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Suresh Khairnar
May 17, 2026, 2:00:36 AMMay 17
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Socialist Reforms or Break Apart
Revolutionary greetings to all comrades gathering in Patna on the occasion of the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party.
On the occasion of the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party, while engaging in some free-thinking, I have always believed that we should look honestly inside our own conscience to understand why our existence today has become limited only to celebrating birthdays and death anniversaries in memory of our ancestors. Therefore, my prayer to all of you comrades is to reflect on how such a state has come upon our movement. Our movement was formally established 92 years ago in this very city of Patna during the final phase of our country's freedom struggle. It began with revolutionaries like Acharya Narendra Deva as its first president and Jayaprakash Narayan as its first secretary. Acharya Narendra Deva (born 31 October 1889 and died 19 February 1956) completed his life journey of 67 years and left this world early due to asthma. But Jayaprakash Narayan (born 11 October 1902 and died 8 October 1979) lived a life of at least 77 years, and he passed away in this very city of Patna. The third leader, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia (born on 23 March 1910, who lived twenty years less than Jayaprakash Narayan and ten years less than Acharya Narendra Deva at the time of his passing), departed from this world before reaching sixty years of age because his prostate gland operation failed. Even today, we all remember these three leaders as the foundational pillars who laid the stone of the Socialist Party. Acharya Narendra Deva lived for only nine years after independence, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia lived for 20 years, and Jayaprakash Ji got the opportunity to live ten years longer than him. Perhaps even their opponents would not have a shadow of a doubt in their minds regarding the loyalty of these three leaders toward the socialist ideology.
The issue lies in a massive mistake made at the grassroots level in preparing workers to give socialism a practical shape. Most of the time of our three leaders was spent merely in creating an atmosphere against the ruling party of that time. However, instead of preparing their own committed comrades for this purpose, a strategy of fighting battles by taking workers from other opposition parties was adopted. This did succeed in reducing the sphere of influence of the ruling party, but at the organizational level, the ultimate beneficiary starting from that period was none other than the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, which was the original name of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The sole reason for this is that they had created a mother organization since 1925, like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, to build workers, and the current BJP is its political unit.
Seven years after the establishment of the Socialist Party, people with socialist ideology in Maharashtra came together on 4 June 1941 in Pune to establish an organization called the Rashtra Seva Dal to build workers based on democratic-socialist, secular, egalitarian, and scientific thinking. Its 85th Foundation Day is now approaching. However, I am trying to write this free-thinking piece to draw the attention of all comrades to how much difference exists in the current status of the Rashtra Seva Dal and the Socialist Party compared to the Hindutvawadi RSS and its political unit, the BJP, and why this is so. Today, the strength of the BJP stands upon the strength of its mother organization. I have heard that the Communist Party, along with its establishment in 1925, had also established a children's wing. However, at present, even some office bearers of the Communist Party do not know the whereabouts of that unit. Perhaps a similar situation exists among most people of the Socialist Party regarding the Rashtra Seva Dal.
During my tenure as the president of the Rashtra Seva Dal (2017–2019), accommodation was arranged at a certain place with a spokesperson of the Socialist Party during a program of the Uttarakhand Rashtra Seva Dal in Ramgarh, Uttarakhand. He asked me, "What is this Rashtra Seva Dal?" I replied that this is an organization established in 1941 by the socialists of Maharashtra to work toward building workers to create a democratic-socialist, secular, science-oriented, and egalitarian society. It is because socialist leaders like Barrister Nath Pai, Professor Madhu Dandavate, Madhu Limaye, Mrinal Gore, and Pramila Dandavate joined it in their childhood that readymade leaders became available to the socialist movement. He then remarked that this is a very good organization that performs the crucial task of shaping people of socialist ideology. He added, "Whenever you come to Lucknow, please let us know; we will arrange a meeting between you and Akhilesh Yadav Ji."
Immediately after that, Sandeep Pandey Ji organized a worker training camp for the Rashtra Seva Dal in Lucknow. While staying in Lucknow for two days, I told that spokesperson, "I am in Lucknow; if possible, please arrange my meeting with Akhilesh Yadav Ji." But that meeting could not take place. Similarly, when Nitish Kumar declared an 'RSS-free India' in Patna, I informed a Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament from his party that I was in Patna and that I too had declared an RSS-free India immediately after becoming the president of the Rashtra Seva Dal. I asked him to arrange a meeting with Nitish Babu, but that meeting with Nitish Kumar could not happen either. Do all our Socialist Party politicians truly need committed socialist comrades for the party, or do they just want an army of blind followers for their right or wrong policies?
Comrades, today is the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party. Because of the Rashtra Seva Dal since childhood, I have been one of those who believe in the ideology of building a society based on democratic socialism, secularism, scientific temper, and egalitarian thought. Consciously, instead of entering the parliamentary arena, I limited myself to the work of the Rashtra Seva Dal and have maintained this stance today at the age of 73. However, from then until now (1966–2026), for more than 60 years, a constant dilemma has lingered in my mind: which Socialist Party is right and which one is wrong? I remain in this dilemma to this day, and that is why I could never become a member of any party.
