Google Groups no longer supports new Usenet posts or subscriptions. Historical content remains viewable.

Dismiss

Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ Is The Ruler Of Greece

24 views

Skip to first unread message

markt...@yahoo.com

unread,

Jan 15, 2005, 10:35:44 AM1/15/05

Greeks (and other EU countries) bitch about Turkey claiming Turkey is
not a secular but a Moslem country.

Actually Greece is a non-secular, Christianist country where the
Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ is the official religion of the Greek
State. (Some claim Greece "is neo-pagan porno-communist" country.)

The religions and peoples of other Christian denominations in Greece
are not considered equal to the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ.
Greece has a national flag with a religious symbol (Christian cross) on
it.

At the same time Greece is a member of EU which, supposedly, requires
religious equality, secularism and equal respect to all religions and
all the other equal basic human rights and freedoms.

In Greece, minority religious groups can only function if they first
obtain an operating license; licenses are only granted by Greek
Orthodox bishops. Greeks call this oppression and dictatorship "freedom
of religion."

And EU does not require Greece to modify its constitution and laws to
meet the general standards and principles of EU. Obviously EU is a
total scam itself just like Greece is.

THE CONSTITUTION OF GREECE
In the name of the Holy(a) and Consubstantial(b) and Indivisible
Trinity(c)

SECTION II

Article 3

1. The prevailing religion in Greece is that of the Eastern Orthodox
Church of Christ. The Orthodox Church of Greece, acknowledging our Lord
Jesus Christ as its head, is inseparably united in doctrine with the
Great Church of Christ in Constantinople and with every other Church of
Christ of the same doctrine, observing unwaveringly, as they do, the
holy apostolic and synodal canons and sacred traditions. It is
autocephalous and is administered by the Holy Synod of serving Bishops
and the Permanent Holy Synod originating thereof and assembled as
specified by the Statutory Charter of the Church in compliance with the
provisions of the Patriarchal Tome of June 29, 1850 and the Synodal Act
of September 4, 1928.

2. The ecclesiastical regime existing in certain districts of the State
shall not be deemed contrary to the provisions of the preceding
paragraph.

3. The text of the Holy Scripture shall be maintained unaltered.
Official translation of the text into any other form of language,
without prior sanction by the Autocephalous Church of Greece and the
Great Church of Christ in Constantinople, is prohibited.

---------------

a. Holy: Belonging to, derived from, or associated with a divine power
(of the Eastern Orthodox Church of Chris)

b. Consubstantial: The same in substance or essence of the three
persons of the Trinity

c. Trinity: The union of three divine persons, the Father, Son, and
Holy Spirit, in one God

+++++++++++++++++++

Dermot Donovan:
Oh, that's because America (the God-blessed) is good and the EU (the
Satan-ruled) is bad. Plain and simple.

++++++++++++++++++++++

vjp2...@at.BioStrategist.dot.dot.com:

Greece is not Christian!

It is neo-pagan porno-communist!

What church are you talking about?

The NAZI in Athens who refuses to change underwear and blames the Jews
for it?

The GREEN commie in Connie-town who wants to be pope?

The mush-heads in New York who are in bed with all the leftist
anti-American inter-faith organisations, deliberately intended to make
the mainstream of America hate us?

Give me a break!

The Greek church died a long time ago.

A country who so loves Arab muslims should just
convert to Islam and leave us alone.
Let Arafat and Saddam save you!

markt...@yahoo.com

unread,

Jan 15, 2005, 10:44:29 AM1/15/05

http://www.watchtower.org/library/g/1997/3/22/article_01.htm

Jehovah's Witnesses Vindicated in Greece

BY AWAKE! CORRESPONDENT

THE Orthodox priest in the Cretan village of Gazi stated during one of
his sermons: "Jehovah's Witnesses have a hall right here in our
village. I need your support to get rid of them." One evening a few
days later, the Kingdom Hall windows were smashed and shots were fired
at it by unknown individuals. Thus the issue of religious freedom was
again raised in Greece.

These events motivated four of the local Witnesses, Kyriakos Baxevanis,
Vassilis Hatzakis, Kostas Makridakis, and Titos Manoussakis, to lodge a
petition with the Minister of Education and Religious Affairs for a
permit to hold religious meetings. They hoped that getting a permit
would eventually secure police protection. However, it was not going to
be that easy.

The priest sent a letter to the headquarters of the security police in
Heraklion, drawing the authorities' attention to the Kingdom Hall of
Jehovah's Witnesses in his parish and requesting that sanctions be
imposed and that their meetings be banned. This resulted in a police
investigation and interrogations. Eventually, the prosecutor instituted
criminal proceedings against the Witnesses, and the case was brought
before the court.

On October 6, 1987, the Criminal Court of Heraklion acquitted the four
defendants, stating that "they had not committed the act of which they
were charged, because members of a religion are free to conduct
meetings . . . , no permit being necessary." Nevertheless, the
prosecutor appealed the decision two days later, and the case was
brought before a higher court. On February 15, 1990, this court
sentenced the Witnesses to two months' imprisonment and a fine of about
$100. Subsequently, the defendants appealed to the Greek Supreme Court.

The original Kingdom Hall sealed by the police on September 20, 1993

On March 19, 1991, the Supreme Court dismissed the appeal and upheld
the conviction. Over two years later, on September 20, 1993, when the
Supreme Court decision was announced, the Kingdom Hall was sealed by
the police. As revealed by a police document, the Orthodox Church of
Crete was behind this action.

This situation came about because certain laws, passed in 1938 with the
intention of restricting religious freedom, are still in force in
Greece. They stipulate that if an individual wishes to operate a place
of worship, a permit must be obtained from the Ministry of Education
and Religious Affairs and also from the local bishop of the Orthodox
Church. For several decades, these anachronistic laws have caused many
difficulties for Jehovah's Witnesses.

Freedom of Religion, and Human Rights

The European Court of Human Rights, Strasbourg

On learning that their conviction had been upheld by the Supreme Court,
the four Witnesses submitted an application to the European Commission
of Human Rights, in Strasbourg, France, on August 7, 1991. The
applicants claimed that their conviction violated Article 9 of the
European Convention, which safeguards freedom of thought, conscience,
and religion, as well as the right to manifest one's religion alone or
in community with others and in public or in private.

On May 25, 1995, the 25 members of the Commission came to the unanimous
decision that in this case Greece had violated Article 9 of the
European Convention. Their pronouncement was that the conviction in
question was not compatible with the spirit of religious freedom and
was not necessary in a democratic society. This decision as to the
admissibility of the case also stated: "The applicants . . . are
members of a movement whose religious rites and practices are widely
known and authorized in many European countries." Finally, the
Commission referred the case to the European Court of Human Rights.

Jehovah's Witnesses Cannot Be Stopped

The hearing was set for May 20, 1996. There were over 200 in the
courtroom, including students and professors from the local university,
journalists, and a number of Jehovah's Witnesses from Greece, Germany,
Belgium, and France.

Mr. Phédon Vegleris, professor emeritus at the University of Athens
and attorney for the Witnesses, maintained that the policy used and the
judgments rendered by the national authorities violated not only the
European Convention but also the Constitution of Greece. "So it is
national law and its application which are taken up by the Court."

The attorney for the Greek government was a judge from the Council of
State, who, instead of discussing the facts, referred to the position
taken by the Orthodox Church in Greece, to its close ties with the
State and the people, and to the alleged need to keep other religions
in check. Furthermore, he stated that from 1960 onward, Jehovah's
Witnesses had succeeded in greatly increasing their numbers. In other
words, the Orthodox monopoly had been successfully challenged!

Religious Freedom Upheld

Judgment would be delivered on September 26. Suspense ran high,
especially for Jehovah's Witnesses. The President of the Chamber, Mr.
Rudolf Bernhardt, read out the decision: The Court, composed of nine
judges, held unanimously that Greece had violated Article 9 of the
European Convention. It also awarded the applicants the sum of about
$17,000 to cover expenses. Most important, the decision included many
noteworthy arguments in favor of religious freedom.

