, chose Upper Nile State to exercise its skills in public
affairs. It is worth noticing that Upper Nile State has a large number
of Arabicied and Islamized southern citizens most of them educated
early on in Mahad El Helmy at Kodok during Ibrahim Aboud Islamic
inspired military regime. It is no wonder that they “NCP” chose it for
easy campaign. The SPLM on the other hand having been entitled to have
a larger share in ministerial positions in the Upper Nile State
Administration, but being mindful that most of the would be as
aspirants for leadership among the Arabicized people would be those
with uncontrollable thirst for power, which thirst usually eat like
cancer in their hearts, accorded 4 ministerial positions to the Padang
Jieng, ignoring the larger groups like the Collo nation. It’s to be
noted that early on, the candidates chosen for ministerial positions
by the SPLM, actually had held positions in the Upper Nile State
representing the NCP, but had swiftly jumped over to SPLM as soon as
CPA was insight.
It is with these preparations and high hopes that your government went
to Malakal in order to test whether or not unity of the country has
been made attractive and therefore, permanent peace, development, and
progress was imminent and inevitable .
Mr. President,
We in the Diaspora were just anxious to hear joyous news and rejoice
of the celebration in Malakal, when these expectations turned tears in
our eyes. The Padang had profaned the tranquility of the friendly
neighborhood of the Nilotic cradle land. Prospect of the successful
peace in a united Sudan or successful separation of the South had now
to end in anarchy and chaos. The Padang thirst for power which we had
thought had been quenched when you oiled their mouth with 4
ministerial positions is uncontrollable. They are bent on occupying
Collo land by Iron and Blood and nothing short of that.
Mr. President,
As an illustration, the tribal fight between the Shilluk and Nuer in
Malakal in 1973 over the meat of hippotomus had no relation with
hatred or enmity or rivalry between the two tribes. It was only a
conflict of cultures. The Nuer believing in the culture of “The
Survival of Fitters”, contended that elders had had their birth rights
in the share of food during their youthful days and therefore, didn’t
deserve any attention in the distribution of meat. The result was the
flow of the blood and death. Now history has repeated it self. The
greed for power and land which acts like cancer in the heart of some
of the profaners of the celebration of January, 9 has found its level
“.The Survival of Fitters” by Iron and Blood.
Mr. President,
The continued false claim by the Padang Jieng for the ownership of
Malakal town and the entire eastern bank of the White Nile and the
lower Sobat River up to its confluence with the White Nile are as
follows:
During the Anglo Egyptian administration in Sudan, the area in
question was ruled with Malakal Town Council as a full District headed
by a District Commissioner; Kodok District Council headed by Assistant
District Commissioner; and Sobat Rural Council headed by a local
government executive officer. Since then the Sobat Rural Council
didn’t have an office building in its area of activities, that at Ngok
and Dingol villages which border Kodok District Council. Malakal Town
Council offered them an office for their executive officer within the
Town Council building. It’s absurd, for a person accorded kind
accommodation to claim ownership of property of the host. It’s also
naïve, and erroneous to think that central government institutions
could be subservient to local government institutions.
2. The citizens of the Sobat Rural Council seem to confuse
administrative council and the parliamentary election constituencies.
In fact there was time when Sobat Rural Council, Malakal Town
Council, and lower Sobat areas of Kodak District
3. Councils “Anagdiar and Panydway Omoudiya,” were grouped together as
one territorial constituency. And there was also time when Malakal
Town Council, Kodok District Council, and Nasir District Council were
one territorial constituency, while Sobat Rural Council, Malut Rural
Council, Renk District Council, and Maban Rural Council were one
territorial constituency. In short electoral constituencies did not
mean the same thing as an administrative zone.
Mr. President,
For our Present day concern, your are on Records to have
empathetically stated that your esteemed government didn’t come to
interfere with previous arrangements by your predecessors, like the
Anglo-Egyptian administration or the Sudanese successive governments
or the southern’s regional governments. That your government
recognizes the boundary of the old Pangak District Council and old
Kodok District Council is the boundary between Jonglei and Upper Nile
State. And the boundary of old Sobat Rural Council and old Kodok
District Council to be the boundary between Bialiet County and
Panyikang, Makal and Pachodo Counties. If that statement is true we
strongly demand that you proclaim its implementation by an Executive
Order.
Mr. President,
Given the preparations your government and national unity government
have been making for four years, now destroyed by the barbaric,
uncivilized, and treacherous attack on peaceful loving Collo people,
what’s the way forward?