When I used to run a branch (shakha) of the Rashtra Seva Dal, two former presidents of the Seva Dal (called Dal Pramukh at that time) visited my branch. One was Shri S. M. Joshi Ji, who was the president of the Samyukta Socialist Party. The second was Shri Nana Saheb Gore, who was the president of the Praja Socialist Party. Both of them were very dear to me. But I could not understand their two separate socialist parties. It was beyond my comprehension why these two leaders of Maharashtra, who lived in the same city and were very good friends, were leaders of two different parties. While I was in this dilemma, Dr. Lohia bid goodbye to this world, and JP became a public servant in Sarvodaya. For me, all the leaders from both socialist parties—S. M. Joshi, Nana Saheb Gore, George Fernandes, Barrister Nath Pai, Prof. Madhu Dandavate, Madhu Limaye, Mrinal Gore, Professor Sadanand Varde, Bhai Vaidya, Dr. G. G. Parikh, Professor G. P. Pradhan Master, Dr. Bapu Kaldate, and Pannalal Surana—looked good. Indumati and Acharya Kelkar showered me with parental affection, and I had read all the books of Dr. Lohia translated into Marathi before the age of twenty. Later, in the study camps of the Rashtra Seva Dal, I grew up listening to the speeches of luminaries like Vinayak Kulkarni, Hamid Dalwai, Narhar Kurundkar, A. B. Shah, Pradhan Master, Yadunath Thatte, Bapu Saheb Kaldate, Nana Saheb Gore, and S. M. Joshi. Yet, why they maintained two separate parties is something I have still not understood.
Then, I do not know what occurred to them, but during the JP Movement or just before it, they merged into one party (1973–74), and the sharp-tongued George Fernandes—the creator of the phrase 'Chakka Jam'—became its president. However, very soon during the Emergency, at the insistence of Jayaprakash Narayan (1976), this party was dissolved into the Janata Party on 1 May 1977 on the lawns of Vithalbhai Patel House. I was one of the witnesses to this event alongside Acharya Kelkar Ji.
Subsequently, within two years, the Janata Party split over the issue of dual membership (of the Jana Sangh with the RSS) due to objections raised by Madhu Limaye, George Fernandes, and Raj Narain Ji. Some socialists, including Madhu Limaye, Karpoori Thakur, and Raj Narain Ji, chose their own path by joining Charan Singh's party named Bharatiya Kranti Dal in North India. Around that time, under the leadership of our senior friends Kishan Patnaik and Bhai Vaidya Ji, a meeting was called in Thane. I had come from Calcutta specifically at the insistence of Bhai Vaidya and Kishan Ji. Despite Bhai Vaidya Ji insisting the most during the formation of the Socialist Jan Parishad first, and later the Socialist Party of India in Hyderabad, I did not join them. I felt that when Mulayam Singh Yadav had already formed a party named the Socialist Party, there was no logic in giving an English name and calling it the Socialist Party of India, completely ignoring Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia's opposition to English. All the founders of that party eventually became strangers in their own political homes, even though their political journeys had started from the Gram Panchayat level and reached Parliament. Why has any of them lost their public base today? Instead of investigating those reasons, out of a mere emotional attachment to the word 'Socialist', they named it the Socialist Party of India. Despite more than twenty-five years having passed, a party by this name has not yet opened its account even in a Gram Panchayat in the arena of Indian parliamentary politics. This seems like nothing more than playing 'party-party' to delude our own minds, much like small children playing house.
Apart from serving as a platform for some people to vent their frustration, when one looks at this party's stance on sensitive issues like the ongoing war involving Palestine and Iran, India-Pakistan relations, the Tibet issue, or global warming, it does bring back memories of Jayaprakash Ji and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. However, due to the complete lack of organizational strength, it remains nothing more than an intellectual exercise.
I cannot even state the exact number of socialist or communist parties in India as of today, because every few days they meet and then keep separating. They spend most of their time pulling each other down, with each claiming, "I am the only true socialist or true communist." Perhaps one of the speakers in Patna, Shri Raghu Thakur Ji, has also established the Socialist Party (Lohiawadi). If I am not wrong, he was also the first national general secretary of Mulayam Singh Yadav's Socialist Party, and it is still not known why he separated from it. Despite that, what differences of opinion arose that led him to choose the path of forming his own separate party?
In the history of Indian parliamentary politics, this is perhaps the first party (1934) that, like an amoeba, presents an example of creating another party from its own cell. From 1934 until today, how many times has Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia's principle of 'reform or break apart' (*Sudharo ya Tuto*) been put into practice? There is still no inclination to reform, but everyone remembered the 'break apart' aspect. Looking at this game of making and breaking all these socialist parties, I wonder if all these comrades are truly capable of building a socialist society on our own strength in a country with a population of 145 crores. Since when has the arrival of new comrades stopped among us? What is the proportion of people of our own age group, and why are new comrades not being included? All of you should deliberate deeply on this on the occasion of this 92-year milestone in Patna.
Now, on the occasion of this 92-year milestone, our own people are writing different posts claiming that a particular individual is great and would be suitable for taking the party forward. What about those who existed within the previous 92 years? What did they do, why did they do it, and what were the reasons for breaking apart so many times? Without evaluating this, where are you going to reach? Will you just circle back to the same spot and keep playing the game of 'reform or break apart'?