The Court noted that Greek law allows for "far-reaching interference by
the political, administrative and ecclesiastical authorities with the
exercise of religious freedom." It added that the procedure required to
obtain a permit was used by the State "to impose rigid, or indeed
prohibitive, conditions on practice of religious beliefs by certain
non-orthodox movements, in particular Jehovah's Witnesses." The fierce
tactics used by the Orthodox Church for so many decades were exposed by
this international court.

The Court stressed that "the right to freedom of religion as guaranteed
under the Convention excludes any discretion on the part of the State
to determine whether religious beliefs or the means used to express
such beliefs are legitimate." It also stated that "Jehovah's Witnesses
come within the definition of 'known religion' as provided for under
Greek law . . . This was moreover conceded by the Government."

Not a Mere Joke

During the next few days, most of the major Greek newspapers publicized
this case. On September 29, 1996, the Sunday edition of Kathimerini
made the comment: "As hard as the Greek State tries to pass it off as
'a mere joke,' the 'slap in the face' that it received from the
European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg is an actual fact, a fact
that has been duly chronicled on an international scale. The Court
reminded Greece of Article 9 of the Convention on Human Rights, and it
unanimously condemned the Greek legislation."

The Athens daily Ethnos wrote on September 28, 1996, that the European
Court "condemned Greece, ordering it to pay its citizens who happen to
suffer the misfortune of being Jehovah's Witnesses."

One of the applicants' attorneys, Mr. Panos Bitsaxis, was interviewed
on a radio program and said: "We are living in the year 1996, on the
verge of the 21st century, and it goes without saying that there should
be no discrimination, harassment, or intervention on the part of the
administration in connection with the exercise of the fundamental right
to religious freedom. . . . This is a good opportunity for the
government to reexamine its policy and put a stop to this senseless
discrimination, which serves no purpose whatsoever in this day and
age."

The decision in the case Manoussakis and Others v. Greece gives rise to
the hope that the Greek State will bring its legislation in line with
the European Court's judgment, so that Jehovah's Witnesses in Greece
may enjoy religious freedom without administrative, police, or church
intervention. Furthermore, this is the second judgment rendered against
the Greek judiciary by the European Court on matters relating to
religious freedom. *

It is widely known that Jehovah's Witnesses obey the governmental
"superior authorities" in all matters that do not conflict with God's
Word. (Romans 13:1, 7) In no way do they constitute a threat to public
order. On the contrary, their publications and public ministry
encourage everyone to be a law-abiding citizen and to live a peaceful
life. They are an upright and well-established religion, and their
members have contributed much to the well-being of their neighborhoods.
Their resoluteness in upholding the high moral standards of the Bible
and their love of neighbor, as expressed especially in their Bible
educational work, have had a wholesome effect in the more than 200
lands where they exist.

It is hoped that the decisions handed down by the European Court will
serve to bring greater religious freedom to Jehovah's Witnesses and all
other religious minorities in Greece.

*The first decision, issued in 1993, was the case of Kokkinakis v.
Greece.-See The Watchtower, September 1, 1993, page 27

markt...@yahoo.com

unread,

Jan 15, 2005, 10:45:00 AM1/15/05

http://www.religioustolerance.org/rt_greec.htm

Treatment of the Jehovah's Witnesses (1987)

By Author: B.A. Robinson

Laws restricting freedom of religion were passed in Greece in 1938 and
have never been repealed. 1 One requires that anyone wishing to operate
a place of worship must first obtain two permits: one from the Ministry
of Education and Religious Affairs, and the other from the local bishop
of the Greek Orthodox Church.

In the village of Gazi in Crete, the local Greek Orthodox priest stated
during a sermon in 1987 that "Jehovah's Witnesses have a hall right
here in our village. I need your support to get rid of them." A few
days later, windows were smashed and shots were fired at the local
Kingdom Hall by persons unknown. Four Jehovah's Witnesses from the
village applied for a Government permit which they felt might give them
some protection. The Orthodox priest sent a letter to the security
police in Heralklion, in which he requested that the Witness' meetings
be banned. These letters started a long judicial process:

The four were charged with violating the 1938 law.

1987-OCT-6: The Criminal Court of Heralkion acquitted them "because
members of a religion are free to conduct meetings...no permit being
necessary" Unfortunately, the prosecutor appealed the decision to a
higher court which found the defendants guilty and sentenced them to 2
months imprisonment and a fine equivalent to about $100 USF. The
Witnesses appealed to the Greek Supreme Court

1993-SEP-20: The Supreme Court upheld the conviction. The Kingdom Hall
was immediately sealed by the police. The four Witnesses appealed to
the European Commission of Human Rights. on the grounds that Article 9
of the European Convention guaranteed freedom of thought, freedom of
conscience, freedom of religion, and the right to meet with others in
public or private.

1995-MAY-25: The Commission unanimously agreed with the Witnesses.
They mentioned that "The applicants...are members of a movement whose

religious rites and practices are widely known and authorized in many

European countries." The Commission referred the case to the European
Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.

1995-MAY-20: The case was heard in the European Court. The Witness'
lawyer maintained that the conviction violated both the European
Convention and the Constitution of Greece itself. The lawyer for the
Greek government explained that the law was necessary to keep other
religions in check, and that since 1960, the Jehovah's Witnesses has
greatly increased in numbers in Greece.

1995-SEP-26: The 9 judges of the Court unanimously agreed that the
Greek government had violated the European Convention. The defendants
were awarded the equivalent of $17,000 US to cover their expenses. They
criticized the Greek law which allows for "far reaching interference by

the political, administrative and ecclesiastical authorities with the

exercise of religious freedom." The state had imposed "rigid, or indeed

prohibitive, conditions on practice of religious beliefs by certain
non-orthodox movements, in particular Jehovah's Witnesses."

This is the second of two similar decisions involving the Jehovah's
Witnesses and Greece. 2 The oppressive legislation remains on the
books.

Treatment of Evangelical Christians during IAAF Competition (1997)

An Evangelical Christian group was harassed and attacked by police
during the International Amateur Athletic Federation's (IAAF) Track and
Field competition. This occurred during the last week of the Athens
games which ended on 1997-AUG-10.

The victimized group, "More Than Gold" (MTG) established a booth at the
stadium, and obtained permission from IAAF officials to distribute a
leaflet which contained a schedule of events, stories of Christian
athletes, and an advertisement for the Athens '97 games.

On the third day of the games, the police stormed the booth and forced
the volunteers off the Olympic stadium premises. The police gave no
indication why they did this, other than to say that they were simply
following orders. During the remaining week of the games, the MTG
leaders were "endlessly harassed, pushed, and even followed home by
plainclothes police."

A local human rights group offered to let the MTG volunteers pass out
the literature at their booths, but the police again forced them off
the stadium grounds. The police later roughed them up physically, and
refused to identify themselves when asked to do so.

The MTG had arranged for a performance by a Seattle WA musical group
Scarlet Journey The police ordered the group to leave the stage,
angering the audience. MTG representative Johnathan Macris blamed the
state church for the victimization. "The Greek Orthodox Church has
tremendous influence in keeping evangelical Christians from sharing
their faith in Jesus Christ with the people of Greece, despite the fact
that Greece takes great pride in calling itself a Christian nation.
This is a sad commentary for our country which boasts a heritage of
tolerance and free expression."

Treatment of Evangelical Christians Under Anti-proselytism law (1992)

The military court of the Greek Air Force found three of their officers
Mr. Dimitrios Larissis, Mr. Savvas Mandalarides and Mr. Ioannis
Sarandis guilty of proselytism. They were given sentences of about 12
months duration, which were converted into fines and then suspended if
the officers did not commit any further offenses during the next three
years. All three are members of a Pentecostal group which stress the
importance of the "Great Commission": attempting to convert
non-Christians to their faith. They were found guilty of violating a
federal anti-proselytism law on 1992-MAY-18. Their convictions were
upheld on appeal, by the Courts-Martial Appeal Court 1992-OCT-7.
However their sentences were slightly reduced.

