Fwd: Eng

[Suresh Khairnar]

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Lesley Foster <rjles...@gmail.com>
Date: Mon, 15 Dec, 2025, 23:27
Subject: Eng
To: Suresh Khairnar <sureshkh...@gmail.com>

Humble Tribute on the 25th Death Anniversary of Gour Kishore Ghosh

Today, December 15, 2025, the eminent Bengali language litterateur and journalist Gour Kishore Ghosh left this world forever on this very day. But he will always be remembered because whenever the world passes through times of crisis, fighters like Gourda who battle in their own way for freedom of expression will be recalled.

He was born in a rural village named Hat Gopalpur in the Jessore district of undivided Bengal. But due to the Partition, his family had to leave their ancestral home and come to India. After that, he passed Intermediate Science from a school in Navadwip, but due to financial difficulties, he could not complete further studies. Then, to earn a living, from 1941 to 1953, over twelve years, he did various kinds of jobs—from hotel boy to electrician, fitter, salesman, manager of a drama company, teacher, labor movement activist, border customs clerk—and after so many journeys, he started his journalism career in a Bengali newspaper called Satyajug. Impressed by his style, he got the opportunity to join the Anandabazar Patrika group, India's largest vernacular newspaper group. There, he progressed from editor of the magazine Desh to editor of Anandabazar Patrika.

From Gourda's example, one can understand: Is there any connection between higher education and knowledge? I have met personalities like Nikhil Chakravarti, Kuldeep Nayyar, Prafulla Bidwai, Nikhil Wagle, and had the chance to observe and understand them closely. That's why I am giving their examples.

And seeing his skill in investigative journalism, he was awarded Asia's Nobel Prize, the Ramon Magsaysay Award, in 1981. Before that, in 1970, he was honored with the 'Anand Puraskar', the highest award in Bengali language given by the Anandabazar Patrika group. Besides that, a journalism award from South Korea in 1976, and in 1981, the FIE Foundation Award from Ichalkaranji, Maharashtra. When he went from Calcutta to Mumbai for that award, he stayed as a guest of Maharashtra's litterateur Pu La Deshpande. And Pu La took him from Mumbai to Ichalkaranji and back to Mumbai to board the flight to Calcutta—the very interesting account of which Gourda told me. I will write about it separately sometime.

We mostly see examples where circumstances destroy a person. But those who have tremendous willpower become like Gourda. His political ideology was once Radical Humanist under the influence of M.N. Roy. I have seen other Radical Humanists too—who appeared only Radical minus Human. But Gourda was truly Radical Humanist. Because of this, I got the opportunity to meet Barrister V.M. Tarkunde at his home. Why didn't such a good ideology progress further? This question often came up in discussions among Shiv Narayan Ray, Amlan Datt, and Gourda. With those very people, that ideology came to a halt. Perhaps with the growing influence of the Indian edition of the fascism that M.N. Roy first condemned—the organization RSS—Radical Humanism also vanished. I have seen the horror of the Bhagalpur riots and tried to say and write this, which Gourda appreciated. And between us, there was a father-son age difference. My father's centenary and Gourda's were in the same year (2023). Despite that, when introducing me, he would say to eminent Bengali litterateurs like Sunil Ganguly, Subhash Mukhopadhyay, and Mahasweta Devi: "Meet my friend, philosopher, and guide." This used to embarrass me a lot. But he often said, "Compared to your age, you are far ahead." Because sometimes he would read his editorials to me before publishing them, and I would critique them in my own way. Once, when comparing Atal Bihari Vajpayee with Nehru, I criticized very harshly. And much before Govindacharya, I said Atal Bihari is a mask—who, despite being an RSS swayamsevak, pretends to show a liberal image but works according to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Otherwise, after the Babri Masjid demolition on December 6, 1992, he should have distanced himself from the BJP. So Gourda did not publish that article. I have not seen a more democratic person. He was very liberal even with his children. And the most important thing: in his circle of friends, I saw women from ordinary housewives living simple lives to erudite women like Gauri Ayyub and Mahasweta Devi. And I myself saw him trying to solve their ordinary to extraordinary questions.

I did not see Sane Guruji, who cultured a generation in Maharashtra during the freedom movement. But in Gourda, I saw Sane Guruji. In our friendship, I don't know what I gave him. But Gourda enriched my life greatly. During our stay in Calcutta, Gourda had a special contribution in letting me enjoy literature, art, and music.