H.E President, Omer El-Bashir and his National Congress Party whatever
their feelings about the incident may have the right to shade
crocodile tears for the dead, while at the same time they are hiding
smiling faces suggesting that the Southern Sudanese people will make
anarchy and chaos of the south if left to govern themselves. Is your
option to stand aloft and watch the peace so strenuously earned by the
south cast over board by some Blood Thirsty Elements?
It’s our well considered opinion that your government has been slow,
lenient, unforcefull and irresolute in handling the many cases of
violence, corruption, accountability, land grabbing, tribal and public
affairs.
Late Dr. John De Mabior was on records saying that the SPLM government
policy was to take towns to the people. The situation now seems
reversed. Despite the fact that, unlike the situation from 1972 to
1982 when there was no money in the hands of the government of the
day, now we have the oil money and international donations, but your
government does not have a program for rehabilitation and resettlement
of the internally displaced persons of the south and the returnees
refugees from abroad. Your government seems to have left the people to
randomly fend for acres of land of others instead of directing each
group to return to its previous place of domicile.
“Survival of the Fitters” is the order of the day, for instance we
find husbands and spouses getting appointed to ministerial positions,
relatives and tribesmen being appointed as directors for
administration and finance.
It’s to be recalled and reiterated that in the past there was a
strong, efficient and dedicated civil services in the south. In those
days for instance a Collo, Moro, or a Feritit could be appointed in a
ministerial or very senior civil service position, but now power
seekers seem to be keeping your eyes away from some of the most
efficient southerners. In another development, the government of the
south used to officially engage the Collo Reth “King” in tribal
conflict resolution activities. We have now observed that the present
Reth hasn’t been invited to Juba since the CPA indicating that his
services are not needed.
In conclusion
Mr. President
We would like to recommend the followings:
We strongly urge you to speedily implement the demands of “Collo
nation members of parliaments, National, Southern Sudan and Upper Nile
State assemblies” in their letter to His Excellency the governor of
Upper Nile State, specially those parts which deal with criminal
justice, law enforcement, and resettlement of people in their places
of domicile.
We earnestly request you to appoint Collo Persons in the government of
Southern Sudan.
We strongly recommend the involvement the Reth in your government
public relation activities.
Complete investigation into the use of the heavy guns “RPG, Grenade,
Forty Six, etc” in attacking Collo villages in Anagdiar, Abanim etc
and the involvement of SPLA personnel in the attack.
We blame the Upper Nile State authorities “Governor, Ministers, and
Commissioners” as they appear not to know the geographical boundaries
of their State with the neighbor States, like Jonglei and also the
geographical boundaries of the neighboring Counties within their
State.
With complement
Singed by:
Uncle James Ogilo Agor
Mr. Ojamo Tor
Mr. Lwanyo Padiet
Mr. Simon Aban Deng
Mr. Bol Nyikang
Mr. Jwothab Wanh Othow
Mr. Yomo B. Arop
Ms Victoria Dennis
Mr. William Ator
Mr. Aban Ajawin
Mr. Jalpan O Nyawello
Mr. Olwak C Ayawak
Mr. Jameson C Nyapal
Mr. Kuol D Farag
Mr. Jermico D Amon
Mr. Okuc O Lwangmianga
Ms. Banythuro A. Padiet
Mr. Emmanuel Ajak
Mr. Jibeen J. Agor
Mr. Francis Chan
Mr. Joseph Adeng
Mr. Alnoor Nywillo
Mr. Peter Opach
Mr. Sabino Ator
Mr. Gabriel Owac
Mr. Johnson Owac
Mr. Banino Y. Aban
Mr. Michael Aban
Mr. Sabit Okach
Dr Tino S Nyawello
Mr. Akim kur
Mr. Augustine Ochoung
Mr. Michael Tip
Mr. Samuel Ochem
Mr. Chan Aba Akol
Mr. Obac Deer
5. Dimensions of current political discourse over Malakal
Monday 19 October 2009.
By Dr. Peter Adwok Nyaba
October 18, 2009 — A joke made rounds in 1983 following the
imposition, by Field Jaafar Nimeri Marshall, of the September Islamic
Sharia Laws. Two Southern Sudanese traveling in opposition directions
met in Kosti. “Where are you going?” asked the one traveling to the
South. “I am going to Khartoum.” Replied the other one: “It is better
that you returned to the South. In Khartoum you will have your hands
cut off if your collected somebody’s possession on the ground; or you
will be stoned to death if were found with a woman or lashed if you
were caught drinking anything alcoholic.” “Why?” He shouted in
disbelief, “is there no government in Khartoum?” The truth is; it was
the government itself at work.