Section 4 of Greek Law No. 1363/38, as amended by Law No. 1672/39,
states:

Anyone engaging in proselytism shall be liable to imprisonment and a
fine of between 1,000 and 50,000 drachmas; he shall, moreover, be
subject to police supervision for a period of between six months and
one year to be fixed by the court when convicting the offender.
By 'proselytism' is meant, in particular, any direct or indirect
attempt to intrude on the religious beliefs of a person of a different
religious persuasion (eterodoxos), with the aim of undermining those
beliefs, either by any kind of inducement or promise of an inducement
or moral support or material assistance, or by fraudulent means or by
taking advantage of the other person's inexperience, trust, need, low
intellect or naivete.
The commission of such an offence in a school or other educational
establishment or philanthropic institution shall constitute a
particularly aggravating circumstance."
1,000 drachmas is worth about $3.50 US; 50,000 drachmas is worth about
$175

Article 13, Phrase 2 of the Greek Constitution states:

"There shall be freedom to practice any known religion; individuals
shall be free to perform their rites of worship without hindrance and
under the protection of the law. The performance of rites of worship
must not prejudice public order or public morals. Proselytism is
prohibited."

The European Human Rights Commission brought their case before the
European Court of Human Rights in 1997-SEP. They argued that the Greek
laws had been unfairly applied, in order to protect the interests of
the Greek Orthodox Church.

The court delivered its judgment on 1998-FEB-24. 5 The Greek state was
found guilty of violating Article 9 of the European Convention of Human
Rights. Judge DeMeyer concluded that "The law in issue in the present
case is contrary to the Convention in its very principle, since it
directly encroaches on the very essence of the freedom everyone must
have to manifest his religion." The Greek government was fined 1
million drachmas. 500,000 drachmas [about $1,750 US] went to each of
Mr. Mandalarides and to Mr. Sarandis. Unfortunately, the law itself was
not declared unconstitutional.

They commented that the Government's restrictions on evangelism were
"couched in vague terms" and "without guarantee of equality of
treatment." The leading counsel in the case, John Warwick, called it
"a historic victory."

Treatment of the Turkish/Muslim minority in Greece:

The Turkish minority in Greece is almost entirely Muslim. Treatment of
this minority by the government has both ethnic and religious
overtones. The government of Greece does recognize the Muslim minority
in that country, but "aggressively prosecutes and bans organizations
and individuals who seek to call themselves 'Turkish.'" Turks have been
in Greece since at least 1363 when the Ottoman army routed the Serb,
Bosnian and Hungarian army. They are Greek citizens. In spite of the
Treaty of Lausanne which guaranteed the Muslims civil and human rights,
they are heavily discriminate against in many ways. 6,7

Under Article 19 of the Citizenship Law, the Greek government
"unilaterally and arbitrarily" revoked the citizenship of about 60,000
non-ethnic Greeks. This law was abolished in 1998, but persons
persecuted under Article 19 have never been able to appeal for the
return of their citizenship.

In the past, the Turkish/Muslim community was allowed to elect their
own muftis (religious leaders). Since 1990 these have been largely
appointed by the government.
The government has often held up or denied building permits to repair
or expand mosques. Persons who have effected repairs without a permit
have been prosecuted.
Schools for the minority are poorly funded. "Ethnic Turks educated in
Turkish universities" have not been hired as teachers for many years.
The two Turkish language high schools in the country are hopelessly
undersized.

"...the ethnic Turkish minority also complain of police surveillance,
discrimination in public employment, and restrictions on freedom of
expression."

The government altered the boundaries of two provinces to prevent
representation of the ethnic Turkish minority.

Some improvements have been made in recent years. However, the freedoms
of the Turkish minority continue to be severely restricted.

Treatment of members of the Church of Scientology

On 1997-JAN-17, the Church of Scientology, which has operated in that
country as Center of Applied Philosophy was labeled a danger to society
and ordered to close by an Athens court. Judge Constandia Angelaki
wrote: "It is an organization with medical, social and ethical
practices that are dangerous and harmful. It claims to act freely so as
to draw members who subsequently undergo... brainwashing by dictated
ways of thinking that limit reaction capabilities." Scientology
representative Heber Jentzsch wrote: "The case is a sham. It is
unfortunately reminiscent of the former junta that ruled Greece as a
totalitarian state and the assault today is simply because the mission
is not 'orthodox' according to the prevailing vested interests in
Greece."

In 1999-MAY, the Third Court of Appeals dismissed all charges after the
prosecutor asked that they be withdrawn.

Other religiously-related activities:

2000: Identity cards: During the year 2000, much controversy surfaced
in Greece over national identity cards. Every person over the age of 14
must carry one of these cards. These had traditionally contained a
symbol which identified the religious affiliation of the holder. The
government decided that future cards would not contain these symbols.
They cited the findings of a human rights commission which said that
any declaration of religion on identity cards would discriminate
against Greece's 2 percent of non-Orthodox adherents, including
Moslems, Jews, and other Christians. The Greek Orthodox church
objected. In spite of massive protest rallies, the government decided
to proceed with the new cards. The European Union of which Greece is a
member requires that any federal ID cards not identify the person's
religion. More details.

2000-JUL: Church taxation: The government announced plans to study
taxation and ownership of church property. They are considering taxing
the Greek Orthodox Church.

2000-DEC-15: Minority faith groups win court case: After a three year
battle, 11 Evangelical Christian pastors have been acquitted of
operating religious groups. In Greece, minority religious groups can

only function if they first obtain an operating license; licenses are

only granted by Greek Orthodox bishops. The pastors had operated
without a license. In Greece, proselytizing is illegal unless it is an
attempt to convert a person to Greek Orthodoxy. 8

References
Anonymous correspondent, "Jehovah's Witnesses Vindicated in Greece".
Awake! 1997-MAR-22, P. 14-16

Kodinakis v. Greece 1993; described in P. 27 of The Watchtower,
1993-SEP-1. Manuoussakis and Others v. Greece, 1996-SEP-26.

Hellenic Ministries' News Release: Persecution of Evangelicals at IAAF
Games in Athens, issued 1997-AUG-10. Johnathan Macris can be reached at
Hellenic Ministries' Greece office via Email: john...@hmnet.org.gr

Hellenic Ministries' News Release: "European Court Finds Greek
Government Guilty of Human Rights Violations," 1998-MAR-2

Judgment, "Case of Larissis and others v. Greece,", European Court of
Human Rights, (140/1996/759/958-960) Strasbourg, 1998-FEB-24. See:
http://194.250.50.200/eng/LARISSIS%20ENG.html

Human Rights Watch, "Turkish Minority Rights Violated in Greece," at:
http://www.hrw.org/hrw/press/1999/jan/gree0108.htm

Human Rights Watch, "January 1999, Greece" at:
http://www.hrw.org/reports/1999/greece/
ReligionToday news summary, 2000-DEC-15

Author: B.A. Robinson

markt...@yahoo.com

unread,

Jan 15, 2005, 10:45:50 AM1/15/05

http://www.ict.org.il/articles/articledet.cfm?articleid=403

June 28, 1999

Greece and Middle Eastern Terrorism

By Spiros Ch. Kaminaris

This article was published by Middle East Review of International
Affairs (MERIA), Meria Journal, Volume 3, Number 2 (June 1999).

This article examines Greece's policy in the Middle East. The focus
is on how its own problems, especially with Turkey, have shaped
Greece's foreign policy. Of special interest is the Greek handling of
international terrorism originating from the Middle East and how
different governments in Athens have followed varying approaches on
these issues.
International terrorism in this article is represented by incidents in
which terrorists of foreign nationality have gone to Greece seeking
victims or symbolic targets there that represent a foreign state.
Historically, these groups have included Arab, usually Palestinian,
organizations selecting American and Israeli targets; and Kurdish or
Armenian groups, choosing Turkish targets. In the past these included
the Kurdish PKK as well as the Palestinian May 15 Organization, Abu
Nidal group, Popular Struggle Front, Popular Front for the Liberation
of Palestine (PFLP), PLO, and Black September, and also Lebanese Shiite
groups.