It is my personal belief that people with a specific nature or temperament naturally join such organizations or events; there, the 'ism' becomes secondary. How many people actually read and understand the philosophy before joining that party or organization? I feel this way after observing the people of all communist and socialist parties. Consider one very big communist leader living in Mumbai, whose name was among the founders of the Communist Party. He supported the Emergency and used to say that Jayaprakash Narayan's movement was running at the behest of the CIA. I got an opportunity to meet him at leisure. He had become so blindly devoted to Indira Ji that the majority of people in his own party expelled him from the Communist Party in the name of an 'historic blunder', which ended his political career and led to his death in anonymity. He told me that due to the complexity of *Das Kapital*, he had not read beyond its first 50 pages—and he was one of the founders of the Communist Party. Similarly, how many people in the Socialist Party accept the membership of the Socialist Party or the Socialist Party of India after reading the socialist philosophy?
After the formation of the Aam Aadmi Party, some people who joined it asked me, "What literature should we read for Swadeshi, self-reliance, and Satyagraha?" I have seen Kanu Sanyal's biography titled *First Naxal* published by Sage Publications. Looking at their journey in the Naxal movement, it seems these people also resemble the socialists when it comes to breaking apart. The cycle of breaking apart continued until Kanu Babu committed suicide on 23 March 2010. Looking at their differences of opinion, one wonders what has happened to the intellect of such dedicated individuals. This is precisely why the country is falling into the hands of completely mindless people, while our intellectual friends are busy splitting hairs.
Socialists have made a massive contribution to Indian politics, right from the Indian freedom struggle to movements like *Zabaran Jot* (forced tilling), the philosophy of the forward-backward classes, and the creation of an egalitarian society. Today, socialists like George Fernandes, Ram Vilas Paswan, and Nitish Kumar have been helping people who institutionalize 'Manusmriti' and 'Ekchalakanuvart' (dictatorship), and most dangerous thing is a Indian edition of FASCIST Organization is RSS, dragging the remaining dignity of socialist ideology through the mud.
However, in the final phase of the Emergency when preparations for the formation of the Janata Party were underway, the argument being offered was that a human being changes. Based on this belief, it was argued that the Jana Sangh had also changed significantly after joining Jayaprakash Narayan's Bihar movement, and therefore, the Jana Sangh and the Socialist Party should merge into one party. I was opposing this kind of blind faith even at that time. Surprisingly, George Fernandes was also against forming a single party with the Jana Sangh. At that time, he occupied the post of national president of the Socialist Party and was imprisoned in Tihar Jail under the Baroda Dynamite case. I, too, having been arrested from Amravati Jail under the same dynamite charge, told S. M. Joshi Ji clearly, "Because Shrimati Indira Gandhi Ji did not put you in jail during the Emergency, you do not know that not an iota of change has occurred in the Jana Sangh or their mother organization, the RSS." They had formulated a strategy along the lines of Barrister Vinayak Damodar Savarkar's wartime tactics, under which they were practicing hypocrisy by wearing the mask of being Gandhian Socialists. Today, you can see for yourself what kind of socialist agenda the BJP is implementing. Narendra Modi is selling off almost the entire country. Has Nitish Babu genuinely fallen prey to an illusion, or is this also his strategy to bring the BJP into the political arena of Bihar and defeat it? Because some socialists are still with him, I feel this way. It makes one doubt whether these people were ever socialists at all. Despite this, some of our comrades see a lot of hope in them. Is this a characteristic of people who know and understand the philosophy of socialism?
Perhaps people filled with personal arrogance have been drawn to this party like a magnet right from the beginning in 1934. Since 1934, this party has been flooded with people suffering from the disease of ego, and it remains so even now. This is why the socialist party is fine for dreaming, but to bring it down to the ground, socialists never did what was necessary, which is why it could never become possible to this day. If you deliberate upon this in the Patna conference, perhaps something positive might come out of it. Otherwise, it remains merely an event where some old school or college classmates meet under the name of an alumni association. In such events, old classmates meet for a day or two, talk to each other, and busy themselves back in their daily routines while promising to meet next time if they remain alive.
With the hope that the Patna meeting will attempt to make some meaningful initiatives keeping in view the current situation of the country and the world, I extend revolutionary greetings to all comrades.
Dr. Suresh Khairnar, 16 May 2026, Nagpur.
Revolutionary greetings to all comrades gathering in Patna on the occasion of the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party.
On the occasion of the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party, while engaging in some free-thinking, I have always believed that we should look honestly inside our own conscience to understand why our existence today has become limited only to celebrating birthdays and death anniversaries in memory of our ancestors. Therefore, my prayer to all of you comrades is to reflect on how such a state has come upon our movement. Our movement was formally established 92 years ago in this very city of Patna during the final phase of our country's freedom struggle. It began with revolutionaries like Acharya Narendra Deva as its first president and Jayaprakash Narayan as its first secretary. Acharya Narendra Deva (born 31 October 1889 and died 19 February 1956) completed his life journey of 67 years and left this world early due to asthma. But Jayaprakash Narayan (born 11 October 1902 and died 8 October 1979) lived a life of at least 77 years, and he passed away in this very city of Patna. The third leader, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia (born on 23 March 1910, who lived twenty years less than Jayaprakash Narayan and ten years less than Acharya Narendra Deva at the time of his passing), departed from this world before reaching sixty years of age because his prostate gland operation failed. Even today, we all remember these three leaders as the foundational pillars who laid the stone of the Socialist Party. Acharya Narendra Deva lived for only nine years after independence, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia lived for 20 years, and Jayaprakash Ji got the opportunity to live ten years longer than him. Perhaps even their opponents would not have a shadow of a doubt in their minds regarding the loyalty of these three leaders toward the socialist ideology.