There is a poignant parallel to this story in what is going on today
in parts of Southern Sudan. The attack on Warnyol, Duk Fadiet; the
ethnic and sectional armed conflicts in Central Equatoria, Jonglei,
Lakes and Warrap; the recent fighting between the SPLA forces in
Bentiu; the Mundari – Bor Dinka conflict; and by the way it is just a
matter of hours before the smouldering dispute over Malakal might
finally erupt into Padang Dinka – Shilluk mayhem; you may name the
rest I have forgotten. A common feature of these conflicts reflecting
a dire state of widespread insecurity is the absence of prompt state
intervention: no culprits have been arrested or charged confirming the
suspicion that some highly placed people are involved while nearly all
these security breaches have been blamed on the National Congress
Party in a manner that disables the search for truth.
Why are our people fighting themselves? This multi-million dollar
question in every mouth in Southern Sudan and even in the Diaspora
begs answers which are not forthcoming. It is mind boggling that a
people who have struggled to liberate themselves, and are only waiting
to exercise the right of self-determination for which they have
sacrificed millions of kith and kin, have turned against one another
in a manner unprecedented and which seem to re-echo back the question:
what for was all the sacrifice? In another way one may even be tempted
to ask the innocent question above: is there no government in Southern
Sudan? Or is it perhaps our government itself at work?
Of course it’s any government’s top responsibility and raison dè êtré
to protect lives and property of its citizens. Short of shooting
oneself in the foot the responsibility for the state of affairs in
Southern Sudan lies squarely on the SPLM leadership and its entire
membership. No one in this political institution will escape unscathed
by the verdict history will hand down sooner than later. We take
responsibility for commission or omission. However, those with power
and authority take the most responsibility should there be hanging or
the ICC.
I am writing this piece, recuperating from an ailment in a Hospital
bed, at least to vent my frustration and anger with the deliberate
inaction to curb the nightmare of uncertainty we as a people are going
through but more with the fact that some of these could, and indeed
would have been prevented. We seem not to remember the saying ‘a
stitch in time save nine’. It can point to one thing that the crop of
leaders we today have in the SPLM were only made for war not for
governing leave alone the important tasks of state- as well as
nation-building in Southern Sudan. It is this phenomenal failure of
historical dimension that explodes in our faces daily in the form of
ethnic conflicts, high-level corruption and abuse of power with
impunity, and you can go on naming it.
My reference point in this context is the formation in July 1983 of
the SPLM/A to spearhead the revolutionary armed struggle. Liberation
undertaken by the SPLM/A was presumed to be a process of social and
political conscientisation of our people to enable them transform the
oppressive reality of political exclusion, economic marginalisation,
exploitation and neglect as well as social discrimination based on
ethnicity, religion, language and culture by which they have been
submerged for centuries. This presupposes that liberation is an
irreversible transforming process that under no circumstances
political, social or economic would this oppressive reality be
recreated. Thus both the oppressor and the oppressed would be
transformed to create a new reality of peace, unity, equality, social
justice, democracy and prosperity.
The truth however was different for in 1983 the war erupted against a
background of contradictions in the defunct Southern Region. The May
regime in its terminal years generated serious political
contradictions which erupted as wars in its weakest link in the
Southern Region. This explains the spontaneous manner people from the
marginalised regions joined the SPLM/A in their tens of thousands.
However, it must be honestly admitted that not all the combatants who
swelled the ranks and file of the SPLM/A were inspired by liberation
ideals or socialist ideology aired out over radio SPLA. Most of them
did so in response to their immediate local disputes and conflicts and
the idea was to get firearms to settle these disputes. Some of them
were fugitives of the Sudanese justice system.
Thus for instance the people of Abyei, northern Bahr el Ghazal
responded and joined the SPLM/A to acquire firearms to resolved the
nagging problem with their neighbours the Messeriya and Rezeighat
[Murahileen]; the Bor Dinka had traditional conflict with the Murle;
the Lauch and Paweny Dinka of Khor Falus and Atar respectively had old
scores to settle; while on the other hand they had not settled their
dispute with the Shilluk over land. So all and sunder arrived in
Bilpam with a hidden local agenda.