The operational preferences by such groups for Greece can be explained
by several factors:

Local Support Base: Greece has large numbers of ethnic Kurds and Arabs
some of whom can provide a logistical infrastructure to support their
operations.

Geographic Location: Greece's geographical proximity to the Middle
East, north Africa, and Eastern Europe make it a useful transit point
or for international terrorist groups. The fact that Greece is an EU
member and has participated in the reduction of travel barriers in
Europe makes cross-border movements relatively open.

Presence of Targets: The primary targeted countries, (the United
States, Israel, and Turkey, for example) have a presence in Greece
including embassies and other offices, Jewish institutions, companies,
and other facilities.

Good Prospects for Publicity: Greece's location in Europe and the
presence of a free press are two factors facilitating prominent
coverage of incidents which is, after all, a primary consideration of
international terrorist groups.

Permissive Atmosphere: At times, Greece's security services have been
ineffective against groups and the political leadership less eager to
prevent or punish operations compared to other countries.

Let us consider this last point during five periods in modern Greek
history:

1. George Papadopoulos's Military Junta (1967-74):

During this era, Middle East and Arab international terrorist groups
imported their activities into Greece at the end of the 1960s. They
sought to use hijackings and hostage-taking to achieve international
publicity and strike against their enemies, and then as a bargaining
chip to release captured comrades from Greek jails.

While the Greek military junta took a hard line toward local
opposition, it followed a soft line toward international terrorism on
Greek soil. The most important incident took place in August 1973. Two
members of the PLO's Black September organization pulled out machine
guns and grenades at Athens airport, killing 3 people and wounding 55
passengers. The duo then seized 35 hostages, but soon surrendered to
Athens police. After a one-day trial, a Greek court sentenced them to
death.

In February 1974, three gunmen hijacked the Greek freighter Vory at the
west dock of Karachi port in Pakistan, threatening to blow up the ship
and kill two hostages if the Greek government did not free the two Arab
terrorists of the previous attack. As part of a deal, which emerged in
April 1974, the convicted terrorists' death sentences were commuted
to life imprisonment. Later the Greek government pardoned them and, in
May 1974, they were deported to Libya at the request of Tripoli.

International terrorism and hostage situations were something new for
the whole international community. The junta was inexperienced and
hesitant in trying to free the hostages, since a failure might have
damaged its image. Making a compromise was intended to save the
hostages, preserve relations with radical regimes and groups, and get
the government out of a crisis. Concessions were also intended to avoid
future attacks against Greece, though arguably appeasement had the
opposite result.

2. Konstantinos Karamanlis's New Democracy government (1974-1981)

The dramatic rise in oil prices--making some Arab states important
potential markets and patrons--along with the Turkish invasion of
Cyprus, led Greek policy to tilt in a way which made Greece look soft
and sympathetic toward international terrorism and its sponsors.

During this period, sporadic Palestinian terrorist acts continued to
take place. The most publicized incident was the June 1976 hijacking of
an Air France airbus by seven PFLP commandos shortly after it left
Athens airport. The plane was diverted to Entebbe airport in Uganda.
The episode received international publicity focusing on Athens
airport's lax security measures, followed by the spectacular rescue
operation by Israeli forces.

Arguably, Greek security measures were not alone in their inability to
deal with terrorism during that period. Dramatic episodes took place in
other European countries, too. For example, in December 1975 OPEC
ministers were seized as hostages in Vienna by "Carlos." In October
1977 came the hijack of a Lufthansa plane departing from Spain and
taken to Somalia, in which the German Special Forces in a daring rescue
operation freed the hostages. [1]

Still, the situation in Greece did reflect specific local conditions,
too. The reputation of the Greek civil security forces was severely
damaged by their participation in the junta. The Karamanlis'
government limited the police's role and stripped the military of its
internal security functions. Old habits of brutality had to be
abandoned and several policemen were tried for using torture and other
human rights' violations. While necessary, such steps might have
affected the police's performance and efficiency as an institution.

3. Andreas Papandreou's PASOK government (1981-1989)

A sympathy for radical Arab regimes and causes was encouraged and, to
some extent, exploited by Papandreou's ambition to promote Greek
leadership of Third World states, as a third force between the
capitalist West and the Communist East, which of course was viewed with
distaste by the United States, Great Britain, Israel and Turkey.

During this era, terrorist activities in Greece increased partly as a
result of Papandreou's 1981 policy of "anoigma," opening to the
Arab world. In this context, Greece granted official recognition to the
PLO at the end of 1981, and adopted a stronger stand than any other EC
government against Israel.

This tactic was the result of ideological, political and economic
considerations. Ideologically, a powerful faction within Papandreou's
political party advocated the reorientation of Greek foreign policy
toward nonalignment. This policy was called "Tritokosmikos"
(Thirdworldism). Politically, Papandreou hoped to win the support of
Arab nations on the Cyprus and Aegean issues. A strong pro-Palestinian
stand as well as pro-Armenian and later pro-Kurdish support was
intended to move the Arabs, Armenians and Kurds closer to Greek
positions vis-a-vis Turkey. Finally, there was an expectation that the
pro-Arab policy would bring Arab investments into the country.

Terrorist incidents with international implications appeared especially
in 1984 and afterwards. They began with the case of Jordanian Abdallah
Fuad Shara, a member of the May 15 terrorist organization. He was
arrested in April 1984 by British and American agents in a raid in his
apartment in Athens. The Greek authorities released him and provided
safe passage to Algeria, claiming that the evidence was not strong and
that the foreign agents "violated international law and Greek
sovereignty," acting or their own and without a proper authorization.
[2]

More tension came in February 1985 with a bomb explosion, claimed by
the Greek Cypriot right-wing National Front group. The bomb exploded at
a popular hangout forU.S.servicemen from the American air base in
Glyfada, near Athens. Seventy-eight people (including 55 Americans)
were injured but there were no fatalities. The Americans blamed
Papandreou's anti-American "damaging comments." [3]

Further trouble erupted in June 1985 when Lebanese gunmen hijacked a
TWA jetliner carrying 153 passengers, after it had taken off from
Athens airport. This led to an intense crisis at Beirut airport and the
death of one American sailor. [4] As a result, the U.S. State
Department warned its citizens in July of the high risk of terrorism at
Athens airport, which elicited a strong Greek protest. Additional
incidents affected not only Greece's reputation and relations with
the United States but also damaged the economy by affecting the tourism
industry. The Greek Tourist Organization estimated that Reagan's
travel advisory in 1985 alone cost Greece $400 million. [5]

The unhappiness of President Ronald Reagan's administration with
Papandreou's thirdworldism intensified U.S.-Greek friction,
especially given the Greek government's frequent criticisms of U.S.
policy, and Greece's direct links with the PLO and Qaddafi's Libya.
There was also concern over the future of U.S. bases in Greece.

At the time, the U.S. government was pressing European states to take a
more forceful line against international terrorism. Greece got its
reputation for being soft on the issue by disagreeing. Among other
points, the Greek government's refusal was based on an argument that
Greece's coastline and hundred of islands made it hard to keep out
determined terrorists. In reality, though, this stance was a result of
other issues, including an effort to protect Greek business interests
in the Arab world.