The issue lies in a massive mistake made at the grassroots level in preparing workers to give socialism a practical shape. Most of the time of our three leaders was spent merely in creating an atmosphere against the ruling party of that time. However, instead of preparing their own committed comrades for this purpose, a strategy of fighting battles by taking workers from other opposition parties was adopted. This did succeed in reducing the sphere of influence of the ruling party, but at the organizational level, the ultimate beneficiary starting from that period was none other than the Bharatiya Jana Sangh, which was the original name of the Bharatiya Janata Party. The sole reason for this is that they had created a mother organization since 1925, like the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, to build workers, and the current BJP is its political unit.
Seven years after the establishment of the Socialist Party, people with socialist ideology in Maharashtra came together on 4 June 1941 in Pune to establish an organization called the Rashtra Seva Dal to build workers based on democratic-socialist, secular, egalitarian, and scientific thinking. Its 85th Foundation Day is now approaching. However, I am trying to write this free-thinking piece to draw the attention of all comrades to how much difference exists in the current status of the Rashtra Seva Dal and the Socialist Party compared to the Hindutvawadi RSS and its political unit, the BJP, and why this is so. Today, the strength of the BJP stands upon the strength of its mother organization. I have heard that the Communist Party, along with its establishment in 1925, had also established a children's wing. However, at present, even some office bearers of the Communist Party do not know the whereabouts of that unit. Perhaps a similar situation exists among most people of the Socialist Party regarding the Rashtra Seva Dal.
During my tenure as the president of the Rashtra Seva Dal (2017–2019), accommodation was arranged at a certain place with a spokesperson of the Socialist Party during a program of the Uttarakhand Rashtra Seva Dal in Ramgarh, Uttarakhand. He asked me, "What is this Rashtra Seva Dal?" I replied that this is an organization established in 1941 by the socialists of Maharashtra to work toward building workers to create a democratic-socialist, secular, science-oriented, and egalitarian society. It is because socialist leaders like Barrister Nath Pai, Professor Madhu Dandavate, Madhu Limaye, Mrinal Gore, and Pramila Dandavate joined it in their childhood that readymade leaders became available to the socialist movement. He then remarked that this is a very good organization that performs the crucial task of shaping people of socialist ideology. He added, "Whenever you come to Lucknow, please let us know; we will arrange a meeting between you and Akhilesh Yadav Ji."
Immediately after that, Sandeep Pandey Ji organized a worker training camp for the Rashtra Seva Dal in Lucknow. While staying in Lucknow for two days, I told that spokesperson, "I am in Lucknow; if possible, please arrange my meeting with Akhilesh Yadav Ji." But that meeting could not take place. Similarly, when Nitish Kumar declared an 'RSS-free India' in Patna, I informed a Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament from his party that I was in Patna and that I too had declared an RSS-free India immediately after becoming the president of the Rashtra Seva Dal. I asked him to arrange a meeting with Nitish Babu, but that meeting with Nitish Kumar could not happen either. Do all our Socialist Party politicians truly need committed socialist comrades for the party, or do they just want an army of blind followers for their right or wrong policies?
Comrades, today is the 92nd Foundation Day of the Socialist Party. Because of the Rashtra Seva Dal since childhood, I have been one of those who believe in the ideology of building a society based on democratic socialism, secularism, scientific temper, and egalitarian thought. Consciously, instead of entering the parliamentary arena, I limited myself to the work of the Rashtra Seva Dal and have maintained this stance today at the age of 73. However, from then until now (1966–2026), for more than 60 years, a constant dilemma has lingered in my mind: which Socialist Party is right and which one is wrong? I remain in this dilemma to this day, and that is why I could never become a member of any party.
When I used to run a branch (shakha) of the Rashtra Seva Dal, two former presidents of the Seva Dal (called Dal Pramukh at that time) visited my branch. One was Shri S. M. Joshi Ji, who was the president of the Samyukta Socialist Party. The second was Shri Nana Saheb Gore, who was the president of the Praja Socialist Party. Both of them were very dear to me. But I could not understand their two separate socialist parties. It was beyond my comprehension why these two leaders of Maharashtra, who lived in the same city and were very good friends, were leaders of two different parties. While I was in this dilemma, Dr. Lohia bid goodbye to this world, and JP became a public servant in Sarvodaya. For me, all the leaders from both socialist parties—S. M. Joshi, Nana Saheb Gore, George Fernandes, Barrister Nath Pai, Prof. Madhu Dandavate, Madhu Limaye, Mrinal Gore, Professor Sadanand Varde, Bhai Vaidya, Dr. G. G. Parikh, Professor G. P. Pradhan Master, Dr. Bapu Kaldate, and Pannalal Surana—looked good. Indumati and Acharya Kelkar showered me with parental affection, and I had read all the books of Dr. Lohia translated into Marathi before the age of twenty. Later, in the study camps of the Rashtra Seva Dal, I grew up listening to the speeches of luminaries like Vinayak Kulkarni, Hamid Dalwai, Narhar Kurundkar, A. B. Shah, Pradhan Master, Yadunath Thatte, Bapu Saheb Kaldate, Nana Saheb Gore, and S. M. Joshi. Yet, why they maintained two separate parties is something I have still not understood.