The SPLM/A, essentially a military movement, absorbed all these
contradictions in what was termed ‘revolutionary armed struggle’ but
failed to transform them into nation-building instruments. The
revolutionary armed struggle incubated instead of resolving these
contradictions. This may explain why some of them have ferociously
resurfaced. And although new conflict lines have sprouted in the last
four years they may be attributed to the competition for wealth and
power among the political and military elite and the failure of the
state to curb them. How can we explain the sudden and recent violent
eruption between the Mundari and the Bari in the suburbs of Juba, the
Southern Sudan capital and seat of its government?
I want to concern myself primarily with the genesis of the smouldering
conflict in and about Malakal? A conflict is quietly evolving between
the Shilluk and Padang Dinka which has the prospects and capacity to
evolve into a major conflagration if our leaders chose to turn a deaf
ear or blind eye to the glaring realities. This is primarily because
it is a question of demarcation of borders of the two states of Upper
Nile and Jonglei. This is the prerogative and sole responsibility of
the Government and that is precisely what I mean when I said it will
be the responsibility of the two state governments should the
impending conflict between the Padang Dinka and the Shilluk erupt into
violence.
When the Paramount chief of Atar Dinka made a fictitious claim to the
area between the Sobat –Nile confluence and the Nile – Zeraf
confluence in 1980 in the wake of Nimeri’s mischievous administrative
decentralisation policy, a survey team commissioned by the Regional
Government established that at no point did the boundary of Fangak
(Jonglei Province) and Tonga (Upper Nile Province) districts touched
the Nile or Sobat Rivers. In spite of this ruling a violent eruption
ensued in 1981 in which lives were lost. It is one of the resolved
security breaches.
As if this was not enough the Atar Dinka did not relinquish their
claim and even continued to fester the SPLM Leadership with petitions
claiming that the Shilluk resided only on the west bank of the Nile.
This is a falsehood that bears no historical records (refer to Upper
Nile Hand Book 1931) but it is now the source of deadly tension
between the two communities which also has been joined by the other
Padang Dinka groups of Ngok Lual Yak and the Dongjol in the context of
a master plan in the style of Balfour (1917) to create a homeland for
the Jews.
So the simple dispute between two SPLA giants over the name and where
to place their mutual county H/Qs, which rekindled the old feuds
between Luach and Paweny sections leading to loss of life in 2006 and
2007 has been transformed into a major inter-ethnic conflagration with
serious political implications for the CPA implementation, state and
nation building in Southern Sudan. The Luach political and military
elite wanted the county H/Qs in Khor Falus and have gone ahead to
build a military port in Changi/ Wic Nyilwal on the Sobat River to the
chagrin of the people of Pajur, while the Paweny elite wanted the H/Qs
in Atar Ardeib on Khor Atar. The compromise decision brokered by a
Padang Dinka politician in the presence of the President of GOSS, to
position the county H/Qs in Pijo at the confluence of the Nile and
Sobat Rivers, exacerbates the tension with the Shilluk who see the
hands of two Ministers in GOSS behind a sinister and treacherous
scheme to displace them from their ancestral lands to pave the way for
the establishment of a Padang Dinka State adjoining together from the
west to the east: the Abyei, Pariang, Paweny, Luach, Ngok, Dongjol,
Ager, Nyiel and Abailang clans of the Padang Dinka.
The idea of Padang Dinka State, as a means of building a sense of
unity and solidarity among the Padang Dinka has been prompted by a
feeling of powerlessness and alienation from the Dinka power centre
(currently in Bahr el Ghazal under the leadership of Gen. Salva Kiir
Mayardit) due to their dispersion over a wide territory separated by
the Nuer and the Shilluk. To gain recognition and hence inclusion into
this Dinka power house, the Padang Dinka political and military elite
must demonstrate unity and strength. And this unity can only be
stimulated by initiating a conflict with the neighbouring Shilluk over
their ancestral land. The scheme to dislodge the Shilluk from their
land on the east bank of the Nile from Nyijwado in the South to Detwok
in the north is the underlying hidden agenda of the Padang Dinka
political elite fronted by an influential Abyei Minister in GOSS. The
idea is to unify all these Padang Dinka sections into one Padang Dinka
State which extends from Abyei to Renk to compensate for the loss of
their dream home in Southern Kordofan. The take over the Shilluk land
therefore is the source of conflict which could turn out to be the
very unmaking of Southern Sudan.