For example, the Hellenic Arms Industry [EBO] was established in 1977
with the task of manufacturing light infantry weapons for the Greek
armed forces. The company, however, developed the capability to produce
a broad range of weapons not only for domestic consumption but also for
export. As a result, Greek weapons production by 1985 had expanded
beyond its original purpose of domestic production of systems to
support national defense and was making a positive impact on the
national economy through its earnings in hard currencies. In December
1984, EBO concluded an agreement with Libya to sell it $500 million in
military equipment over the next four years. Under the terms of the
economic agreement with Libya, Greece agreed to sell equipment that was
Greek designed and Greek made. Greece was a net exporter of arms, in
which the economic impact of the developing defence industry has been
significant. In 1983 sales amounted to over $120 million, 3.6 percent
of Greece's total exports. In late 1985, Libya signed an agreement
with Greece covering the sale of $500 million in equipment, including
the Artemis-30 antiaircraft gun and the Steyr armored personnel
carrier, manufactured in Greece under license from Austria. [6]

Greece was also soft with the Arabs as a result of Turkey's Cyprus
invasion in 1974 which created a psychological complex in Greek
politics and military circles of a continuing threat from the Turks.
When Papandreou assumed power, for instance, he was briefed and
re-briefed by the General staff the possibility of a surprise attack
from the East. Paying attention to Papandreou's rhetoric, one could
come to a conclusion that Papandreou was paranoid and suspicion us of
"dark forces", such as Turkey, CIA, KGB, domestic revolutionaries
(17N and ELA) with the desire to bring his government down.[7]

To counter that potential danger, Papandreou and his political party
tried to improve Greece's intelligence capabilities by exploiting
"the connection factor," with the leaders of Syria, Iraq, Libya and
PLO. The Arabs did not have intelligence capabilities in Turkey, but
pretended they did. They provided false information, often believed,
creating many alerts and even partial mobilizations. Such cooperation
with the socialist and revolutionary Arabs, in turn, affected
Greece's relations with conservative Arabs, and Israelis who openly
accused the Greek government of tolerating terrorism. [8]

4. Constantine Mitsotakis's New Democracy government (1990-93)

In 1991, and after a series of weak coalition governments, Mitsotakis
tried to normalize Greco-American relations by following a
pro-American, pro-Israeli foreign policy. That was achieved by signing
first an agreement maintaining the U.S. bases on Greek soil and second
with de Jure recognition of Israel. Greece was the only community
member without full ties with Israel. Relations under Papandreou (1981
to 1989) were maintained only at the consular level and the atmosphere
in Athens had been chilly toward Israel since Greece was supporting the
Palestinian cause.[9] In contrast, Mitsotakis pursued tough policies
towards terrorism.

Following Greece's support of the Desert Storm operation against
Iraq's aggression to Kuwait, in January 1991 the Greek police
arrested and deported suspected terrorists. During the evening of
January 19, 1991, four Iraqis were deported. Thirteen other Arabs,
including Iraqis, Libyans, Jordanians, Algerians, and six Palestinians
[the latter holding Iraqi or Jordanian passports] being held in Attiki
prison, were scheduled to be deported and eight others were being held
in jail. [10]

The major incident of international terrorism during this period
occurred in April 1991 when members of the Islamic Holy War Movement
triggered prematurely a bomb aimed at the British consulate in Patras.
Instead, it wrecked the offices of Air Courier Service, a Greek
company, killing seven people including the Palestinian carrying the
bomb. [11]

Once the identity of the bomb carrier was established, three days after
the explosion, the former PLO representative in Athens, Mansur Gadur
was expelled from Greece, together with five other "diplomats" and
twenty more Palestinians. [12] An Athens court used the anti-terrorist
law to sentence to life the two captured Palestinians responsible for
the explosion. Four other terrorists connected with this incident were
convicted and jailed. As a result, the Patras incident marked the first
time the Greek authorities were able to break a terrorist network of
any kind and apply the new anti-terrorist law. [13]

5. Papandreou's return to power and replacement by Constantine
Simitis (1993-1997)

Early elections in 1993 brought Andreas Papandreou and his party back
to ppower. During this period incidents of Arab terrorism dropped
dramatically as a result of the signing of the historic peace accord at
the White House between PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat and Israeli Prime
Minister Yitzhak Rabin on September 13, 1993. This facilitated the
extradition or release of convicted and captured terrorists.

Such was the extradition of Abd al-Rahim Khalid to Italy and Muhammad
Rashid's release from prison. Khalid, one of the four-member
Palestinian squad which seized the Achille Lauro cruise ship off Egypt
and killed an elderly Jewish-American, was flown from Athens to Genoa,
where he had been sentenced in absentia to life in prison in 1987. He
had been in jail in Greece since 1991 on charges of illegal possession
of drugs and weapons. [14]

Rashid Muhammad was the Palestinian responsible for planting a bomb on
a Pan American airline plane in Brazil in 1982 killing a teenager, and
of a mid-air bomb blast on a TWA airliner approaching Athens in 1986
which killed four U.S. citizens. He was arrested by Greek police, after
a tip-off from U.S. officials, trying to enter Greece with false
passport. A Greek court in 1992 sentenced him to 18 years in prison.
His sentence was reduced to 15 years in 1993. In 1996 according to
judicial sources and press reports, Rashid was given five days leave
from a maximum security prison over Greece's Orthodox Easter for good
behavior. Rashid's pass made some Greek officials, furious because it
preceded a bomb attack on a Greek supreme court prosecutor, and angered
the United States, because another convicted Palestinian Majid
al-Mulqi, had just escaped in Italy during a similar prison leave for
good behavior. Finally, in 1996 Rashiwas fafter only 8 and a half years
in prison and deported to Tunisia. The Greek government claimed that it
took that course after being warned by Palestinian groups that they
would hit Greek targets if Rashid was to be extradited to the United
States. [15]

While Arab terrorist incidents declined, activities against Greece's
neighbors increased. During the Greek-Macedonian [FYROM] talks to
normalize relations between the two Balkan states, the negotiations
were undermined by terrorist incidents, such as a bomb attack in an
attempt to assassinate Macedonian President Kiro Gligorov and a bomb
threat on a plane carrying Greek Foreign Minister Karolos Papoulias.
Nevertheless, Greece did succeed in achieving favorable diplomatic
concessions and developed good relations and economic opportunities in
the Balkan States. [16]

In April 1994, Albania accused Greece of creating border incidents when
gunmen shot dead two Albanian border-guards and shouted slogans
supporting the ethnic Greek minority in Albania. Although Greek
security forces managed to arrest the terrorist group one year later,
incidents such as this, led to diplomatic expulsions and retaliations.
[17]

Regarding Greece's "eastern front", Greek-Turkish relations came
under further strain with two assassinations of Turkish diplomats on
July 1994. These incidents were followed by retaliatory hits on Greek
islands injuring tourists. It has been suggested that it was an act of
revenge for the assassination of the Turkish diplomats, with the
intention to harm the Greek tourist industry and to break Greek-Turkish
negotiations over EU and Cyprus.

This incident had come at a time, however, when Greece was working to
improve relations with Turkey. For the six months after January 1994
when Greece had held the EU presidency, however, Papandreou did not
want to annoy the other members by blocking Turkey's entry into the
European Union. He had been carrying out secret negotiations with
Turkey proposing to accept Turkey's customs union with the EU in
return for firm timetable for making Cyprus a full EU member and
finding a solution to the Cyprus problem. [18]

More tension was created in 1997 between Greece and Turkey after an
article published in the British newspaper Sunday Observer revealed
links among leaders of the leftist Greek terrorist organization
November 17, the Greek secret service and the PKK, claiming that Athens
sheltered and trained PKK rebels who planned attacks in Turkey. [19]

Analysts at that time characterized this story as a Turkish attempt to
damage the image of Greece for a number reasons, such as to prevent the
shipment and installation on Cyprus of the Russian S-300 anti-aircraft
missiles, to weaken Greek positions during negotiations over disputed
issues in Cyprus and the Aegean Sea, and to block the Greek veto of
Turkish admission to EU. [20]

Turkish fears, however, that the Greek government was helping the PKK
seemed vindicated in the events around the capture of the PKK's
leader, Abdallah Ocalan, by the Turks. Greek attempts to help Ocalan
find a safe haven provided evidence of direct involvement by the Greek
government with terrorism.

