Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-Secularism: Examples in Modern 'Turkey and Zionism
Özcan SOYSAL
Zionism
Avrum EHRLICH
Introduction
This article tries to understand two aspects of the relationship between
Sabbateanism and secularism (1), the first is the influence of the Dönme; an
organised Sabbatean group that converted to Islam out of theological
conviction which we will argue underscored a distinct "assimilation
doctrine" and a profound sympathy for secularism. The second is the general
I effects of Sabbatean doctrines and the extent to which it trickled down
and influenced strains within the mainstream Jewish mindset. These two are
very different, despite its secrecy the former is an organised cultural
group while the latter does not credit Sabbateanism in any way and even
tries to disguise it, so proof must be sought through clues and doctrinal
similarities still extant within the thinking patterns of suspected groups.
Scholars such as Scholem and Katz undertook this and we have them to thank
for drawing the connection between Sabbateanism and certain modern Jewish
phenomena. This article carries off from Scholem's assertion and Katz's
follow-up that Sabbateanism, as an anti-nomian religion(2), provided
precedents and legitimacy to a Judaism that did not necessarily keep all
Jewish law and in doing so paved the way to forms of ritually non-observant
Judaism such as the Haskalla and Zionism. In this paper we will concentrate,
amongst other things, an evidence of Sabbatean influence an the Young Turk
revolution and an Zionism.
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(1)Thanks to Denis Ojalvo from Istanbul and to Dönme activists Ilgaz Zorlu
and B. Selim Iz for their interesting thoughts and references. Thanks to Dr
Gad Nasi of the Turkish Community in Israel and Yuri Yomtov for their
bibliographical suggestions. Appreciation to Yakov Leib, moderator and
teacher of the Donmeh West Web Site who, through his efforts to disseminate
Sabbatean teachings provides Information and important archives as well as a
platform for lay-people and academics alike to study Sabbatean and
`neo-Sabbatean' subjects.
(2) See Gershom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 1626-1676
(Princeton, 1976) and Jacob Katz, "The Suggested Relationship between
Sabbatianism, Haskalah, and Reform", Divine Law in Human Hands (Jerusalem,
1998) 504-530.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 274
We know the importance of ideas, and by extension religion, in galvanising
people into networks and then political action. Human kind seems to be euer
developing the sophistication of its alliance networks and the way in which
people, groups and nations consolidate and make covenants. The Sabbatean
network structure is remarkable in many ways. Social networking in general
serves as nothing less than a barometre, albeit not always easy to read,
measuring degrees of social evolution. Indeed, social anthropologists have
documented this process over tens of thousands of years and historians have
correlated it with their understanding of events. But the process by which
ideal move and grow and are disseminated beyond their original breeding
ground is an area less understood. Tracing the effects of Sabbateanism is as
difficult. Via which mediums were the ideal of Sabbateanism transferred? How
did Sabbateanism transform? Did those people influenced by Sabbatean ideal
work solely within Jewish frameworks or at convenient opportunity break from
them leaving no trace of having existed?! Are
Sabbateans always dreamy mystics or perverts as portrayed in many historical
accounts or are they social activists, revolutionaries, liberals and people
intuitively seeking moderation and a desire to shrug off the yoke of
restrictive religious governance?! Was the Sabbatean breakaway a deviation
from the norm or an attempt to reform and a catalyst for what later became
the Jewish Enlightenment?! Are there still groups of people that show
evidence or signs of Sabbatean influence? Whether this area of
research can be understood in much the Same way as the study of the
empirical sciences and the study of, lets say - energy, which never
dissipates but only changes form, depends an our ability to trace and
document its transformations. How we trace a collection of religious ideas
embodied in a particular group as they spread or transform, disseminate or
become desirable to other civilisations is not yet a science. Some of these
questions are answered I through the following study. Sabbateanism is an
example in point, being strategically positioned to be the carrier of new
ideas, it was however less able to survive as an intact group over the
furies of history, leaving us primarily with an important doctrinal heritage
sweeping through and effecting both Jewish and wider society. The story of
the Dönme only partly depicts the extent of Sabbatean influence.
Key Terms
It is appropriate to make a few general comments and establish working
definitions of the major subjects discussed here.
Sabbateanism developed to explain the teachings and actions of Sabetay Sevi
(Shabbtai Zvi), who declared his messiaship in 1666 and soon alter allegedly
converted to Islam leaving a large and far spread Hock in the
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 275
Ottoman Empire and beyond very confused. He and his followers combined the
study of Lurianic Kabbalah with overt messianism and a unique relationship
with the Ottoman Empire. The aberration of Jewish law as taught by his
disciples was justified with mystical rationale as an important step in the
messianic redemption. Thus disobedience of Jewish religious law became
acceptable and even encouraged in the sect while purporting a desire for
holiness, and a belief in God and the Massiah. Abandoning tradition seemed
to legitimise and even encourage assimilatory thinking as a religious tenet,
something which had been strongly condemned by the rabbinic leadership till
that time. Sabbateanism witnessed a group of Sevi's adherents convert to
Islam (known as the Dönme) 'gut other forms converted to Catholicism
(Frankism) and it is considered likely that other assimilatory efforts
(Haskalla, Reform, Zionism) were either inspired by Sabbatean doctrine or
underwent the same processes that led to its development. Assimilation seems
to be a common thread amongst these groups, For many believers who rejected
Sabetay Sevi's messiahship alter his apostasy, the issues he extolled
nevertheless still remained valid. They were ideas that had been repressed
by the traditional leadership but had been given credibility by the
Sabbatean movement, and even though it took an extreme expression by Sevis's
conversion to Islam, the ideas remained intact. Had Sevi and his followers
not taken such extreme measures the ideas expressed would never have reached
a critical mass, but clearly there existed pent up feelings and
dissatisfaction in Jewish life which needed to be vented and it fell an
these events to bring them to the fore. Indeed many Jews wished to remain
loyal to their religious, traditional, family and emotional heritage but
also had reservations about their lives under existing conditions. The
all-permeating legal demands of ritual Jewish law (halakhah) were stifling,
the introverted stance of the Jewish community and its fear of engaging the
wider society did not suit the ambitious nature of many Jews. The lack of
culture and national Symbols and the Sense that Jews were not able to share
in the sovereignty of the Empire was frustrating. Many sought a way to
integrate into the larger society and sought a national identity while not
giving up their essential belief Systems and the culture dear to them.