Then, I do not know what occurred to them, but during the JP Movement or just before it, they merged into one party (1973–74), and the sharp-tongued George Fernandes—the creator of the phrase 'Chakka Jam'—became its president. However, very soon during the Emergency, at the insistence of Jayaprakash Narayan (1976), this party was dissolved into the Janata Party on 1 May 1977 on the lawns of Vithalbhai Patel House. I was one of the witnesses to this event alongside Acharya Kelkar Ji.
Subsequently, within two years, the Janata Party split over the issue of dual membership (of the Jana Sangh with the RSS) due to objections raised by Madhu Limaye, George Fernandes, and Raj Narain Ji. Some socialists, including Madhu Limaye, Karpoori Thakur, and Raj Narain Ji, chose their own path by joining Charan Singh's party named Bharatiya Kranti Dal in North India. Around that time, under the leadership of our senior friends Kishan Patnaik and Bhai Vaidya Ji, a meeting was called in Thane. I had come from Calcutta specifically at the insistence of Bhai Vaidya and Kishan Ji. Despite Bhai Vaidya Ji insisting the most during the formation of the Socialist Jan Parishad first, and later the Socialist Party of India in Hyderabad, I did not join them. I felt that when Mulayam Singh Yadav had already formed a party named the Socialist Party, there was no logic in giving an English name and calling it the Socialist Party of India, completely ignoring Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia's opposition to English. All the founders of that party eventually became strangers in their own political homes, even though their political journeys had started from the Gram Panchayat level and reached Parliament. Why has any of them lost their public base today? Instead of investigating those reasons, out of a mere emotional attachment to the word 'Socialist', they named it the Socialist Party of India. Despite more than twenty-five years having passed, a party by this name has not yet opened its account even in a Gram Panchayat in the arena of Indian parliamentary politics. This seems like nothing more than playing 'party-party' to delude our own minds, much like small children playing house.
Apart from serving as a platform for some people to vent their frustration, when one looks at this party's stance on sensitive issues like the ongoing war involving Palestine and Iran, India-Pakistan relations, the Tibet issue, or global warming, it does bring back memories of Jayaprakash Ji and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. However, due to the complete lack of organizational strength, it remains nothing more than an intellectual exercise.
I cannot even state the exact number of socialist or communist parties in India as of today, because every few days they meet and then keep separating. They spend most of their time pulling each other down, with each claiming, "I am the only true socialist or true communist." Perhaps one of the speakers in Patna, Shri Raghu Thakur Ji, has also established the Socialist Party (Lohiawadi). If I am not wrong, he was also the first national general secretary of Mulayam Singh Yadav's Socialist Party, and it is still not known why he separated from it. Despite that, what differences of opinion arose that led him to choose the path of forming his own separate party?
In the history of Indian parliamentary politics, this is perhaps the first party (1934) that, like an amoeba, presents an example of creating another party from its own cell. From 1934 until today, how many times has Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia's principle of 'reform or break apart' (*Sudharo ya Tuto*) been put into practice? There is still no inclination to reform, but everyone remembered the 'break apart' aspect. Looking at this game of making and breaking all these socialist parties, I wonder if all these comrades are truly capable of building a socialist society on our own strength in a country with a population of 145 crores. Since when has the arrival of new comrades stopped among us? What is the proportion of people of our own age group, and why are new comrades not being included? All of you should deliberate deeply on this on the occasion of this 92-year milestone in Patna.
Now, on the occasion of this 92-year milestone, our own people are writing different posts claiming that a particular individual is great and would be suitable for taking the party forward. What about those who existed within the previous 92 years? What did they do, why did they do it, and what were the reasons for breaking apart so many times? Without evaluating this, where are you going to reach? Will you just circle back to the same spot and keep playing the game of 'reform or break apart'?
It is my personal belief that people with a specific nature or temperament naturally join such organizations or events; there, the 'ism' becomes secondary. How many people actually read and understand the philosophy before joining that party or organization? I feel this way after observing the people of all communist and socialist parties. Consider one very big communist leader living in Mumbai, whose name was among the founders of the Communist Party. He supported the Emergency and used to say that Jayaprakash Narayan's movement was running at the behest of the CIA. I got an opportunity to meet him at leisure. He had become so blindly devoted to Indira Ji that the majority of people in his own party expelled him from the Communist Party in the name of an 'historic blunder', which ended his political career and led to his death in anonymity. He told me that due to the complexity of *Das Kapital*, he had not read beyond its first 50 pages—and he was one of the founders of the Communist Party. Similarly, how many people in the Socialist Party accept the membership of the Socialist Party or the Socialist Party of India after reading the socialist philosophy?