Fifty years ago, on June 25, 1975, after seeing the news of the Emergency imposed in the country on the teleprinter of Anandabazar Patrika, Gourda quietly got up, went to a roadside barber, had his entire head shaved, and started walking on the road. Acquaintances asked, "Ki holo?" (What happened?). Gourda replied, "Janatantra mara gelo" (Democracy has died) and kept walking. This must have been the first unique satyagraha after the Emergency in India. Then Kolkata police took him to the then Chief Minister Siddhartha Shankar Ray at Writers' Building. Siddharthababu said, "Gourda, apni bari te cholen jan" (Gourda, go home). But Gourda said, "Siddhartha, you perform your duty. I am performing mine." Then Siddhartha Ray told the police to take him home, collect his personal belongings, and take him to jail.

There were many satyagrahas during the Emergency. But this was the only one of its kind. And he wrote beautiful letters from jail to his 13-year-old son Bhaskar: "Why did I do all this?" Those letters were translated into all Indian languages and distributed as bulletins. I also tried to distribute them in Marathi. 'A Father's Letter to His Son' became an important document of the Emergency. For the past 11 years, an undeclared Emergency is ongoing. And in this time, the memory of a fearless journalist like Gourda comes strongly.

Seeing the violence of Naxal agitators from 1967-71, Gourda, under the pen name 'Rupdarshi', continuously wrote in the Bengali magazine Desh under the title "Aamake Bolte Dao" (Let me speak) about the violence by Naxalites. Due to this, he was sentenced to death in the so-called people's court of the Naxalites. There was uproar in Bengal. Chief Minister Siddhartha Shankar Ray deployed police for security. But Gourda asked to remove it. Then the owner of Anandabazar group, Ashok Kumar Sarkar, said, "We will arrange private security." Gourda refused that too. I have not seen a more fearless person.

During the Emergency itself, in 1976, Mao Tse-tung died. There were Naxalites in Alipur jail too. They organized a condolence meeting for Mao in jail. Gourda went there barefoot. Someone asked, "Where are the slippers?" Gourda said, "Do we wear slippers when a family member dies?" (In Bengal, this is the tradition during 11 days of mourning.) Would you call such a person anything other than ajātashatru (one with no enemies)?

He was 100% Radical Humanist and lived up to M.N. Roy's legacy. The Comintern had officially sent M.N. Roy as representative to China for the Chinese revolution. Before that, he founded the Communist Party in Mexico, the first in the world after Russia, and was elected its secretary.

The film 'Sagina Mahato' in Bengali and Hindi was made by Tapan Sinha based on Gourda's novel of the same title. How exploitation happens with tea garden workers? But how the party intervenes to bake its political bread? The original novel's plot is on this subject. It exposes the flaws even in the so-called progressive leadership of workers. This story is based on a true incident. I myself know that labor leader. Gourda introduced me to a leader related to that labor movement.

My opinion about Gourda is that he was the 'Bhishma Pitamah' of Indian journalism. What is investigative journalism? It is reflected in his writing style. How to write about any kind of injustice? It is included in his articles. The current state of freedom of expression is passing through a phase even more serious than the Emergency. What Gourda wrote during the Emergency and Naxalite movements is a great example for today's journalists.

He was a member of the Express Award Committee for some time. During that, he got an Assamese journalist—who wrote about Assam issues before the Assamese movement (Assamese identity) and how the machines in Bhopal's Union Carbide factory were second-grade, which Mahesh Keswani was publishing in his small paper—honored with the Express Award. That too before the Bhopal gas tragedy, on Gourda's insistence.

After the Babri Masjid demolition on December 6, 1992, riots broke out in other parts of the country. There were riots in Calcutta too. Among those working as reporters, there was Gourda—at 70 years old, taking a sketch artist along, roaming riot-affected areas, and the next day, reports with sketches on the front page of Anandabazar Patrika. That is a lesson in journalism for investigative reporters to learn a lot. But today, for more than the past eleven years, in the era where the current government has completely controlled journalism without declaring Emergency or censorship, the memory of Gour Kishore Ghosh is especially recalled.

Along with journalism, he wrote stories, poetry, and novels. His last novel is after the Bhagalpur riots, which is being read in both Bengals. Anyway, from the early days of journalism, he is a journalist read in both Bengals—perhaps more in Bangladesh.