Sabbateanism emerged to provide doctrinal solutions for these people. The
doctrines emerging did not remain the heritage of a closed group, while the
"assimilation doctrine" was not always conducive to group building, it was
an important enough idea to proliferate and it did so leaving few traceable
links to its Sabbatean
source (3).
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(3) The well documented "witch hunts" alter secret Sabbateans and the
repression of Sabbatean influence is the best evidence that their doctrine
was felt and feared amongst the traditional Jewish communities.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianisrn as Proto-secularism 276
The Dönme are the descendents of a Small group of people who, emulating
Sabetay Sevi, converted to Islam. Some will argue, amongst them members of
modern day Dönme communities in Turkey, that they had been forced to convert
to Islam like their leader had and the theological conviction in Support of
the conversion developed only afterwards(4). The term "Dönme" is Turkish for
an insincere conversion to Islam - apostate (5). The Dönme community
combined many Jewish practices in private while demonstrating Islamic
practices in public. Although enclothed in religious doctrine, the essential
direction of the theology was towards assimilation, interestingly this idea
still possesses religious significance. Nevertheless, it is likely that
conversion to Islam had a practical motive also, those Seeking tax havens
and the better economic treatment endowed to Muslims but remaining Jewish at
heart, sought to join this community. It is also likely that those that had
converted to Islam for pragmatic reasons prior to Sevi's mystical apostasy
later joined Dönme communities feeling more comfortable there than in a
purely Islamic environment. In many respects whatoresembles (or inspired) a
later declaration by Moses Mendelsohn to be a "Jew in the home and a German
in the street", or rather in this earlier context "to be a Muslim an the
street and a Jew in private". The Dönme became a home for assimilated Jews
muck like the modern phenomena of mixed Jewish-Gentile couples joining
reform temples because they are accepted there and not in orthodox
communities. The influences of Sabbateanism are possible to detect in the
above Statement and within the highly assimilatory program of the
Enlightenment. But overt rejection of tradition would have been impossible
in the strongly traditional structures of the 17`h century and therefore the
Dönme intuitively garbed their ideas with religious/doctrinal overtones and
in elaborate rituals and symbolism until the onset of public secularism
permitted its essential nature to become public.
The Dönme are notoriously secretive, this becoming a major tenet of their
doctrine, this was likely because of fear of the Ottoman authorities and
because they wished to preserve the many benefits they enjoyed as Muslims
while knowing they were not entirely Muslim in practice. Without a doubt
they also feared the criticism and the vengeance of Jewish orthodoxy which
might try to spoil their situation if they knew too muck. Converting to
Islam
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(4) In personal communications with Turkish Dönme.
(5) Considering a hadith of Muhammad to the spirit of "those who call anyone
who makes hadith an unbeliever is himself an unbeliever" is that there is no
notion of insincere conversion in Islam, it is surprising that the Dönme
should be considered or called Islamic unbelievers.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 277
offered a way to break out of the millet community structure forced an
minority communities by the Sultan (6).
Under such a System the Jewish religious leadership of the Empire - the
"Haham Basi'' appointed rabbinic leaders, collected community policy and
religious law and meted out justice. However disagreeable his religious
decisions were for minority Jewish groups, all were required to abide by its
policy. By conversion to Islam, however, one would no longer be required to
heed the Jewish hierarchy and could more easily form independent community
structures. Clearly motives existed for their conversion; to be relieved
from religious tyranny and also to become a part of a broad thinking and
aspiring Empire.
The alleged Sexual promiscuity of the Dönme along with other rituals i
believed to be practised by them is in itself a fascinating study. True or
false? Whether part of an Image that rabbinism created to delegitimise a
schismatic sect or in some way true and having some ideological merit within
Sabbateanism is still unclear. Many Dönme insist that rumours of
' orgies an the "feast of the lamb" are baseless while some scholars argue
that ,' they were once in practice amongst more doctrinally observant
Dönme'. Myth or fact these alleged rituals make for fascinating imagery. The
"feast of the lambs" for example contains symbols and subliminal ideology
least among them an early exploration of women's liberationism arguably
paving
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(6) The Millet System was the application of the dhimma contract prescribed
in the Quran to protect the `people of the book' (dhimmi). In many ways it
was superior to any other method employed by Christian civilisation in the
East or West. It was an enlightened means of preserving the identity of
minority groups and securing their religious liberties. It allowed Jews,
Catholics and Orthodox Christianity to ensure their distinctions and
preserved the uniqueness of various Orthodox sects yet it appears not to
have been as sensitive to sub divisions within all religious groups and left
room for some frustration.
(7) The following is part of a personal communication with a member of a
Dönme community in Istanbul , and his denial of allegations of wife swapping
"...Although Muslim fundamentalists will say everything that is offensive
against the Dönme they never say a word about `wife swapping Bastards'. Even
they believe that this is a shameless slander. I can't help wonder why the
Jews can't think of anything else except wife swapping orgies when it comes
to the Dönme. Do allegations miraculously turn true when many people Start
believing in them? Then are we to believe in the blond libels and the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion because millions of people believe that
these are historical facts. How absurd. This is nonsense. It was Born from
sectarian hatred. The descendants of the Dönme will not be ashamed of their
heritage because a couple of Jewish academicians want them to. (e.g. Gershom
Scholem),..". (Name withheld for privacy).
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 278
the way for equality of the sexes in their community in contrast to the
conservatism of other Muslim groups in Turkey8. If true, it would certainly
have forced them into Isolation from other Jews and consequently to a
greater dependence an each other if for no other reason than their offspring
were suspected of being `bastards' (mamzerim) in rabbinic terms and only
people of the Same legal status were permitted to marry with them (9). On
the other hand we may argue that these rumours were perpetuated as a
rabbinic method to ensure that other Jews did not marry them. Unable to deny
them their status as Jews, the rabbinic leadership denied them their rights
to marry v-ith other Jews, basing this an suspicions of Sexual promiscuity
and providing a perfectly sound legal platform for their excommunication.
The Dönme answered to various names such as "Maaminim" (Hebrew for
`believers'), "Avdeti" (Arabic for `heretics'), "Selanikli" (from Salonika),
and Sabetayci (Sabbetai). By the 19`h century three strains of Dönme had
emerged, each with their own distinct classes and kahal/synagogues and they
were particularly represented in the Dönme stronghold of Salonica.