After the formation of the Aam Aadmi Party, some people who joined it asked me, "What literature should we read for Swadeshi, self-reliance, and Satyagraha?" I have seen Kanu Sanyal's biography titled *First Naxal* published by Sage Publications. Looking at their journey in the Naxal movement, it seems these people also resemble the socialists when it comes to breaking apart. The cycle of breaking apart continued until Kanu Babu committed suicide on 23 March 2010. Looking at their differences of opinion, one wonders what has happened to the intellect of such dedicated individuals. This is precisely why the country is falling into the hands of completely mindless people, while our intellectual friends are busy splitting hairs.
Socialists have made a massive contribution to Indian politics, right from the Indian freedom struggle to movements like *Zabaran Jot* (forced tilling), the philosophy of the forward-backward classes, and the creation of an egalitarian society. Today, socialists like George Fernandes, Ram Vilas Paswan, and Nitish Kumar have been helping people who institutionalize 'Manusmriti' and 'Ekchalakanuvart' (dictatorship), and most dangerous thing is a Indian edition of FASCIST Organization is RSS, dragging the remaining dignity of socialist ideology through the mud.
However, in the final phase of the Emergency when preparations for the formation of the Janata Party were underway, the argument being offered was that a human being changes. Based on this belief, it was argued that the Jana Sangh had also changed significantly after joining Jayaprakash Narayan's Bihar movement, and therefore, the Jana Sangh and the Socialist Party should merge into one party. I was opposing this kind of blind faith even at that time. Surprisingly, George Fernandes was also against forming a single party with the Jana Sangh. At that time, he occupied the post of national president of the Socialist Party and was imprisoned in Tihar Jail under the Baroda Dynamite case. I, too, having been arrested from Amravati Jail under the same dynamite charge, told S. M. Joshi Ji clearly, "Because Shrimati Indira Gandhi Ji did not put you in jail during the Emergency, you do not know that not an iota of change has occurred in the Jana Sangh or their mother organization, the RSS." They had formulated a strategy along the lines of Barrister Vinayak Damodar Savarkar's wartime tactics, under which they were practicing hypocrisy by wearing the mask of being Gandhian Socialists. Today, you can see for yourself what kind of socialist agenda the BJP is implementing. Narendra Modi is selling off almost the entire country. Has Nitish Babu genuinely fallen prey to an illusion, or is this also his strategy to bring the BJP into the political arena of Bihar and defeat it? Because some socialists are still with him, I feel this way. It makes one doubt whether these people were ever socialists at all. Despite this, some of our comrades see a lot of hope in them. Is this a characteristic of people who know and understand the philosophy of socialism?
Perhaps people filled with personal arrogance have been drawn to this party like a magnet right from the beginning in 1934. Since 1934, this party has been flooded with people suffering from the disease of ego, and it remains so even now. This is why the socialist party is fine for dreaming, but to bring it down to the ground, socialists never did what was necessary, which is why it could never become possible to this day. If you deliberate upon this in the Patna conference, perhaps something positive might come out of it. Otherwise, it remains merely an event where some old school or college classmates meet under the name of an alumni association. In such events, old classmates meet for a day or two, talk to each other, and busy themselves back in their daily routines while promising to meet next time if they remain alive.
With the hope that the Patna meeting will attempt to make some meaningful initiatives keeping in view the current situation of the country and the world, I extend revolutionary greetings to all comrades.
Dr. Suresh Khairnar, 16 May 2026, Nagpur.
Sandeep Pandey
May 17, 2026, 9:49:15 PMMay 17
to Socialist Party
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From: Praveen Kumar Srivastava <pks1...@yahoo.com>
To: Sandeep Pandey <ashaa...@yahoo.com>
Sent: Sunday, May 17, 2026 at 05:24:25 PM GMT+5:30
Subject:
1947 में देश का विभाजन हुआ। खान अब्दुल गफ्फार खान इसके सख्त खिलाफ थे। विभाजन के बाद वे पाकिस्तान के हिस्से में रह गए। लेकिन दुख की बात देखिए, जिस इंसान ने पूरी जवानी अंग्रेजों की जेलों में काट दी, आजादी के बाद पाकिस्तान की सरकार ने उन्हें 'भारत का एजेंट' और 'गद्दार' घोषित कर दिया!
उन्हें अपनी ही जमीन पर करीब 30 साल तक जेल और नजरबंदी में गुजारने पड़े। वे इस कदर टूट चुके थे कि उन्होंने एक वसीयत लिखी
"जब मैं मरूं, तो मुझे पाकिस्तान की इस तानाशाही हुकूमत की सरजमीं पर दफन न किया जाए। मुझे अफगानिस्तान के जलालाबाद में सुपुर्द-ए-खाक करना।"
1988 का वो ऐतिहासिक दिन जब मौत ने युद्ध को झुका दिया!