Though himself a victim of Partition, the humanistic level at which he wrote is truly astonishing. Because I have had the opportunity to see from Palestine to Syria, Iraq, Iran, Egypt, Turkistan, Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, old Yugoslavia which has now broken into many pieces. And in our country India, what has been the only agenda of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh family for 100 years? Revengeful reactions are seen everywhere—from Pakistan, both sides of Bengal, to Lebanon, Afghanistan, and every corner of the world. Gourda himself was counted among refugees. But I never saw any bitterness or reaction in his mind. On the contrary, I heard him speak quite positively about Suhrawardy. That is, a living example of real Radical Humanism.

In 1988, before the second phase of Baba Amte's Bharat Jodo Yatra starting from Kohima to Okha, Baba was to stop briefly at Calcutta airport on the way to Kohima. Yadunath Thatteji, editor of Marathi weekly Sadhana, informed me via postcard: "Give company to Baba at Kolkata airport."

So I reached the VIP lounge at the airport and saw a gentleman already sitting, wearing typical Bengali dhoti-kurta and jacket. When I arrived, Baba said to him, "Meet my young friend Dr. Suresh Khairnar." And then told his name. I said, "I know you since the Emergency. I translated your letter to your son into Marathi and we cyclostyled and distributed it."

After putting Baba on the flight, I was about to leave for the return bus when he asked, "Where do you live?" I said my wife is a teacher in Kendriya Vidyalaya at Fort William and we have quarters on the campus. Gourda said, "Come to my house first. Later, when I go to Anandabazar Patrika, I will drop you home." His house in Ultadanga came before mine from the airport on the opposite side. So I went with him. After reaching home, he called all family members and introduced me to everyone.

He showed me his office at Anandabazar Patrika and dropped me at our home in Fort William. But before leaving, he said, "During Bharat Jodo Yatra, come with me to Shantiniketan, and from there to Calcutta we will join the yatra." And "I have seen the distance from Fort William to Anandabazar is walkable. You can come to the adda anytime after 3 pm." This is how our friendship began, which continued till his last days. Now it has been 25 years since he left.

He introduced me to Bengal's literature, music, drama, cinema, journalists, up to Mamata Banerjee. Because of this, I enjoyed Bengal's cultural life more than even Marathi's. He himself introduced me to the cream of Bengal: Ali Akbar Khan, Vilayat Khan, Ravi Shankar, Mahasweta Devi, Subhash Mukhopadhyay, Sunil Ganguly, Aparna Sen, Chidananda Dasgupta, Divyendu Palit, Shakti Chattopadhyay, Badal Sarkar, Sabali Mitra, Mrinal Sen, Shambhu Mitra, Ananda Shankar Ray, Abu Bashar, Avik Sarkar, Satyajit Ray, Soumitra Chatterjee, Amlan Datt, Shiv Narayan Ray, Ashis Nandy, Piyush Kanti Sarkar.

And the biggest thing: In October 1989, the Bhagalpur riot started during the Ramshila procession. He went first to see the post-riot situation and kept urging me to come. But I was busy with family work then, so when children's holidays started in the first week of May, I could leave for Bhagalpur—by then six months had passed since the riots.

I have had opportunities to meet writers, poets, journalists, artists many times in my 72 years of life. But I have not seen anyone so human before. It seems Gour Kishore Ghosh was born only to love. Today is his 25th death anniversary. The true tribute to him can only be raising our voice against the undeclared Emergency and undeclared censorship ongoing in our country for the past 11 years. Humble salute to Gourda's memory.

Dr. Suresh Khairnar, December 15, 2025, Nagpur.

[Madan Lal Hind]

Thank you Suresh Khairnar Sahab.

--
Socialist Party (India)
 
Website: spi.org.in.
Facebook: facebook.com/socialistpartyindia
Twitter: twitter.com/spiinfo
Email: socialist...@gmail.com
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "Socialist Party (India)" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to socialist-party-...@googlegroups.com.
To view this discussion, visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/socialist-party-india/CAOGuZYZognWgEJHenBjY9MHFg1rg8E6ebOB1yye%3DN_%3DFPdgxEg%40mail.gmail.com.