I. Izmirim, (otherwise known as Kapanci) were the original followers of
Sabetay Sevi, named alter his home-town of Izmir. The Izmiris were
successful in trade and in intelligentsia - they formed the aristocracy of
Dönme society under the name "Cavelleros", they were highly assimilated into
Ottoman society and spoke Turkish.
2. The Yakoviyim, followed Sevi's brother Jacob believing him to be his
incarnation. They were represented in lower and middle classes of Ottoman
society and were commonly bureaucrats in Ottoman government.
3. The Konyoses, (otherwise known as Karaka~) followed one of Sevi's
disciples Baruchia Russo believing him to be his incarnation. They were the
poorest of the Dönme, spoke Judeo-Spanish and were generally artisans and
workers. A part of this group are believed to still practice
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(8) Bektashi and other Shias preached equality of the sexes prior to
Sabbateanism indicating either causal influence an Sabbateanism or similar
processes occurring in them.
(9) At the "feast of the lamb" an orgy allegedly takes place, offspring of
which are considered to be holy children despite rabbinic insistence that
they are Bastards Born of adultery. The theology of the Bastard is
fascinating and reflects many issues of mysticism and the breaking with
traditional models of family and group hierarchy out of which the messiah is
expected to emerge. This practice might also be connected to and in some way
a response to the Problems of `agunot' chained women who's husbands were
feared dead but Jewish law prohibited from remarring until substantiated by
eyewitnesses. In the wake of Pogroms and refugees this was a difficult
Problem and Sabbatean practice responded by embracing a form of ritual
adultery and indirectly an acceptance of agunot.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianisrn as Proto-secularism 279
religious rites in Modern Turkey and are known as fanatical fundamentalists
by the rest of the Dönme.
If we Interpret the Dönme conversion to Islam not so muck as an embrace of
Islamic religious doctrine but as the desire to assimilate in to the
dominant society, then we may assume that with the easing of Islamic norms
in Modern Turkey, the Dönme would not Fight te remain loyal to Islam but
rather adopt new practices. And although Islam does not permit the
interrogation of converts and was required to accept them without question,
the Dönme were traditionally suspected of lacking conviction. This suspicion
proved justified as demonstrated by the ease that Dönme slipped into
secularism alter the tanzimat reforms introduced by foreign pressures around
the 1840s. Taxation of minorities was eased and conversion out of Islam was
permitted signalling a process of secularisation and unprecedented levels of
tolerance for other worldviews an a de jure basis (10). Evangelical
Christian groups became more active in the empire and some even assumed
their strong influence an Sabbateanism, which combined Christian influences
of the Inquisition and influences of British millenarians making headway in
the Ottoman Empire(11). The Dönme community certainly felt less obliged to
strict Islam and at liberty to greater assimilation into an even broader
System, while the reforms allowed many to return to Judaism, by that time
Jews were also Seeking broader paradigms and a return to sectarianism was
unnecessary. Religion was no longer the predominant superstructure for
society but rather a component of it, they and others identified the
umbrella structure of nationalism and tolerant secular government to be the
choicest paradigm permitting diverse practices and
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(10) The Tanzimat reforms of the 1840s in Turkey were designed in part to
allow Albanian Catholics freedom to worship publicly but at the Same time it
reduced pressures an Sabbatean Jews who professed a desire to resume public
Judaism.
(11) See Jacob Barnai, "The Outbreak of Sabbateanism - The Eastern European
Factor", The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy, Vol 4 pp 171-183. He
argues that the 30 year war between 1618-1648 created a flood of Jewish
refugees from Eastern Europe to Western Europe including Germany, Austria,
Hungary, France, Holland and England. He argues that in Amsterdam these
refugees met Marranose "saturated by messianic tension" and was influenced
by them and also by Christian doctrine. Amongst them was R' Heschel Zoref of
Vilna who alter returning to Poland was one of the chief prophets of Shabtai
Sevi. He also connects Jewish messianic groups with Christian messianic
predictions around the year 1648. He quotes the work of Richard H. Popkin
"Rabbi Nathan Shapira's Visit to Amsterdam" in Dutch Jewish History, and
Christian millenarist publications in London predicting the redemption and
the liberation of the Jews in 1658. This connection needs further study.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 280
culture. It became obvious that conversion to Christianity was also not as
progressive as the embrace of secularism and nationalism.
The greatest change for the Dönme community occurred during the Balkan wars
when Salonica passed over to Greek hands, at this point many Dönme resettled
in Turkish Istanbul and set up schools and eommunities which have left a
mark an Turkish society till today. But the forced transfer of Turks from
Salonica to Turkey in 1924 was the final blow to the Dönme stronghold and
changed the course of Dönme history. While many attempted a
rapprochement with the Jewish community that would allow them to remain !i
in Salonica as Jews not as Turks, their efforts were rejected. Rabbinic
refusal to accept them back remarkably saved them from extinction along with
the rest of Salonican Jewry during the Nazi occupation of Greece. Other
Dönme are alleged to have converted to Christianity so as to remain in
Salonica but the Greek public opinion viewed the Dönme as more harmful that
other Turks and sought their absolute expulsion. It is therefore unclear to
what extent conversion to Christianity helped them and to what extent Chose
that remained were saved from destruction under the Nazi occupation (12).
From the 1940s there began a strong assimilatory trend amongst the Dönme who
'' resettled in Turkey. Efforts to preserve their secrecy were intensified
probably resulting from having witnessed the destruction of Greek Jewry and
fear that the same could happen to them in the Wake of Turkish cooperation
with the Nazi regime. Fear of growing Islamic antagonism to the believed
Dönme role in the overthrow of the Sultan and establisof a secular State in
Turkey, further forced Dönme affiliates to underplay their prominence and
community network.
Though the Dönme were never officially deemed a separate group there were
signs that this might change when the 1960 Census registered them as a
distinct group primarily for taxation purposes. At the time it was believed
that approximately 20,000 Dönme members existed in Turkey. Some estimate
their numbers to be around 50,000-60,000 today. They are believed to be very
prosperous but highly assimilated, with only a Small minority Sabbatean in
the religious sense They generally refer to themselves as "Salonicans" not
as Sabbateans. The enmity of Islamic fundamentalism serving to preserve a
distinct ethnic memory more than their own culture would have otherwise.