The project to dislodge the Shilluk from the east bank to the west
bank with the Nile as the boundary could have been planned way back
during the war of liberation but its implementation could only be
undertaken once the peace agreement has been signed. In the Upper Nile
Peace and Reconciliation Conference held in Panyagor in June 2003
there were Padang Dinka voices calling on the Shilluk to vacate the
east bank. The influential Abyei Minister in Goss has been instigating
the people of Pariang to relocate to Arach (Shilluk land) to avoid
domination and eclipse by Western Nuer. But this indeed is to create
easy stretch of uninterrupted Padang Dinka territory.
When in 2006 the then commander of SPLA Division One, ordered the
felling of trees and bamboos in the gardens belonging to the Shilluk
of Adhidhang, Pajur and Ogot on the Sobat banks little did the Shilluk
people suspect that this was part of a wider scheme to dislodge them
from their homes. The scheme became clearer only in January 2009. The
attacks and killings in Anakdiar and Abanimo and the subsequent
Shilluk revenge murder of Paramount Chief Thon wai of Dongjol were
manifestation of, and a reaction elicited by this scheme of the Padang
Dinka Political and Military elite. That the Padang Dinka harbours
such plans against their Shilluk neighbours goes to prove the fact
mentioned above that the revolutionary armed struggle only incubated
the local contradictions. That it is also being spearheaded by people
high in the SPLM hierarchy proves that war, particular guerrilla war,
does unite those who fight it.
The Shilluk will definitely not take this Padang Dinka scheme lying on
their stomachs. The defection of Dr. Lam Akol Ajawin (a Shilluk) and
his establishment of SPLM Democratic Change are now being peddled
falsely to be Shilluk-based simple to create the impression and
portray the Shilluk people as being anti-GOSS and therefore hasten or
accelerate a military occupation of their land and impose the Padang
Dinka scheme.
The recent standoff over the change of name from Malakal to Makal
County is an eye opener for many Shilluks. The questions that impose
themselves here therefore are: Would the Shilluk accept or allow the
Dinka to take their ancestral land without a fight? What would be the
wider implication of a Shilluk-Dinka Padang war in Upper Nile? Linked
to the widespread insecurity and ethnic conflicts in Southern Sudan
would the Shilluk-Dinka Padang war not only prove what the NCP and
many in the international community have been peddling that Southern
Sudan is a failed state and that Southerners can’t govern themselves.
Makal is the county that surrounds Malakal Town which is the capital
of Upper Nile State and therefore no one ethnic community except
individuals with title deeds can rightfully claim to be theirs if that
is necessary at all. In this context and to prevent the pointless
claims and counter claims it is significant, indeed imperative to
educate ourselves. It true many people who are positions of authority
and leadership today had no opportunity to know history either from
the books or from their community elders, the custodian of our
history.
First, Malakal as a town and capital of Upper Nile Province derives
its name from Makal, which is the Shilluk village north of it. Having
been transferred from Taufikiya a few kilometres south Malakal was
established in 1920(s), thus curbed out of Kodok District with its
northern limit at the Airport and southern limit at Goni. Until 1966
when Kodok District ceded the area to Malakal Town Council,
Dangershopi and Jonglei rice scheme were part of, and the land rates
paid by the squatters who settled therein used to be collected by
Kodok District authorities proving the obvious.
Secondly, the boundary between Kodok and Bailiet (formerly Abuong)
Districts lies 27 KM east of Malakal at Banglai, and follows a small
seasonal stream (wuol) that drains from the Sobat northwards pass
Akoka and into the river Nile just opposite Kodok town. This means
that all Dinka Ngok and Dongjol settlements lie east of Wuol and the
Shilluk settlements of Koman are west of it.
Posted in: Press Releases, Open Letters
Comments28/07/2010, 8:39 AM - Posted by Meen GorI do equally share the
same concern as people from Shilluk kingdom, that a government must
not no matter whatever justifications gang-rape and sexually harass
the civilian population in the name of quelling insurgency. However,
what is not clear in the Shilluk community open letter of compliant to
UN Secretary-General is the body of evidents that constitute the basis
of their petition to the UN. Additionally, their letter seem to
suggest that the allege incidences were endoresd by GoSS, and that the
issue is beyond it. You can deduce this from the way the letter was
solely addressed to UN without a mere copy to the GoSS. Furthermore,
there equally seem be a tragic absent of creditable evidents from
other independent sources to back up these claims and as such it
leaves room to nothing, but doubt about intent of this letter. I
therefore, as a citizen, do like to comment that I'm of opinion that
this letter is a work of tribalists desperate to discredit what South
has so far sacrificed for and achieved.
Thanks
Thonchamkelei