[Suresh Khairnar]

---------- Forwarded message ---------
From: Lesley Foster <rjles...@gmail.com>
Date: Wed, 17 Dec, 2025, 00:38
Subject: Eng
To: Suresh Khairnar <sureshkh...@gmail.com>

Who Killed Judge Loya?

Perhaps among the books I read in 2024, this one would rank as the most shocking. That's why, when I was specially invited as the chief speaker at the state-level program of NAPM (National Alliance of People's Movements) in West Bengal, I tried for the first time to speak about this book and how India has fallen into the hands of such people today. Liberating it should be our primary goal.

What can people do in the intoxication of power? This is what one feels after reading this book. And how helpless our country's 75-year-old constitutional institutions are forced to support these butchers? In an era when India's record in investigative journalism has fallen to very low levels, people like Niranjan Takle give a ray of hope.

In a country of 140 crore people, there is someone whose conscience is still alive. Without caring for his career, he has already exposed how so-called "brave" Savarkar was actually cowardly. What lengths can the current rulers go to for power? Niranjan Takle has sketched this out, risking his own and his family's safety while gathering facts for this book. For this effort, he deserves the world's highest journalism award.

Looking at his work, I am reposting this on the occasion of the 25th death anniversary of Gaur Kishor Ghosh, a Kolkata-based journalist from the Anand Bazaar Patrika in the 1970s. He fearlessly wrote against the then-government and the so-called Naxalites in his column "Aamake Bolte Dao" (Let Me Speak Too), published in Anand Bazaar and Desh magazines. An edited collection was published in English as "Let Me Speak." The foreword was written by Barrister V.M. Tarkunde. The most surprising part: because of this writing, the so-called Naxalites' people's court sentenced him to death. But ignoring this sentence, Gaur Kishor Ghosh neither took government security nor accepted security offered by the Anand Bazaar group.

This is the same Gaur Kishor Ghosh who, on June 25, 1975, upon seeing Indira Gandhi's Emergency declaration on the office teleprinter, sat on the footpath below his office and got his head shaved by a barber, proclaiming "Janatantra Mara Gelo" (Democracy is Dead) in an innovative satyagraha on Kolkata's streets. Rejecting then-Chief Minister Siddhartha Shankar Ray's plea to go home, he was imprisoned in Alipur Jail for 19 months during the Emergency.

In July 1976, when China's Chairman Mao Zedong died, Maoist prisoners in Alipur Jail organized a tribute program. Hearing about it, Gaur Kishor Ghosh walked barefoot to join. Seeing this, the Maoists asked, "Why have you come barefoot?" Gaorda replied, "In our culture, when an elder family member dies, we walk without slippers and cap in respect."

Niranjan has upheld the honor of Marathi-speaking people. Otherwise, from the founding of the RSS to Hindu Mahasabha, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Shiv Sena, Nathuram Godse, and his mentor Savarkar—all were Maharashtrian. You are trying to atone on behalf of all of us. That's why I am starting to take this book to every corner of India in the coming time, specially to congratulate you.

Perhaps in eighth grade, when I was studying, at the insistence of my geography teacher B.B. Patil, I started attending RSS shakhas for a few days. There, stories of how cruel Muslim kings were—killing fathers, brothers, sisters, or anyone in the path of power—and spiced-up tales of atrocities on Hindus during Partition created a very negative image of the Muslim community. Before returning home from shakha, I would deliberately go to Muslim neighborhoods and abuse them. But the Muslims in our village, dependent on land-owning people like us (similar to Dalits and Adivasis), could only stare back helplessly. I considered this my bravery.

This is the situation across the country to a greater or lesser extent. Hindus are over 80%, and though upper castes are less than 10%, they still control society per Manusmriti. That's why Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar called on Dalits to "leave villages and head to cities." Dalits, Adivasis, minorities—all depend on upper-caste benevolence. The RSS exploits this by spreading hate stories in shakhas through so-called "intellectual" sessions and games, all anti-Muslim. From such shakhas, a 17-year-old Narendra or Amit absorbs this poison and walks life's path with it. What can one expect from them? This is the Indian edition of Germany's SS from 100 years ago—the RSS.

The political wing of the same RSS, calling itself a "party with a difference"—the Bharatiya Janata Party—seeing its grotesque face, it seems "perhaps in the game of power, everyone in the hammam is naked alike." From the Ram Janmabhoomi movement to Gujarat riots, establishing oneself as the sole Hindu Hriday Samrat—the 2002 riots made the post-2000 decade a black chapter for Gujarat. Then Haren Pandya's murder in 2003, and 22 killings from 2003-2006, which the Supreme Court called "extra-judicial killings."