The Kurdish guerrilla leader, Ocalan, had been expelled by Syria under
Turkish pressure in late 1998. He had sought political asylum in Italy.
But while Italy would not extradite him to Turkey--since Italian law
forbade extraditing someone to a country where he might face capital
punishment-it was also reluctant to give safe haven to a man branded
publicly a "terrorist" by Prime Minister Massimo D'Alema. The
Italian media in mid-January 1999 said Ocalan, had gone to Moscow. The
hunt for Ocalan ended in February 1999, when he was found enjoying the
hospitality of the Greek ambassador to Kenya. [21]

Apparently, pro-Kurdish Greeks had been helping him in his travels
around Europe, even furnishing him with a private plane. When he turned
up in Athens on January 29, Ocalan apparently stayed for the weekend in
a safe house provided by Greeks who had campaigned for the Kurdish
cause. After failing to find a safe haven in Belarus, he reportedly
returned to Greece on February 2. He was then flown to stay at the
Greek ambassador's residence in Nairobi, Kenya, with the
understanding that Greece would try to persuade an African country or
perhaps the Netherlands to accept him. [22]

It is now believed that Prime Minister Simitis ordered the Greek secret
service to remove Ocalan from Greece and Greek protection, out of
concern that Turkey would become aware of his presence and close ties
with Greece, triggering a crisis that could even lead to war. Sending
Ocalan to Kenya was thus a way to get Greece out of a problem which had
been created by private individuals within the country. For example,
disciples of Papandreou were portraying Ocalan and the PKK as noble
guerrillas fighting for independence from Turkey, just as Greeks did in
the last century. [23]

At any rate, this incident became a fiasco for Greek foreign policy.
Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos, along with other Greek politicians
from various political affiliations, were trying to weaken Turkey by
supporting the terrorist group PKK. [24] These revelations contradicted
Greece's apparent political trend away from supporting radical Middle
East regimes and groups. After all, by 1986, Papandreou's policy of
support of "national liberation struggles" started to face serious
problems in both international and domestic credibility.

The killing of Greek citizens by terrorists at home and abroad threw
into question the concept that appeasement would buy Greece immunity
from attack. Three Greeks were also among those killed in the
simultaneous Arab terrorist attacks on El Al service counters at the
Rome and Vienna airports. Afterwards, the opposition and foreign press
criticized Papandreou policies towards PLO. [25]

Furthermore, incidents such as the Kristallis fiasco, and corruption
among the anti-terrorist squad shown in the Koskotas scandal, damaged
Papandreou and the credibility of Greece's Central Intelligence
Agency. Daniel Kristallis, an agent of the KYP [Greece's Central
Intelligence Agency], was arrested as a suspected terrorist. He claimed
that he worked for four other intelligence services. Apparently, he had
placed bombs and then took money for providing false information on the
explosions. Opposition parties pressed for reorganizing the KYP and
gaining better parliamentary control. [26] George Koskotas, former
chairman of the Bank of Crete and a close associate of high-level PASOK
officials, was accused of misusing more than $209 million in bank
funds. While he was under around-the-clock surveillance by
anti-terrorist squad and about to be arrested, he managed flee the
country. [27]

Greek policies also went through a reappraisal as Papandreou became
incapacitated with illness in 1995 and when he died in 1996. Greece
faced serious problems since it was at the bottom of the European
Union, with little prospect of joining the single currency in the first
wave. The new prime minister, Simitis, tried to bring Greece's
politico-economic strategies into line with the EU's economic
criteria while improving Greece's diplomatic image with the other
European states and the United States.

As a result, in August 1996 Greece reduced backing for the Kurdish PKK
and began negotiations with Turkey. [28] In 1997, when the United
States criticized Greece for failing to join other European states
which recalled ambassadors from Tehran after a German court found Iran
had ordered political murders in Germany, the Greek government
complied. [29] Moreover, the Greek Government also extradited a number
of captured terrorists wanted in Europe.

While Papandreou's and Pasok's views and the hope of profitable
trade were factors affecting the Greek attitude toward international
terrorist issues, the most single important factor was the relationship
with Turkey and the Cyprus issue. In the past, Greek counter-terrorism
forces were less enthusiastic to capture international terrorists
(Arabs and Kurds) mainly because the Greek governments did not want to
alienate Arab and Kurdish supporover Cyprusor damage Greek investments
and business in Middle East.

Greek foreign policy is influenced by the Great Idea strategy which
sets Greece's mission as protecting ethnic Greeks and Greek heritage
everywhere in the world. Thus, Greek interests and policy regarding
Cyprus are both of great importance and are different from those of
other countries. A permissive attitude toward international terrorism
(assisting terrorists or wanting good relations with
terrorism-sponsoring countries) could be seen as a strategy for
continuing war with Turkey by other means. The purpose is to compel
Ankara to submit to territorial and national claims over Cyprus and
Aegean disputes. In that sense assisting international terrorist could
be seen as a bargaining chip to gain concessions in negotiations, as a
way of equalizing the power balance between Greece and its neighbor.
[30]

The Turkish invasion of Cyprus heightened both Greek hatred and fear of
Turkey's power. The economic and security policies of the 1980s to
build relations with the Arabs and other Third World countries (the
"anoigma" and "allagi" strategies) was part of the effort to
counterbalance Turkey. Greek foreign policy also sought to befriend
other enemies of Turkey including Armenians and the PKK. [31]

In 1998, Turkey threatened to attack Cyprus when Russia was about to
deliver $400 million worth of advanced surface-to-air missiles,
SAM-300s, to Greek Cyprus in late November, 1998. Deployment of the
Russian missiles was seen by Greece and Greek Cypriots as a powerful
weapon to balance Turkish air superiority over the island.

Greece was motivated not only by the Cyprus issue but also by
Greek-Turkish differences in Aegean Sea and the Turkish-Israeli
alliance which undoubtedly pushes Greece to become even more directly
involved in Middle East politics. Greece took steps to solidify its
ties not only with Russia but with Syria, Armenia, Iraq and Iran.

During the threats of a preemptive air strike, the Turkish foreign
minister had asked Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel for help
in preventing the missiles from reaching Greek Cyprus. Although the
Israelis explicitly denied any intention of becoming involved, the
Greek Cypriot government urged the Russians to exert counter-pressure
on Israel to stay out. [32]

This situation, one could argue, has contributed toward forming two
military blocs in the region, with an active Greek political presence.
At the center of one block stand Turkey and Israel, both non-Arab,
democratic, and Western- oriented countries. Each maintains a large
military and both have problems with Syria, Iran, and Iraq. Turkey and
Israel also developed friendly relations with Jordan. Jordanian and
Turkish military pilots train in each other's countries. Their chiefs
of staff meet regularly and their governments have created a high-level
formal group to discuss the menace posed to each of them by Iraq.

Opposed to this arrangement are Syria and Iran. Greece occupies a
position of importance analogous to that of Jordan on the other side.
This view of its Middle Eastern and European neighborhoods also has
larger implications for Greek interests. In the Caucasus, Azerbaijan
and Georgia line up with Turkey, whereas Armenia is closer with Iran.
Russia is favorable toward Greece. In the Balkans, Macedonia, Bosnia,
Slovenia, and Croatia tend toward Turkey's side; Yugoslavia has been
closer to Greece. In Central Asia, Kazakstan, Kirgizia, Turkmenistan,
and Uzbekistan side with Turkey, while Tajikistan has had good
relations with Iran.

In practice, then, both alliances and attitudes toward terrorism unfold
from a state's or specific government's view of its vital
interests. This applies both to the sponsorship of terrorism and the
degree to which a country makes an effort to deter, punish, or even to
define terrorism. [33]

Among the prime determinants of Greek policy toward the Middle East and
toward international terrorism will be the degree of stability in its
relationship with Turkey and the security--or lack of security-Athens
feels in both the European and Middle East regions. Such issues as
Greece's relationship with the EU, alliance with the United States,
and role in the troubled Balkans all become inputs in setting its
Middle East policy. [34]

In general, Greece's most immediate and important policy goal is
growing integration with Europe, seeking investment to fuel economic
growth. Greece continues to rely heavily on EU aid, which currently
amounts to about 4 percent of GDP. Thus, friction with Turkey, an arms
race, increased defense spending, involvement in Middle East rivalries,
and such diplomatic embarrassments as the Ocalan fiasco undermine
Greece's urgent developmental goals. This does not mean that Greece
will necessarily avoid these traps, but doing so is at least the
country's current preferences.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Spiros Ch. Kaminaris is completing his doctorate at the Centre for
Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies at the University of
Birmingham, UK. His dissertation is on terrorist acts in Greece and
governmental responses.