Because of the high intermarriage rate a phenomena of hald - Dönme is
becoming increasingly well known. There have been
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~2 Selahattin Ülkümen, The Turkish Consul-General of Rhodes during the
Second World War was alleged to be a Dönme. He interceded to save 42 Jewish
families of Turkish nationality from deportation to Auschwitz. He was
honoured as a "Righteous Gentile" by Yad Va-Shem in 1990.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 281
recent efforts by partisan Dönme activists to reclaim their national pride
and standing in Turkish society but this has met with Overall rejection,
embarrassment and denial from the mainstream Dönme poputation.
The Ottaman Empirer l.ed from 1299-1920 and as it grew embraced different
religions and cultures unde.its sovereignty. Ottomans had a long history of
tolerance, open door policy for Jews from Spain and later from Russia. To
accommodate them and other groups it developed the Quranic a concept of the
dhimmi to ensure a method of Islamic rule tolerant to different cultures. It
translated into a system of minority administrations known as the millet
System where religious groups could rule their own people with minimal
interference while insuring Ottoman hegemony and efficient tax collection.
This system was partially successful but also left muck dissatisfaction.
Perhaps Sabbateanism was a form of Jewish Protest against corruption of
mainstream millet leadership - which was invariably the rabbinate. Perhaps
the millet System ordained by the Sultan to facilitate the orderly control
of minority religions bolstered an intolerant local leadership that ignored
pluralism and subtleties of religious sub-groups causing them to be stifled
to such a degree that it made conversion to Islam one of the only remedies.
The environment in the Ottoman Empire was fertile ground for a
crossreligious movement such as Sabbateanism to sprout. The Empire was also
home to Bektashism, another highly tolerant, Gross religious form of Sufi
Islam that was maintained particular ties to Ottomanism and also had strong
ties with the Dönme. These mystically oriented groups seemed to be exploring
new paradigms of religious and social Integration. The Dönme proved
Instrumental in the success of the Young Turk revolution and the
v formation of the secular state, while the Bektashi, for their own reasons
i opposed the Young Turk revolution.
Mysticism
Despite its other characteristics, we argue that mysticism in some ways is a
form of proto-secularism exactly because of its mystical nature. Centuries
before secularism came into existence as a concept unto itself, various
social forces were conspiring to produce its seminal form. Mystics are often
more interpretive of texts, allow more room for scope and tolerance, and
differ from the conservative norm, being less rigid in the obedience
ofreligious laws, more accepting of peoples believing that unity exists an a
profounder level. The antinomian nature of Sabbateanism rejects the
traditional Jewish ritual as antiquated while embraces what was believed to
be a more universal messianic goal - which later evolved into the tenets of
secularism and democracy.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messiarrism as Proto-secularism 282
Despite the perception that mystics associate with rigid or fundamental
sects, it seems that the doctrinal structures of some such groups are often
more liberal than superficially thought to be. The liberal ideas and goals
at the heart of such group's thinking are perceived by members to be under
so great an attack from intolerant elements, that great efforts were taken
to ensure their preservation. Rituals and rules of entry into the group were
enforced. Hence groups that could well have advocated proto-liberal ideas
developed ritual and rigours to protect themselves which over time became an
integral part of the group identity and were not eased when the ideas they
propagated became more tolerated or even became the norm. Hence mysticism
must be viewed carefully appreciating both its religious affiliations as
well as the radical approaches that it often introduced into societies still
not ready to embrace them.
Mystical Messianism of the Jewish strain commonly draws its doctrinal
principles from Lourianic Kabbalah which teaches a doctrinal system where
individuals, by virtue of their own - independent - spiritual efforts
combine to redeem humanity. This idea is messianic in that its final goal is
the redemption of mankind, but it suffices with mystical and ritualistic
efforts and does not require practical means or effort within political
systems to achieve its goals. This form of messianism appears to have become
popular after efforts at political messianism failed and the political
circumstances for redemption were continually not forthcoming (13). A Sense
of hopelessness j; drove the Jewish masses that embraced kabbalistic
teachings to find their redemption in a System that would no longer
disappoint them. In general mysticism's ambiguity lends itself to extreme
degrees of Interpretation and therefore flexibility, which we shall see
lends itself to what later developed as "secularism".
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13 On the first päge of his introduction to his book "Ez Haim", (Hakdmat
MoHRH"V al Shar ha-Hakdamot) Haim Vital calculates how the Messiah should
haue come and has not and that all efforts to bring him have failed. He
blames this failure an the y false understanding of certain religious
scholars. In the proceedings he argues how a mystical understanding of
Jewish law is essential to the redemptive process and that a purely halakhic
approach is damaging and counterproductive. His language is fierce and
critical of the dry halakhists who do not understand the Kabbalahh "they
have brought the exit of the Divine Presence from the world". This criticism
is arguably directed at the group led by R' Jacob Berab, which sought to
re-establish the Sanhedrin and bring about the redemptive process, based an
halakhic and political grounds. The causal relationship between the failure
of this group and the subsequent strengthening of mystical messianism and
Lourianic Kabbalahh becomes increasingly evident.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism
283
Political Messianism an the other band is a set of political/utopian ideas
and religious doctrines imported from the Hebrew province of Judea and draws
an classic Jewish aspirations to physically and literally rebuild the Jewish
State. In its religious context this required the establishment of the
Sanhedrin and the rule of biblical and religious law .The worldview was
championed by Maimonides who saw it as a rational political process
providing Jews with a homeland from where they could develop and refine
their religious service. In today's context this is a fundamentalist
approach that advocates a dangerously theocratic government but
contextualised to the Middle Ages it represented a rational and political
approach to religion and governance. The last efforts in this direction were
undertaken in. I6. th century Safed, where the attempt to restore the
Ordination of what they believed would be authentic, Biblically sanctioned
leaders who had the authority to renew the Sanhedrin was attempted and
ultimately failed. This "political messianic" effort lasted approximately
one hundred years. Its eventual failure arguably bolstered the mystical form
of messianism described above and eventually fuelled Sabbatean messianism
which in many ways combines both mystical and political elements.
Zionism is described by many to be a form of messianism so far as it
reflects the Jewish aspirations for Jewish governance in the Jewish
Homeland. While clearly it has evolved and is not motivated out of strict
religious doctrine the common characteristics shared with earlier types of
messianic efforts cannot be ignored. It may fit into the general label of
"political messianistn" but its secular habit may indicate strong Sabbatean
influences an it as well.
