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Hillary’s Hot Advice
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(David P.)
Jul 9, 2019, 2:58:15 AM7/9/19
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Hillary’s Hot Advice
They’re repeating her acknowledged biggest mistake with radical climate proposals.
By Kimberley Strassel, 7/4/19, Wall St. Journal
One person has lost an election to Donald Trump.Hillary Clinton wrote a book about that painful experience, “What Happened.” Note to all those Democratic presidential contenders working to avoid repeating Mrs. Clinton’s failure: Review her chapter called “Country Roads.”
Even liberal commentators are expressing some alarm over the mass hara-kiri the Democratic field committed on stage in last week’s debate, at least on the issues of health care and immigration. They are gently warning that 150 million Americans have private health insurance and won’t take kindly to its elimination. They note that it is possible for a significant majority of Americans to be simultaneously in favor of a path to legal citizenship and opposed to open borders.
Yet missing in all these words to the wise is any mention of last week’s other category of ideological extremism: climate change. Quite the opposite. The intellectual elite is griping that the candidates didn’t have more time to wow viewers with their radical plans for tackling this “existential” threat. This may prove the most self-defeating Democratic bet of 2020.
Ask the last loser. Many of Mrs. Clinton’s excuses for her loss are hard to credit, but her book devotes a chapter to the comment she most regrets. At a March 2016 town hall in Ohio, Mrs. Clinton bragged on stage that her administration was “going to put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business.” Republicans used this to great effect, and Mrs. Clinton acknowledges it did her huge damage among working-class voters.
Candidate Barack Obama said much the same in 2008, when he vowed to “bankrupt” the coal industry. He got away with it because climate-change policy was gridlocked in Washington, and few recognized his threat. By the time Mrs. Clinton came along, the industry and workers had suffered years of crushing climate regulations. Mr. Trump promised to liberate them, and he has followed through.
Which is what makes the issue even more perilous for Democrats this time. Swaths of the country now understand the economic pain of a climate regime, which they watched Mr. Obama implement through regulatory fiat. Every Democrat has vowed to make it a priority, and they have that Obama blueprint. They don’t need Congress. Mr. Trump will make clear that the election of a Democrat guarantees an immediate return to struggling rural economies.
The president will get even more traction explaining the inescapable realities of this field’s proposals—most of which make Obama-Clinton climate ambitions look meager. Mr. Obama was hostile to coal, pipelines and some offshore drilling. But at the same timely he shrewdly (if quietly) allowed the fracking revolution to thrive and help keep the laggard economy afloat. These Democrats have no such tolerance; their plans are extreme job slayers.
Elizabeth Warren, for instance, promises to impose a moratorium on all new offshore and onshore drilling leases her first day—taking a significant percentage of U.S. oil and gas production offline. Tens of thousands of jobs and billions in royalties for federal and state governments: gone. Bernie Sanders would ban all offshore drilling, and also ban nuclear energy. Other candidates hide behind calls for “net zero” emissions by certain dates, but the effect is the same. Hitting those targets would erase entire sectors—drilling, refining, liquid-natural-gas terminals, pipeline installation, manufacturing and all the industries that support those areas.
Democratic leaders initially assured us the Green New Deal was a (far-fetched) blueprint. But the real candidate plans make clear the awesome government control necessary to make a climate agenda work. Even Joe Biden vowed last week to take away all his union members’ gas- or diesel-powered pickup trucks, explaining he wanted 500,000 charging stations and a “full electric-vehicle future” by 2030. See how that plays in rural Michigan or Pennsylvania.
Democrats are aware this is toxic for the working-class voters they need to win back. That’s why most lead with patronizing promises to invest tens of billions to “retrain” entire communities. But ranchers, farmers, factory workers and wildcatters don’t want to be the guinea pigs of the left’s green experiment, nor do they trust politicians who come bearing vague promises to create “renewable” jobs for them one day.
Democrats seem blithely unaware of the political record of this full-on approach—locally and globally. State voters continue to reject ballot initiatives for carbon taxes. “Quiet Australians” recently rebuked climate alarmists by re-electing conservative Prime Minister Scott Morrison. France has spent months wrestling with the “yellow vests,” who protest fuel costs and taxes.
Voters care about immigration and health care. But the 2020 climate agenda is a direct assault on the things they prize most—jobs, prosperity, electricity and gasoline prices, individual choice. Democrats go there at their political peril.
https://www.wsj.com/articles/hillarys-hot-advice-11562264314
They’re repeating her acknowledged biggest mistake with radical climate proposals.