For free subscription to MERIA, please write to
be...@ashur.cc.biu.ac.il.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Notes

[1] See incidents 2527 and 3207 in Edward F. Mickolus, Terrorism,
1988-1991: A Chronology of Events and a Selectively Annotated
Bibliography. (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, Westport, 1993), pp
570-573 and 734-740.

[2] As a result to this incident, one CIA agent involved in the case
was thrown out of Greece. Wall Street Journal,10 July, 1984. See also
Daily Telegraph, 9 July,1984. New York Times, 9 July, 1984.

[3] Washington Post, January 6, 1985.

[4] This incident is well known as the world watched in horror since
television cameras tracked TWA Flight pilot, Capt. John Testrake, a gun
held to his head by Middle Eastern Terrorist. Haitham Haddadi, "Major
Hijackings in Last 20 years", Reuters, 19 September, 1995. See also
David Field, "TWA Has Maintained Respected Safety Record but
Terrorists Have Targeted Airline in Past", USA Today, 18 July, 1996.

[5] See Christos Ioannides, "Greece Turkey, the United States and the
Politics of Middle Eastern Terrorism" in Greece on the Road to
Democracy from the Junta to Pasok 1974-1986, ed. Speros Vryonis (New
York: Caratzas, Jan Press, 1991), pp. 152 and 245.

[6] See Greece: Chapter 5C. Foreign Military Relations, Countries of
the World; Embassy of Greece, Washington DC; 01-01-1991. EBO consisted
of two factories-one in Aiyion and the other in Lavrion. The Aiyion
plant employed more than 800 people and produced GA3 and GA4 assault
rifles; the MP5 submachine gun; MG3, HK11, and HK21 machine guns; the
Rheinmetall 20mm cannon; the Mauser 30mm model F cannon; 81mm mortars;
and other small arms equipment. The Lavrion plant employed over 400 in
the production of ammunition and explosives. EBO has also developed
weapons systems for domestic use; the ARTEMIS-30, a small antiaircraft
system, was developed for use by the Greek army in the Aegean. This
system found an international market.

[7] See George J. Tsoumis, "Defense Policies of Pasok," in Greece
under Socialism ed. N. Stavrou (New York: Caratzas-Orheus Press, 1988),
p. 101. [8] Ibid.

[9] "The New Greece," Economist, 315 (June 9,1990): p. 58. Gil
Sedan, "Greek Leader Arrives In Israel, Solidifying New Warm
Relations," Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 19 May, 1992, pp PG.

[10] Mickolus, op. cit., p. 646.

[11] Ibid., pp. 728-730. Myra MacDonald, "Greek Court Cuts Prison
Terms for

Palestinians," Reuters, 12-22-1995.

[12] Jean Cohen, "Greek Court Gives Palestinians Stiff Sentences For
1991 Bombing", Jewish Telegraphic Agency, 07-20-1992, pp PG.

[13] Ibid.

[14] See Tracey Ober, "Greece extradites Achille Lauro convict to
Italy", Reuters, May 24, 1996.

[15] See Stephen Weeks, "Freed Pan Am bomber leaves Greece amid US
anger", Reuters, 12 May, 1996, pp PG.. Vicki Allen, "U.S. blasts
release of convicted bomber", Reuters, 12 May, 1996. Stephen Weeks,
"Convicted Palestinian Gets Easter Break in Greece", Reuters, April
17, 1996. Jean Cohen, "Greek High Court Reduces Prison Time of Arab
who Placed FaPlane", Jewish TeleAgency, 21 June, 1993.

[16] The bomb killed Gligorov's driver and wounded three bystanders
in the center of the Macedonian capital. If Gligorov had been killed,
it would have left Macedonia without a skilled leader. Greece could put
the screws back on by keeping trade sanctions. Bulgaria could stir
animosity among Macedonia's pro-Bulgarian Slavs. The large ethnic
Albanian minority in the west of the country could sharpen demands for
more autonomy. Bloodshed between Serbs and Albanians in Serbia' s
Kosovo province could trickle dangerously into Macedonia. And it was
also feared that Serbia might try to gobble up Macedonia--south Serbia,
as some Serbs call it--as well. However Macedonia's own extreme
nationalists, were the most likely perpetrators of the bomb attack
since they accused Gligorov for being too soft. See "A Blow Against
Macedonia. [Attempted Assassination of President Kiro Gligorov Shows
how Fragile the Republic Is]", The Economist, 337 (October 7, 1995):
p. 57. See also Kurt Schork, "Peace Efforts in ex-Yugoslavia Jolted
by Violence", Reuters, October 3, 1995. Regarding the bomb threat
against Papoulias, the Greek Foreign Ministry gave no details of who
had made the bomb threat. Papoulias however signed a highly
controversial accord earlier this month with Macedonia (Fyrom). The
deal involved the lifting of Greek sanctions against FYROM and the
removal of a symbol from FYROM's flag which Greece considered implied
a claim to Greek territory. He was due to meet the foreign minister of
Turkey in New York during the UN session. Buchizya Mseteka, "Bomb
Threat Forces Greek Minister's Plane to Land," Reuters; September
24, 1995.

[17] MAVI group was active in Greece as early as June 1983, when the
group claimed responsibility for a bomb planted in the Albanian
ambassador's car, parked in front of the Albanian embassy in Athens
causing material damages but no injuries. See Mickolus, op. cit., Vol.
1 1980-83 (Iowa State University Press, 1989), p 409.

[18] Reuters, May 17, 1997. Bruce Hoffman and Dona Kim Hoffman, The
Rand-St. Andrews Chronology of International Terrorism 1994. Reprinted
from Terrorism and Political Violence, p. 191. U.S. Department of State
1995: Patterns of Global Terrorism, 1994, Office of the Coordinator for
Counter-Terrorism Appendix A: Chronology of Significant Terrorist
Incidents, 1994.

[19] The Sunday Observer, September 28, 1997. See also "Greece to
React to UK Paper on Kurdish Terrorist Camps," Xinhua News Agency, 03
October, 1997.

[20] "Greece Will Call For Demilitarisation of Bosphorus",
Itar-Tass, September 9, 1997.

[21] Reuters, 16/01/1999. See also Marjorie Miller, Maura Reynolds,
Paul Watson, Carol J. Williams John J. Goldman Maria Petrakisin.
"Kurd Response Is Disruptive--and Disciplined, Los Angeles Times,
Home Edition Part A, Page 1 February 17, 1999

[22] "The Ocalan crisis," The Economist, Vol. 350, February 20,
1999. See also Ilene R. Prusher, "How Kurd's arrest rattles,"
Christian Science Monitor, February 2, 1999.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Michael Theodoulou and Andrew Finkel, "Ankara force storms into
northern Iraq," Times February 18, 1999.

[25] New York Times, December 27, 1985.

[26] See Alex P. Schmid, Albert Jongman et al. Political Terrorism: A
New Guide to Actors, Concepts, Data Bases, Theories and Literature,
(Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Company, 1988) p. 560.

[27] Robert Ajemian, "Scandals The Looting of Greece for the First
Time, A Fallen Tycoon Tells how he Embezzled Millions", Time, March
13, 1989, p. 32. Michael S. Serrill. Reported by Mirka Gondicas/Athens,
Europe: "In Classical Greece, The Elected Magistrates of Athens,
Called", Time International, September 25, 1989, p. 22. See also Time
International, "Hanging it out in Public Papandreou's Peccadilloes
May Bring his Downfall," December 19,1988.

[28] Greek government spokesman, Dimitris Reppas said that the PKK
would not be allowed to open an office in Greece because it operates
against state governments by using violence and terrorism. "Mr.
Reppas Commented on the Opening of PKK Offices in Greece Athens",
Macedonia Press Agency, May 4, 1998.