साल 1988 में इस महान आत्मा ने हमेशा के लिए अपनी आंखें मूंद लीं। उनकी आखिरी इच्छा के मुताबिक, उनके पार्थिव शरीर को पाकिस्तान से अफगानिस्तान के जलालाबाद ले जाना था।
लेकिन उस समय एक बहुत बड़ा संकट था। अफगानिस्तान में उस वक्त भयानक और खूनी गृहयुद्ध (Civil War) चल रहा था। चारों तरफ बमबारी हो रही थी, टैंक चल रहे थे और दो विरोधी सेनाएं एक-दूसरे के खून की प्यासी थीं। ऐसे माहौल में वहां से जनाजा ले जाना साक्षात मौत के मुंह में जाने जैसा था।
लेकिन फिर इतिहास ने वो चमत्कार देखा जो न कभी पहले हुआ था और न शायद कभी बाद में होगा!
जैसे ही दोनों विरोधी सेनाओं को पता चला कि 'सीमांत गांधी' बादशाह खान का जनाजा सरहद पार कर रहा है, वैसे ही दोनों तरफ के कमांडरों ने एक ऐतिहासिक फैसला लिया। उन्होंने एलान किया:
"जब तक इस महान इंसान का जनाजा गुजर नहीं जाता और इन्हें सुपुर्द-ए-खाक नहीं कर दिया जाता, तब तक कोई भी सैनिक गोली नहीं चलाएगा।"
इतिहास में इसे 'एक दिन का ऐतिहासिक युद्धविराम' (24-Hour Ceasefire) कहा जाता है। जो काम दुनिया की बड़ी से बड़ी अदालतें या बातचीत नहीं करवा सकीं, वो बादशाह खान के प्रति सम्मान ने कर दिखाया। गोलियों की आवाज थम गई, तोपों के मुंह बंद हो गए और दोनों तरफ के लड़ाके, जो एक-दूसरे को मार रहे थे, सिर झुकाकर उस जनाजे के साथ रोते हुए चल पड़े।
खान अब्दुल गफ्फार खान का जीवन हमें सिखाता है कि जब हम अपने सिद्धांतों, अपनी सादगी और अहिंसा पर अडिग रहते हैं, तो हमारी ताकत बंदूकों से भी बड़ी हो जाती है। नफरत कितनी भी बड़ी क्यों न हो, वो एक सच्चे इंसान के जनाजे के सामने भी घुटने टेक देती है।
Madan Lal Hind
May 18, 2026, 3:54:31 AMMay 18
to Sandeep Pandey, Socialist Party
बहुत अच्छा साथी संदीप जी।
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Socialist Party (India)
Website: spi.org.in.
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USA Indian Vlogger
May 18, 2026, 10:03:42 AMMay 18
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May 19, 2026, 10:30:59 AMMay 19
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Suresh Khairnar
May 25, 2026, 3:00:41 AM (9 days ago) May 25
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Brijesh yadav Bagi
May 26, 2026, 2:38:28 PM (7 days ago) May 26
to socialist-...@googlegroups.com
साथियों,
आज देश में पेट्रोल-डीजल की कीमतों को लेकर जो बहस चल रही है, उसमें जनता के सामने आधी-अधूरी सच्चाई रखी जा रही है। बार-बार यह कहा जाता है कि अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में कच्चे तेल की कीमतें बढ़ गई हैं इसलिए भारत में पेट्रोल-डीजल महंगा हो गया। लेकिन मैं देशवासियों से पूछना चाहता हूँ कि आखिर पूरी सच्चाई क्या है?
सच्चाई यह है कि वर्ष 2012 में अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में कच्चे तेल की कीमत लगभग 111 डॉलर प्रति बैरल थी। उस समय भारत में पेट्रोल और डीजल लगभग 65 से 70 रुपये के आसपास मिल जाता था। उस समय भी भारत तेल आयात करता था, उस समय भी दुनिया में आर्थिक चुनौतियाँ थीं, लेकिन आम आदमी की जेब पर आज जैसा बोझ नहीं था।
लेकिन आज वर्ष 2026 में स्थिति देखिए। आज अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में कच्चा तेल लगभग 106 डॉलर प्रति बैरल के आसपास मिल रहा है, यानी 2012 के मुकाबले कम कीमत पर तेल उपलब्ध है। इसके बावजूद देश में पेट्रोल और डीजल 100 से 110 रुपये प्रति लीटर क्यों बिक रहा है? यह देश के हर नागरिक का गंभीर सवाल है।
असल मुद्दा यह है कि देश की अर्थव्यवस्था को इतना कमजोर कर दिया गया कि डॉलर लगातार मजबूत होता चला गया और रुपया कमजोर होता चला गया। जब डॉलर मजबूत होगा और रुपया कमजोर होगा, तो विदेशों से खरीदी जाने वाली हर चीज महंगी होगी। तेल भी महंगा पड़ेगा, ट्रांसपोर्ट महंगा होगा और उसका सीधा असर महंगाई पर पड़ेगा। लेकिन जनता को यह सच्चाई साफ-साफ नहीं बताई जाती कि आखिर रुपया इतना कमजोर क्यों हुआ?
आज केवल यह कहना कि “अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाजार में तेल महंगा है” पूरी सच्चाई नहीं है। क्योंकि अगर यही कारण होता, तो 2012 में जब तेल 111 डॉलर प्रति बैरल था तब पेट्रोल-डीजल 65-70 रुपये कैसे मिल रहा था? और आज जब तेल 106 डॉलर प्रति बैरल है, तब पेट्रोल-डीजल 100-110 रुपये क्यों बिक रहा है?