By Kimberley Strassel, 7/4/19, Wall St. Journal
One person has lost an election to Donald Trump.Hillary Clinton wrote a book about that painful experience, “What Happened.” Note to all those Democratic presidential contenders working to avoid repeating Mrs. Clinton’s failure: Review her chapter called “Country Roads.”
Even liberal commentators are expressing some alarm over the mass hara-kiri the Democratic field committed on stage in last week’s debate, at least on the issues of health care and immigration. They are gently warning that 150 million Americans have private health insurance and won’t take kindly to its elimination. They note that it is possible for a significant majority of Americans to be simultaneously in favor of a path to legal citizenship and opposed to open borders.
Yet missing in all these words to the wise is any mention of last week’s other category of ideological extremism: climate change. Quite the opposite. The intellectual elite is griping that the candidates didn’t have more time to wow viewers with their radical plans for tackling this “existential” threat. This may prove the most self-defeating Democratic bet of 2020.
Ask the last loser. Many of Mrs. Clinton’s excuses for her loss are hard to credit, but her book devotes a chapter to the comment she most regrets. At a March 2016 town hall in Ohio, Mrs. Clinton bragged on stage that her administration was “going to put a lot of coal miners and coal companies out of business.” Republicans used this to great effect, and Mrs. Clinton acknowledges it did her huge damage among working-class voters.
Candidate Barack Obama said much the same in 2008, when he vowed to “bankrupt” the coal industry. He got away with it because climate-change policy was gridlocked in Washington, and few recognized his threat. By the time Mrs. Clinton came along, the industry and workers had suffered years of crushing climate regulations. Mr. Trump promised to liberate them, and he has followed through.
Which is what makes the issue even more perilous for Democrats this time. Swaths of the country now understand the economic pain of a climate regime, which they watched Mr. Obama implement through regulatory fiat. Every Democrat has vowed to make it a priority, and they have that Obama blueprint. They don’t need Congress. Mr. Trump will make clear that the election of a Democrat guarantees an immediate return to struggling rural economies.
The president will get even more traction explaining the inescapable realities of this field’s proposals—most of which make Obama-Clinton climate ambitions look meager. Mr. Obama was hostile to coal, pipelines and some offshore drilling. But at the same timely he shrewdly (if quietly) allowed the fracking revolution to thrive and help keep the laggard economy afloat. These Democrats have no such tolerance; their plans are extreme job slayers.
Elizabeth Warren, for instance, promises to impose a moratorium on all new offshore and onshore drilling leases her first day—taking a significant percentage of U.S. oil and gas production offline. Tens of thousands of jobs and billions in royalties for federal and state governments: gone. Bernie Sanders would ban all offshore drilling, and also ban nuclear energy. Other candidates hide behind calls for “net zero” emissions by certain dates, but the effect is the same. Hitting those targets would erase entire sectors—drilling, refining, liquid-natural-gas terminals, pipeline installation, manufacturing and all the industries that support those areas.
Democratic leaders initially assured us the Green New Deal was a (far-fetched) blueprint. But the real candidate plans make clear the awesome government control necessary to make a climate agenda work. Even Joe Biden vowed last week to take away all his union members’ gas- or diesel-powered pickup trucks, explaining he wanted 500,000 charging stations and a “full electric-vehicle future” by 2030. See how that plays in rural Michigan or Pennsylvania.
Democrats are aware this is toxic for the working-class voters they need to win back. That’s why most lead with patronizing promises to invest tens of billions to “retrain” entire communities. But ranchers, farmers, factory workers and wildcatters don’t want to be the guinea pigs of the left’s green experiment, nor do they trust politicians who come bearing vague promises to create “renewable” jobs for them one day.
Democrats seem blithely unaware of the political record of this full-on approach—locally and globally. State voters continue to reject ballot initiatives for carbon taxes. “Quiet Australians” recently rebuked climate alarmists by re-electing conservative Prime Minister Scott Morrison. France has spent months wrestling with the “yellow vests,” who protest fuel costs and taxes.
Voters care about immigration and health care. But the 2020 climate agenda is a direct assault on the things they prize most—jobs, prosperity, electricity and gasoline prices, individual choice. Democrats go there at their political peril.
https://www.wsj.com/articles/hillarys-hot-advice-11562264314
me
Jul 9, 2019, 10:49:14 AM7/9/19
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Yes, plunder is more popular than liberty. But being plundered is not.
http://www.endit.info/Reality.shtml
http://www.endit.info/Reality.shtml
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