Tracing the Course of Messianic Doctrine
Indeed the general study of messianism is fascinating, it has often provided
the fodder, if not the motivation for mach revolutionary activity. While
maintaining certain distinct characteristics it has nevertheless transformed
and developed various strains rapidly becoming useful to the political
dynamics in different parts of the world. It is therefore argued in this
work that messianism carried important social ingredients, which for reasons
described below, were deemed useful in the march for human self perpetuation
and in time adapted itself within a broader framework even beyond
recognition of its original form. The most documented Occasion apparent is
the proliferation of Christianity (Greek for messianism). Not
coincidentally, messianism possessed characteristics and doctrines valuable
and palatable to Roman im, no doubt providing the Impetus for its meteoric
proliferation. In addition, messianic feelings lent themselves to
Interpretation and a high degree of ambiguity. Their potentially anti-nomian
character was especially important and is discussed below. The national
requiof the Ottoman Empire were similar to those of Rome and equally well
served by
EHRLICH Sabbatearr Messianisrn as Proto-secularism 284
messianic doctrines. While the reasons that the Sabbatean experience was not
as successful as the Christian messianic experience is not addressed here,
the doctrinal mechanisms of Sabbateanism are the Same found in the former
and are continually found in later political-religious phenomena, even in
secular structures.
A mechanism was necessary to bring conquered territory and its peoples under
the wings of the Ottoman Empire thus neutralising Opposition traditionally
anchored in religious antagonism. So as a strong nation may emerge it was
essential that Ottoman Islam develop a universal identity incorporating the
Empire's many into a broad national alliance. Because it crossed the borders
of religious affiliations, a superstructure that an one band embraced these
differences, while an the other band still giving deference to the existing
Islamic sentiments at the hub of Ottoman society was required. If we take
the above mentioned as our premise then the Dönme appear to be an ideal
group serving this assimilatory purpose. If it had not emerged an its own it
would have needed to be created.
Components of Religion
But considering that institutionalised messianic doctrines lay at the core
of both Christianity and Islamic religions, it seems unnecessary to suggest
that another form of messianism could resolve these cultural tensions unless
accompanied by unique insights and novella specific to Sabbatean messianism.
Indeed the popularity of messianism was so widespread that it seems to be
indistinguishable from the body of monotheistic faith. Judaism, Christianity
and Islam are more united in the faith in a messianic time than they are
about any other subject including the doctrine of God. For certain there are
differences is the exact formula of the messianic faith, the personality who
embodies the messianic figure and the leadership structure that serves as
caretaker until the messianic time arrived. Despite the differences there
exists a distinct uniformity indicating a combination of fundamental ideas
constituting an essential messianic idea. While they may be added to or
subtracted from in varying degrees to suit a country, group or religion's
specific nature, there appears to be a set of ideas. They have proven
themselves to be a winning formula for popular appeal, agitating or uniting,
consolidating and motivating masses of people resonating amongst different
groups while transcending opposing religious identities. Infact, it may be
argued that religious hegemony was so successful for milIennium, not because
of an unquestioning respect that the masses held for ecclesiastical law in
its own right, but because the religious/ruling establishment was, very
early on, able to align itself and rapidly forge a strong and indelible
alliance with these messianic proponents in society. While the wedding
between these two Camps is arguably unnatural, it was mutually
complimentary. Clerical leaders could proliferate ecclesiastical rule
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism
285
and their own Power base by harnessing their strategic allie's popular
enthusiasm and interpreting it into an orderly code of living - at least
until the messiah came. While an the other hand the messianic proponents
were given mainstream credibility by the ecclesiastic camp. It was licensed
to permeate within a larger society and endowed with a structure and orderly
caretaker hierarchy that could insure the perpetuation of messiänic ideas
even during periods of dulled messianic Passion. Messianic elements thus
insured its caretaker governance and the preservation of its ideal even
though by doing so many of its principal ideas were undermined. Whether this
alliance was made consciously or intuitively is secondary, the ability
however to identify the seams of this covenant, allows us to extrapolate
that the messianic idea is a highly conductive social structure that lent
itself to other - and alternative unions. When the opportunity availed,
messianic doctrine would attach itself to another emergent ruling body, in
the modern case - to secularism. And this is why it may be argued that
messianic elements have aligned themselves with secular governance. It is
therefore not surprising to see many forms of secular messianic movements
today, included among them various strains of Zionism.
Bektashi (Bektasi) - Dönme Simitarities
Ties between Sabbatean Kabbalah and esoteric Sufi Islam go back to the days
of Sabetay Sevi. Schwartz goes so far as to purport that Sabetay Sevi had
participated in Bektashi rituals before his messianic declarations and
imported into Judaism a "millenial, Shia influence" and he maintained his
ties with the Bektashi, participating in their rituals(14). This is based an
his contention that Sevi's exile to the Balkans brought him into close
contact with Bektashism. He suggests that the Bektashi Sufists strongly
influenced Sabbatean behaviour, he shows evidence of Bektashi worship at
Sevi's grave (l5). That there existed a strong connection between the
Bektashi of Salonica and the largest Dönme community that lived there is
well known. The Dönme of Salonica found fraternity with the Bektashi who
shared many characteristics of Sabbateanism, or as Schwanz would have it,
strongly influenced Dönme practice(16). Schwanz notes some unique
comparisons
___________________________________
(14) Personal correspondence with Stephen Schwartz, a writer and researcher
an religion in Kosovo. Schwartz has taken a particular interest in the
relationship of Bektashism and Sabbateanism in Kosovo and the region.
(15) See Dönme West Website, the debate between Prof Avraham Elkayam and
Stephen Schwanz an this subject Centers around whether Sevi was influenced
by Bektashism Prior to his conversion or only afterwards.
(16) The most important Sabbatean sympathiser with Bektashism was Mehmet
Esad Dede (1841-1913) of the Izmirli Dönme group. He wrote books and Poems
that offen insight into the Sabbatean - Bektashi relationship.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messiariism as Proto-.secularism 286
betweea Dönme and Bektashi practice including alleged deliberate violation
of kashrut/halal, alleged group sex, ecstatic singing, mystical
interpretations and belief in an occult reading of Torah/Qur'an, collective
cooked meal, equality of women, openness to all the monotheistic faiths. It
has a strong heterodox and almost anarchist nature as well as a unique
multi-religious outlook, viewing all the monotheistic religions as one.