इसका सबसे बड़ा कारण रुपये की कमजोरी और आर्थिक नीतियों की विफलता है। अगर देश की अर्थव्यवस्था मजबूत होती, रुपया मजबूत होता, तो आम जनता को इतनी महंगाई का सामना नहीं करना पड़ता।
मैं कहता हूँ कि अगर नरेंद्र मोदी जी और उनकी पूरी टीम में हिम्मत है, तो डॉलर के मुकाबले रुपये को फिर मजबूत करके दिखाइए। रुपये को फिर उस स्तर पर लाइए जहाँ एक डॉलर के मुकाबले रुपया मजबूत खड़ा हो सके। जिस दिन रुपया मजबूत होगा, उसी दिन महंगाई तेजी से नियंत्रण में आने लगेगी। पेट्रोल-डीजल सस्ता होने लगेगा।
खेती की लागत कम होगी, ट्रांसपोर्ट सस्ता होगा और आम आदमी को राहत मिलेगी।
लेकिन दुख की बात यह है कि देश की अर्थव्यवस्था को मजबूत करने के बजाय केवल प्रचार और बयानबाजी ज्यादा दिखाई देती है। बार-बार यह आलाप रागा जाता है कि पूरी दुनिया में तेल महंगा है, जबकि सच्चाई यह है कि 2012 के मुकाबले आज तेल की कीमत कम है, लेकिन रुपये की कमजोरी ने जनता पर महंगाई का बोझ बढ़ा दिया है। इस सच्चाई को छिपाया नहीं जाना चाहिए।
वृजेश यादव बागी
नागरिक अधिकार मंच
Suresh Khairnar
May 27, 2026, 3:51:56 AM (7 days ago) May 27
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USA Indian Vlogger
May 27, 2026, 10:25:48 AM (6 days ago) May 27
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Vidya Naik
May 29, 2026, 1:15:54 PM (4 days ago) May 29
to Socialist Party India, Sandeep Pandey, Socialist Party
29 May 2026 Mumbai-LokSabha 2029
मुंबई - लोकसभा 2029
*विषय : लोकसभा 2029 साठी मुंबई एकत्र येऊया आणि आपल्या देशातील लोकशाही टिकून राहण्यासाठी सक्षम सत्ताधारी तसेच मजबूत विरोधी पक्ष निवडूया.*
आदरणीय महोदय / महोदया,
मी, अॅड. विद्या नाईक, राष्ट्रीय सचिव, सोशलिस्ट पार्टी (इंडिया), मुंबईतील सर्व लहान राजकीय पक्ष, स्वच्छ प्रशासन, धोरण निर्मिती, भ्रष्टाचारविरोध, न्याय यासाठी कार्य करणाऱ्या स्वयंसेवी संस्था तसेच अनियंत्रित विकासाच्या दुष्परिणामांचे बळी ठरलेल्या सर्व नागरिकांना उत्तम लोकशाही भविष्यासाठी एकत्र येण्याचे आवाहन करते.
भारताची आर्थिक राजधानी असलेल्या मुंबईने एकजूट आणि लोकसहभागाच्या माध्यमातून देशाला सामाजिक व राजकीय दिशा द्यावी.
आपली स्वतंत्र ओळख कायम ठेवून,
मुंबईतील लोकसभेच्या सहा मतदारसंघांसाठी आपण सर्वांनी एकत्र काम करूया :
1)मुंबई दक्षिण
2)मुंबई दक्षिण मध्य
3)मुंबई उत्तर मध्य
4)मुंबई उत्तर पूर्व
5)मुंबई उत्तर पश्चिम
6)मुंबई उत्तर
आपल्या फोन कॉल, सहकार्य आणि सहभागाच्या प्रतीक्षेत.
अॅड. विद्या नाईक
एल.एल.बी., एल.एल.एम. (मानवी हक्क)
राष्ट्रीय सचिव
सोशलिस्ट पार्टी (इंडिया)
मुंबई, महाराष्ट्र
vidyanaikmumbai@gmail.
******************************
*Subject: Let Mumbai Come Together for Lok Sabha 2029 and Strengthen Democracy & to Elect a better ruling as well as a strong opposition party so that the democracy of our country prevails..*
Respected Madam/Sir,
I, Adv. Vidya Naik, National Secretary of Socialist Party (India), appeal to all small political parties, NGOs working for clean governance, policy making, anti-corruption, justice, and all victims of the side effects of unchecked development in Mumbai to come together for a better democratic future.
Let Mumbai, the financial capital of India, give political and social direction to the country through unity and public participation.
Without leaving our individual identities, let us work together for the six
Lok Sabha seats of Mumbai:
1)Mumbai South
2)Mumbai South Central
3)Mumbai North Central
4)Mumbai North East
5)Mumbai North West
6)Mumbai North
Waiting for your phone call, support, and participation.
Adv. Vidya Naik
LL.B, LL.M (Human Rights)
National Secretary
Socialist Party (India)
Mumbai, Maharashtra
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