These 22 included Sohrabuddin, his wife Kauserbi, and associate Tulsiram Prajapati. Due to a letter from Sohrabuddin's brother Burhanuddin to a Supreme Court judge, the SC ordered an internal probe by Gujarat Police. Gujarat government appointed Geeta Johri, who in 2006 reported "Amit Shah's involvement." In 2007, several officers were jailed.

Finally, in 2010, SC handed the case to CBI. Before that, in July 2010, Amit Shah was jailed (though bailed in three months). The case was first assigned to Justice J.K. Utpat, but transferred in June 2014, violating SC's 2012 order for one judge throughout.

Then Justice Brijgopal Loya was assigned. On December 1, 2014 morning, he was found dead in Nagpur's VVIP Ravi Bhawan guest house. His replacement, Justice M.B. Gosavi, took over on December 15 and decided in two days—without considering 100+ witnesses, 10,000+ page chargesheet, hundreds of call records. On December 30, 2014, Amit Shah was discharged, calling it a political conspiracy.

On April 19, 2018, our highest court dismissed demands for probe into Loya's mysterious death, stamping the accused innocent without needing investigation. The case was handled with massive conspiracy; all accused freed, some reinstated in law enforcement roles.

What kind of state system are we living in? Who controls our Constitution and institutions, including Parliament? In 2023 winter session, 140+ opposition MPs suspended; bills on farmers, citizenship, labor rights changed for industrialists—20+ bills passed without discussion. In that chaos, slyly removed Chief Justice from Election Commission selection committee, replaced with Home Minister—ensuring ruling majority. No legal action against commissioners lifetime. Purpose? Today's controversial EC, elections in Maharashtra, Haryana, recent Bihar—most disputed post-independence.

Similarly, handing public sector to favored private masters, eroding human rights in name of security. Suppressing freedom of expression, using old cases against hate speech or critics. Amending Constitution via IPC to silence government criticism.

On June 25, 1975, Indira Gandhi formally declared Emergency. But for 11+ years, we live in undeclared Emergency. L.K. Advani told Shekhar Gupta in 2015 (on 40th anniversary) we were in undeclared Emergency for a year then. Now over 11 years—Indira's was 19 months.

In 1977, democratic parties and civil society united against it.

Today in India, few journalists uphold true journalism. One is Niranjan Takle, who first in Caravan magazine, then in May 2022 via Dhamm Ganga Publications, Aurangabad, published Who Killed Judge Loya?—315 pages. Second edition in June; translated to Marathi and others.

This is one book on CBI Special Court Judge Brijgopal Harkishan Loya's death on November 30 night/December 1, 2014 in Nagpur. On November 30, Loya came with judge friends from Mumbai for a wedding. "Except on 29 November 2014, Loya was told to join two colleagues on a sudden trip to Nagpur... Judges Kulkarni and Modak insisted... Turns out, Judge Sapna Joshi's daughter was getting married." Stayed at government Ravi Bhawan. Age 47. Shockingly, on November 30, he spoke to wife till 11:45 PM. After midnight, taken ill, to ordinary Dande Hospital in Ravinar, by auto-rickshaw—from Ravi Bhawan (no auto stands nearby 2-3 km).

Most important: Ravi Bhawan for VIPs, always vehicles available—why auto for CBI Special Judge (High Court equivalent)? Why remove Z+ security a week before Nagpur trip? Kulkarni and Modak insistently took him from court direct to Mumbai-Nagpur Duronto train—sudden, no prior invite (else he'd tell wife). Sudden, so phoned home from Haji Ali for bag to station.

Same Kulkarni-Modak took him to Dande (ordinary) despite government/private medical colleges, Wockhardt, heart hospitals nearby. Suspicious.

His sister, Dr. Anuradha Biyani (Dhulia civil hospital), seeing body, demanded re-postmortem: "injury under neck, back of head... clothes in polythene—shirt blood-soaked, jeans belt twisted opposite, broken buckle right side." Ignored; midnight cremation without media.