There has been little evidence of anti-Semitism in Albanian history and few
instances of collaboration with the Nazis to kill their Jews. Schwanz
asserts that Sevi became anti-nomian under Bektashi influence and was
protected by the Bektashis alter his conversion, who seht him to Albania
where they were most powerful. Clearly this viewpoint is unduly influenced
by Schwartz's Bektashi sympathies. Nevertheless the strong affinity between
the groups seems evident and one might agree that Sabbateanism and
Bektashüsm viere inspired by similar circumstances responding to the thirst
for liberalism and the surging need to find Gross-denominational paradigms
to compliment the Empires imperialism and express the collective identity
forming amongst its citizens. Bektashiism was a Ottoman phenomenon with most
of its rituals and prayers based an poems and Songs in the Turkish language
and in this respect it testifies to our assertion that various religious
structures viere emerging tailored to the requirements of imperial
Ottomanism.
Some Reasons for the Emergence of Sabbateanism
A student of Jewish mysticism in general and Lurianic Kabbalah in
particular, Sabetay Sevi declared his messiahship in the year 1666 and
gained a popular following in the Ottoman Empire and beyond, far exceeding
the size and diversity that other messianic groups had achieved till that
point in Jewish history. Much has been written an the subject, but for our
purposes it suffices to summarise some essential ideas associated with
Sabbateanism that led to its proliferation.
They include: the abolition of many religious laws specific to the exilic
nature of Jewish practice and the dismissal of melancholic and mournful
habits commemorating the defeat of national Jewish life. Hence fast days
viere abolished and the motto of "permitting the forbidden" gained currency.
Sexual liberation, breaking with traditional leadership, rejection of
contemporary community structures and the embrace of more universal ideas
followed. The movement embraced Ottoman culture by converting to Islam and
assimilating into the Empas equals. still distinctively engarbed in
religious and mystical doctrines and in Claims of bringing upon the national
renaissance of the Jewish people - the messianic times, we can nevertheless
determine with the advantage of hindsight that these were early expressions
of liberal ideals.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 287
Gershom Scholem tried to answer the question why from the many tens of
messianic sects emerging and fizzling out amongst Jewish communities, the
believed messiahship of Sabetay Sevi did not remain a local phenomena but
reverberated for many ceturies to follow and spread so widely throughout the
Jewish world. In his insightful analysis attribured the cause primarily to
the role played by the students of Jewish mysticism living in 16 th century
Safed. Safed was home to many Jewish immigrants from all over the Jewish
world, including oriental Jews and those from neighbouring Damascus and
Egypt as well as from Russia, Poland and the Ottoman Empire. Most
interesting were those Spanish and Portuguese Jews exiled alter the
expulsion of 1492 and the communities of Marrano Jews returning to Judaism
some making their way to Safed and Jerusalem.
The diverse nature and Input of these people into the community was in
itself unprecedented in the thousand years previous and perhaps it was this
that contributed to two fascinating phenomena occurring there within the
space of 50 years. The first was the attempt by Rabbi Jacob Berab and his
school to renew the Sanhedrin (political messianism) and the second was the
rapid development of Kabbalistic teaching and its dissemination (mystical
messianism).
Scholem argues that the diverse backgrounds of these scholars and their need
to raise funds to sustain the community of scholars necessitated the sending
of ambassadors to their respective diaspora communities. These ambassadors
were scholars and traveled and taught the unique Kabbalistic worldview they
had learned in Safed and in this way served as a conduit for the
dissemination of Lourianic Kabbala and caused its rapid proliferation
throughout the Jewish world. He continues that these teachings formed the
basis of Sabbateanism and fostered messianic tensions. Sabetay Sevi, himself
a scholar of Lourianic Kabbalah along with Natan of Gaza were easily able to
tap into a new and vibrant religious system that waited to be harnessed by a
personal Messiah. Lourianic Kabbala presented the Jewish world, suffering
and redemption in a different light to what was previously taught by the
strict worldview of the rabbis and halakhism. Kabbalistic Interpretation
allowed for great scope, its commentary of religious texts were often
entirely re-interpretive, it presumed an active human role in the dynamics
of God which made human activity holy unto itself. It recognised an
essential unity of all things in the infinity of God that enabled a
tolerance for superficial differences in the material world. These remained
mystical doctrines in isolated Safed but would future become useful
political tools professing ethnic and religious tolerance in the Ottoman
Empire. The teachings were finding their way there and would become
politically activated with Sevi's messianic declaration.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianisna as Proto-secularism 288
Sabbatean Evolution
It should be remembered that Sabbateanism developed in the atmosphere of
defeat that the Ottomans suffered at the gates of Vienna in 1683. 1t was
swept up by both a mood of equality and progress within Turkish society. The
Sultans quickly understood that if the Empire did Ilot adopt Western
techniques and adopt the best of French engineering, medicine and science
they would continue to loose wars. Sultans like Mahmut II in 1826 started
movements to adopt western culture and from 1839 Abdul Mecid extended equal
citizenship to all in citizens of the Empire without religious or ethnic
distinction ensuring that all citizens could bare witness in Court even
against a Muslim, could hold government Office and nerve in the high ranks
of the army. The Dönme enjoyed swift assimilation into Ottoman life.
On the other front, the relationship of the Dönme to the Jews was tense.
Their need to defend themselves from religious Jewish polemic inspired the
rapid spread of print, the encouraging of scholarship and the continued
study of Jewish mysticism and theological preparedness. On the other hand
the Jewish religious authorities banned the study of mysticism and repressed
Sabbatean influence while introverting into itself. Some hastily attribute
the decline of Ottoman Jewry to the crisis Borne in the wake of Sabetay
Sevi's messianic Claims and apostasy. Sabbatean - messianic expectations are
j( believed to haue neautralised the entrepreneurial spirit of many
believers who expected to be magically whisked away from exile to
redemption. This view does not accurately depict the sociological structures
of messianic groups and is unlikely to be the entire cause for the economic
degeneration of Ottoman Jewry. To the contrary, communities of believers and
minority sects are offen able to develop strong networks and loyalties
allowing them to strengthen their economic activity. Further, contrary to
common thinking that messianics are dreamy eyed and unworldly, messianic
beliefs are often rooted in strong cultural and social networks and provide
both an excellent infrastructure and motivation for commerce". This was the
case with the Dönme. Perhaps the mainstream Jewish communities, which were
influenced by Sabbatean thinking but remained under rabbinic leadership,
went through a greater crisis as they were required to go to great lengths
to weed the potentially heretical elements still active in their midst.