[29] The Greek Government claimed that it opposed terrorism and the use
of violence but isolating a country was not the best way to bring it
into the international community. "EU Ambassadors to Return to Iran
Soon", Xinhua News Agency, April 29, 1997. The State Department was
at the end very pleased to see the Greek ambassador leaving Iran. U.S.
Dept Of State: Daily press briefing, M2 Press Wire, April 18, 1997.

[30] Bargaining during negotiations tends to be more effective when
participants have equal rather than unequal power. J. Z. Rubin and B.
R. Brown, The Social Psychology of Bargaining and Negotiation, Academic
Press (London 1975), p. 228.

[31] In September 1998, the Greek foreign minister met in Tehran with
his Armenian and Iranian counterparts. Following their meeting, the
Iranian media called for a regional defense alliance against Turkey and
Israel. Daniel Pipes, "The real `New Middle East," Commentary,
November 11, 1998, p. 25.

[32] Ibid.

[33] John Collins, "Definitional Aspects" in Y. Alexander and C.
Edinger, Political Terrorism and Energy: The Threat and Response [New
York: Praeger Publishers, 1981],p.6.

[34] See, for example, on the Turkish issue's role in U.S.-Greek
relations, Andrew Gimson "Clinton backs Turkey's fight to join
EU," Daily Telegraph, May 14, 1998.

Dorian West

unread,

Jan 16, 2005, 1:46:32 AM1/16/05

<markt...@yahoo.com> wrote in message
news:1105803343.9...@c13g2000cwb.googlegroups.com...

>
>
>
>
> Greeks (and other EU countries) bitch about Turkey claiming Turkey is
> not a secular but a Moslem country.
>
> Actually Greece is a non-secular, Christianist country where the
> Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ is the official religion of the Greek
> State. (Some claim Greece "is neo-pagan porno-communist" country.)
>
> The religions and peoples of other Christian denominations in Greece
> are not considered equal to the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ.
> Greece has a national flag with a religious symbol (Christian cross) on
> it.
>
> At the same time Greece is a member of EU which, supposedly, requires
> religious equality, secularism and equal respect to all religions and
> all the other equal basic human rights and freedoms.
>
> In Greece, minority religious groups can only function if they first
> obtain an operating license; licenses are only granted by Greek
> Orthodox bishops. Greeks call this oppression and dictatorship "freedom
> of religion."
>
> And EU does not require Greece to modify its constitution and laws to
> meet the general standards and principles of EU. Obviously EU is a
> total scam itself just like Greece is.

Greece is a European Christian nation like ALL nations in the EU. If Turkey
hates Europe and Greece, the nation that gave Europe her name, culture
including religion of Christianity, why is Turkey begging like an old,
crippled whore to enter the EU? Do you have no shame? Quick answer is no,
you are an appalling Muslim nation and do not belong in Europe. You should
not even compete in Eurovision or UEFA and that goes for your cohort in
depravity and murder, the equally heathen, Israel. You should both compete
with your fellow Asians and stop pretending to be European. Or could it be
that these 2 nations are the most hated races on earth and no-one wants to
compete with them? If so, 1 must ask why?

premium

unread,

Jan 16, 2005, 12:25:01 PM1/16/05

I am Seanie wrote:

>>Subject: Re: Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ Is The Ruler Of Greece
>>From: "Dorian West" bitb...@ripe.net
>>Newsgroups: soc.culture.turkish, soc.culture.europe, soc.culture.greek,
>>soc.culture.usa
>>References: <1105803343.9...@c13g2000cwb.googlegroups.com>
>>Date: Sun, 16 Jan 2005 06:46:32 -0000
>>Lines: 129
>>X-Priority: 3
>>X-MSMail-Priority: Normal
>>X-Newsreader: Microsoft Outlook Express 6.00.2900.2180
>>X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2900.2180
>>X-RFC2646: Format=Flowed; Original
>>NNTP-Posting-Host: 220.244.250.142
>>X-Original-NNTP-Posting-Host: 220.244.250.142
>>Message-ID: <41ea...@dnews.tpgi.com.au>
>>X-Trace: dnews.tpgi.com.au!tpg.com.au 1105857994 220.244.250.142 (16 Jan 2005
>>17:46:34 +1100)
>>Path:
>>lobby!ngtf-m01.news.aol.com!ngpeer.news.aol.com!feed2.newsreader.com!news
> reader.com!newsfeed.media.kyoto-u.ac.jp!newsfeed.icl.net!newsfeed.fjserv.n
> et!newsfeed.freenet.de!solnet.ch!solnet.ch!nntp.gblx.net!nntp3.phx1!dnews.
> tpgi.com.au!tpg.com.au!not-
>>for-mail
>>Xref: lobby soc.culture.turkish:473210 soc.culture.europe:503240
>>soc.culture.greek:441082 soc.culture.usa:1743569

>>> Let Arafat and Saddam save you!
>

> ab...@tpgi.com.au
>
> http://www.hreoc.gov.au/racial_discrimination/cyberracism/vilification.html
>
> MEDIA RELEASE Melbourne Vic Australia
>
> The Anti-Violence Project of Victoria has issued a call for local action to
> mark todays International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination for
> us all to challenge racism and sexual racism within our GLBT communities.
>
> According to Co-Convenor Greg Adkins the Victoria GLBT community is no
> different to many global queer communities when it comes to sexual racism and
> its negative impacts on our lives.
>
> "If each of us hasn't challenged racism before, then today is a great day to
> start doing so", he said.
>
> "Many of us understand intimately through the coming out process how it feels
> to be gay and invisible within the broader community. Yet often we treat queer
> people of diverse cultural backgrounds in exactly the same way - as invisible
> and non-existent individuals - and this is appalling", he said.
>
> "Today's the perfect day to challenge this, if we haven't already done so".
>
> "The AVP calls on all of us to challenge ourselves and the behaviours of our
> intimate circles of friends to eliminate racism, including sexual racism. As a
> community we must remove our fingers from our collective backside and make a
> start".
>
> "Let's be frank about sexual racism, each of us knows that preference is an
> important aspect of who we are, who we love and how relationships are formed
> and sustained. Yet racism is not about preference; its about exclusion and
> forcing some of our brothers and sisters to be invisible again. Kind of like
> forcing them into a closet all over again".
>
> "And some of the most open and "out of the closet" people amongst us refrain
> from challenging sexual racism when it rears is very ugly gay face, making us
> no better than the the people who instigate this form of violence."
>
> Starting today, and throughout the "Week of Solidarity with Peoples Struggling
> Against Racism and Racial Discrimination", the AVP urges Victoria's GLBT
> community to move beyond tolerance to respect and say no to racism of all forms
> including sexual racism.
>
> AVP Co-Convenor Jill Wood invited people to report their experiences of racism
> and sexual racism through the AVP on-line violence reporting site
> www.antiviolence.info giving a true picture of the extent of this problem so
> that appropriate action could be formulated.
>
> For further information email the Anti-Violence Project of Victoria (AVP)
> vic...@yahoo.com or call Co-Convenor Greg Adkins 0407 664442
>
> BTW Ź
> V

Yeah, right, Beanie let no one discriminate against any sexual aberration:

http://www.geocities.com/MadisonAvenue/3333/selin0004.jpg

Stand up for your rights as a pervert, Beanie Ratleggie!

LMAO!
--
If stupidity had financial value you'd be stinking rich, Seanie.

Seanie PWNs Tsolakis

unread,

Jan 16, 2005, 12:59:16 PM1/16/05

PWN ! *LMFAOAY* Tsolakis got PWNT again !

Mwaaahahahahahahahahahahaharrr

Hey SPOD-bwoy

I clicked it and ........................

PWNAGE !

Mewhahahahahahahhahahahahar

I PWN U N08 !

Nice try "Dead-Cell" ! all your links are deader than your "intellect"
are they ?

How long has that been down for......... I wonder ? you've been posting
it forever just like these aintcha bwoy !
Mbouharharharharharharhar what a sad, SPENT, expired feckin' NUMPTY !
I'd forgotting just how satisfying it was to bitchslap your cowering
little girik arse *LOLOL*

Let's see now......CLICK.....

http://www.atour.com/~aahgn/ DEADER than Yiorgos Tsolakis grey matter