A non-smoking, non-drinking fitness freak (no family cardiac history) dies of cardiac arrest at 47. Bloodstains, broken buckles, head trauma signs. Midnight postmortem, panchnama not supplied. Replacement judge trials two days, reserves order longer. Like retiring captain mid-tour. Aspersions continue.

The book details these questions. After reading, I'm shocked: how dangerous people on India's highest posts, responsible for 140 crore's law/order.

In a country where a judge must lose life, what value for common people? This reveals our parliamentary democracy's state!

In prologue (page IX), author Niranjan Takle writes: "My story concerns one of BJP's pillars. As I write, Mr. Amit Shah is 57, India's Home Minister after 6 years as BJP President. Likely second most powerful as PM's right-hand.

On 20 November 2017, I posted Caravan article on trial where he was main accused: 'A Family Breaks Silence: Shocking details... Sohrabuddin trial.' Next day: 'Chief Justice Mumbai High Court Mohit Shah offered Rs 100 crore... for favorable judgment: Late Judge Loya's sister.'

These created storm, national/international attention (likely why you noticed this book). Millions read. Civil society, activists, media, parties, even Supreme Court noted—called 'extremely serious,' transferred PILs to itself. Unprecedented.

Articles never directly blamed, but on Amit Shah.

Shah jailed July 2010 for alleged involvement in Sohrabuddin/Kausarbi 2005, Tulsiram 2006 deaths. SC-appointed CBI Special Court; Shah prime accused.

First judge J.T. Utpat, transferred June 2014 violating 2012 SC order.

Replaced by Brijgopal Harkishan Loya.

Loya died mysteriously early December 1, 2014.

New judge M.B. Gosavi resumed December 15, concluded two days.

When 100+ witnesses, 10,000+ pages, hundreds call records conclude in 48 hours—even toddlers foresee verdict. Indeed, December 30, 2014, Shah discharged, citing political motivations.

Official: died 6:15am coronary insufficiency.

But my investigation uncovered sinister facts. Obstacles, truth reflect politicians breaking judiciary, institutions preserving status quo, apathy over action. Substantiated account of broken bodies governing us.

Above all, tragic tale of silenced esteemed judge, coerced family, people losing faith in humans/government. Their story as much as mine—if not more.

As investigative journalist, tried system change. Researched cautiously, laid facts in Caravan. Trusted people with truth. Four PILs later—nowhere.

Five months later—April 19, 2018—watched dismay as Supreme Court dismissed independent probe pleas. Clear: no conspirators declared innocent; court saw no need for probe.

Calling travesty presumes justice was option.

My increased cynicism with Supreme Court. System imperfect, but judicial hypocrisy symptom of larger cancer starting with Sohrabuddin trial.

Frivolity handling case, bribery/conspiracy/murder stench, perpetrators free (streets and power corridors) boundless.

Due to controversy, two PILs in Mumbai High Court. Supreme Court also two PILs; hearing details pages 286-303, Chapter 15 "The Judgement."

First, former Mumbai High Court judge wrote to then-Chief Justice for judicial probe; former SC Justice A.P. Shah publicly supported. Two PILs in Mumbai HC—one activist, one Mumbai Lawyers Association—demanding independent probe.

But our highest court slyly buried it forever, damaging India's remaining respect.

Now only through Gandhian community satyagraha and movements everywhere—after removing current government—will we know how Justice Loya died.

Dr. Suresh Khairnar, December 15, 2025, Nagpur.

Brief Factual Context on the Core Question: "Who Killed Judge Loya?"

Judge Brijgopal Harkishan Loya died on December 1, 2014, while presiding over the Sohrabuddin Sheikh fake encounter case (in which Amit Shah was an accused; Shah was discharged shortly after by Loya's successor).

Official cause: Natural—cardiac arrest/coronary artery insufficiency, supported by post-mortem, ECG, and statements from accompanying judges.

Controversies: Raised in 2017 by Niranjan Takle's Caravan articles (family allegations of pressure, bribe offers, inconsistencies in hospital transfer, body condition). Book expands on this.

Supreme Court ruling (2018): Dismissed petitions for independent probe; death natural, no reasonable suspicion of foul play. Relied on judicial statements and documents; criticized petitions as attempt to scandalize judiciary.

No conclusive evidence of murder found in official probes; allegations remain unproven, with family later stating no suspicions in some statements.

The book and post allege foul play linked to political pressure, but courts found otherwise.