"Many messianic sects are typically socially active within their communities
and haue a strong work ethic. Jewish Messianic groups such as Chabad are
proactive, capable administrators and economically aggressive. This can
certainly strengthens the messianic unit, the motivations to join it and the
nenne of accomplishment that adherents derive from membership.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 289
It is this process which was damaging for Ottoman Jewry. The efforts to
censor certain religious and kabbalistic texts is well documented, the
oppression of the imaginative faculties, freedom and creativity of the
community members left its mark an Ottoman Jewryl8. -Ties were cut with
undesireable elements suspicions and paranoia raget against these believed
to be secret Sabbateans and the community turned inwards leaving a Sense of
depression amongst the Ottoman Jewish communities. In the meantime other
minorities of the Empire became more adept in their commercial dealings and
were helped by their religious structures particularly the Greek orthodox
church and the Armenian orthodox structures. The Dönme who converted to
Islam, now free of the Jewish millet control over their activities quickly
emerged as an important and functional community in the wider society. The
repressed Jewish communities were probably relieved to find alternatives to
their oppressive leadership in secularism so indirectly the oppression
brought an by Sabbateanism also influenced the Jewish support for the Young
Turk revolution.
In a fascinating account of a Jewish dass conflict in 1840s Izmir the
reaction of the poorer Jews to the extortion of the wealthy meat merchants
who charged them high meat taxes was to embargo them and start eating
nonkosher meat. A more extreme action was the mass conversion of 80
families to Protestantism and the preparation of another 2000 to do the Same
so as to avoid the millet authority of the Jewish leadership. While no overt
mention of Sabbateanism is found, it seems more than coincidental that this
occurred in Sabetay Sevi's hometown, that the consumption of non kosher meat
was a Sabbatean practice'9 and that so many people were willing to convert
out of Judaism in almost Sabbatean/Frankist style (20). One might view this
as a testament to the effects and influences that Sabbateanism was having an
the Jewish communities and how it legitimised the breaking with ritual law
and endorsed assimilation for motives of personal benefit. Even though the
Jewish community broke with overt Sabbateanism, precedents were Set and the
infrastructure was placed for Jews to exit the observance of ritual law.
________________________________________
(18) See Stanford J Shaw, The Jews of the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish
Republic, p.136
(19) Likewise, even before his apostasy to Islam, Sabetay Sevi symbolically
did the Same by reciting a benediction over heleb (the forbidden fat of the
lamb's kidney) "Blessed art Thou, O Lord, who makes the forbidden things
permissible" and caused ten Israelites to ritually eat it, a practice which
allegedly remains in forte among the Turkish Sabbateans this day.
(20) See Avner Levi, "Shavat Anii:-Social Cleavage, Class War and Leadership
in the Sephardi Community - the Case of Izmir 1847". In Ottoman and Turkish
Jewry, Eds Aron Rodrigue, (Indiana, 1992).
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism
290
This correlated with its freedom from the often-oppressive practices of the
religious leadership and was reinforced by the success of the Dönme
communities in the general society and their gradual re-acceptance by
mainstream Jewish elements.
In contrast to the repression of religious freedom and thoughtin other pla,
Benayahu argues that the Salonican Jewish community did not take part in the
repression of study and print of kabbalistic texts like Italy and Ashkenazz
(21). The fact that the Jews here were highly active and intellectual,
successful and quite secular seams no coincidence. The vitality of the print
industry that was long active there might have later helped the Young Turks.
The tolerance for mystical teachings encouraged the importance of
Interpretation and the dislike for rigid fundamentalism.
By the 19 th century the Jewish communities were strong alter a period of
lull. Jewish relations with the Dönme, particularly in Ottoman Salonica were
friendly the community distinctions were even blurred. Critics might not
have differentiated between the groups thus when someone was suspected of
being Jewish it is as likely that they were Dönme. The extent that Sabbatean
doctrine and influence specifically permeated the Jewish (non-Dönme)
community is unclear as there existed no overt structures for these ideas,
but the more universal attitudes of the Jews and their embrace of Turkish
life might testify to remnants of attitudes espoused in Sabbateanism. Both
communities were strongly represented in the political and economic life of
Salonica (22).
Jacob Berab, Political Messianism and the Impetus for Sabbateanism
Finally there was another reason for the proliferation of Sabbateanism and
the reasons why Lurianic Kabbalah was so geared to Sabbatean messianic
feelings. The little researched events in Safed surrounding the attempted
renewal of the semikha and the re-establishment of the Sanhedrin in the year
1538 reflected messianic aspirations of a more rational/political kind.
Jacob Berab and his followers including the renown halakhist Joseph Karo and
others who later became staunch students of Lurianic Kabbala, supported
these political moves to inspire a Jewish religious enlightenment in the
Holy
_________________________________________________
(21) See Meir Benayahu, The Shabbatean Movement in Greece, (Hebrew),
(Jerusalem, 1973). He describes the support of many for Kabbalistic writings
including Rabbi David di Medinah (p 183) who wrote praising the increased
publishing of kabbalistic and hidden texts.
(22) Cooperman, Eugene, 1992, Turko-Jewish Relations in the Ottoman City of
Salonica (1889-1912) Ph.D dissertation (NYU, 1992).
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 291
Land and establishing a supreme religious authority to Interpret halakha to
their needs (23). The appointment of ordained leadership and the efforts to
develop a worldview to compliment this renaissance eventually failed to
attract a critical mass. This failure is often attributed to the objections
raised by opponents whose primary contentions were halakhic minutia and the
preservation of certain religious Status quos (24) With its failure, it
became evident that the halakha, a system designed to preserve Judaisrn and
the will of God through his law was ironically preventing the nation's
promised and long yearned for renaissance. Many of the initial forces at
work in the renewal of the Sanhedrin subsequently took solace in an
abstract-mythical form or redemption found in Kabbalahh and extrapolated by
Issac Luria's System. This in turn made full circle to fuel the Sabbatean
messianism that combined elements of both Systems in the next century. The
latter understood that the halakha had to be broken for the redemptive
process to begin and so obviously anti-halakhic sentiments became a
centerpiece of its ritual. Yet the anti-nomian theology that subsequently
developed still had as its objective the same process of messianic renewal
that its political counterpart under Berab sought a hundred years earlier.
There are some that blame the rabbinic elements who undermined Berab's
efforts with responsibility for "Sabbatean, Frankist and Mendelsohn's
heresy". They tried to stop the Sanhedrin Initiative because they feared it
would lead to minor violations of Jewish law and instead they caused mass
violation of Jewish law and heretical groups to sprout. This view is
polemical but it does testify to the unstoppable train of progress that
could have taken a different turn. Obsession with halakhic nuances had
caused the population to openly break with halakha (25).
Sabbateanism developed a resistance to the forces that had stopped its
predecessor, it would not be tripped up by internal paradoxes raised by the
_____________________________________
(23) Joseph Karo, for reasons unknown was not accepted into Lourie's study
circle but was nevertheless a Student of Kabbalahh. Study of his personality
and how he was both interested in what we call political messianism and
mysticism at once is an important key to a better understanding of these
events.
(24) See Jacob Katz "Vikuch al ha-Semikha" Zion 27
(25) See A.L Freidman Le-maan Zion: Two Letters an Renewing the Sanhedrin,
(Hebrew) (New York, 1911) p 4. He blames those that refused to energise the
Ordination of rabbis and renew the Sanhedrin with the heresies that
followed. He makes an analogy that plays an the two functions of "semilha"
(literally meaning to "lay hands"). In ancient Israel it was performed an
two occasions, to anoint a leader or to anoint an animal for the Temple
sacrifice. He argued that because the Jews refused to accept their
responsibilities and anoint their leaders to redeem them, they are paying
for it and have become the sacrificial animals anointed to be sacrificed for
their sin.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 292
demands of halakhic observance. Quite the opposite, a system that recognised
the need to openly break halakha seemed to be the only way to begin the
redemptive process, and the way that this could be sanctioned in a
predominantly religious and believing society was through the appeal of
mysticism and communion with God. But the final stroke against the
halakhists who sought to halt the spirit of nationalism and renaissance
through their restrictive legalisms, was the declaration that the messiah
had arrived and the era of classic halakha had come to an end. Tradition
recognised that the law would change and even be annulled in messianic
times. Declarations of his arrival legitimised for many - till then halakhic
observers - that the annulment of restrictive laws was now possible (26).
The difference between the political messianists that sought to re-Institute
the Sanhedrin and those that declared that the messiah Sabetay had arrived
was one motivated from necessity. Over time halakhic forces had aligned
themselves with conservatism and did not allow adaptation or embracing of
new ideas. The followers of Berab were the Last of the rational messianics
to try and work within the halakhic process, had they succeeded, indeed many
halakhic rigours would have likely eased, but their failure brought an a
second - more rigorous challenge in the form of Sabbateanism and a mass
movement to annul halakhic observance altogether.
It was not incidental that these events paralleled the height of Ottoman
Empire (and perhaps the beginning of its decline). Both the
politicomessianic events amongst the Safed sanhedrinists and the
mystio-messianic development of Sabbateanism occurred under Ottoman rule and
in many ways reflected the nationalism and vision extant in Ottoman culture.
Failure of the sanhedrinists to transfer the semikha title to future rabbis
is often attributed to the fears that this Ordination destined them to
bureaucratic and fiscal responsibilities. Particularly the responsibility,
as officiates of the community for the heavy taxation demanded of non-Muslim
citizens of the Empire. Preferring to leave these duties to others, the idea
of an empowered halakhic government with bureaucratic responsibilities lost
currency. These
______________________________________-
26 See for example the following rabbinic literature "And the Holy One,
blessed be He, will expound the meanings of a new Torah which He will give
them through the Messiah." (Aleph-Bait di R. Akiba, BhM 3:27-29). "R.
Hizqiya in the narre of R. Simon bar Zibdi said: 'The whole Torah which you
learn in This World is vanity compared to the Torah of the World to Come."
(Eccl. Rab. 11:1). "The Messiah will sit in the supernal House of Study and
all those who walk an earth will come and sit before him to hear a new Torah
and new Commandments." (Yemenite Midrash pp. 349-50). "Zerubbabel and Elijah
will come in the Messianic age and explain and expound all the secrets of
Torah and all that which is crooked and distorted." (Halakhot G'dolot p.
223)
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 293
messianic leanings had practical implications for governance and bureaucracy
and were not suited to the sanhedrinists' scholarly/pietistic leanings, the
realities of their aspirations were too demanding and the Initiative faded.
Their doctrines would however be useful for others.
4:
Secularism and Sabbateanism
It is indeed curious and unlikely to be coincidental that the Same Ottoman
Empire that opened its arms to the expelled Jews of Spain and the conversos
of the Inquisition should become the host to one of the most fascinating
examples of mass voluntary apostasy in Jewish history. The Sultan was famed
for welcoming the Jews saying: "Spain's loss was his gain", they were
integrated into society and enjoyed a high degree of equality with the
Muslim majority. It appears as no coincidence that Sabbateanism emerged as
Ottomanism was at its peak and indeed it may be viewed in many ways as a
uniquely Ottoman religion adopting and drawing an local practices and myth,
mannerisms and Ianguage drawing from the mysticism of the Turkish
Sufi-Bektashi Order. The development of religious mannerisms and mythology
to compliment and be complimented by the national motherland is a common
phenomenon and is seen also in Mormonism that also developed as a homegrown
religion adapting and developing Christian consensus to the uniquely
American condition. The Turkish nature of Sabbateanism may be illustrated by
the description of Sabetay Sevi during his visit to the Sultan "dressed as a
poor Turk" parading symbols of Islam, including a green sash symbolic of the
"Green Man" of Islam.
Even though we argue that Sabbateanism was working in the direction of
rationalism and secularism, without any doubt this was possible only by
extreme and dogmatic faith in its goals and the messiahship of Sevi. It
appears that however "enlightened" the goals, it is accompanied by formative
surges of pure faith to the extent of fanaticism important in the formation
of powerful social movements, toonly the overt and extremcurve preceding the
rational plateau is recognised as messianic. The folfowers of Sabetay Sevi
were renown for their intolerante of his deniers, persecuting them and
throwing them out of town. Dogmatic faith in the principles of a group is
demanded at least of a hardcore group as a guarantor of its survival. This
is not an apologetic for messianic fervour but an Observation of some of the
more harmonious outcomes that may sprout from them alter their period of
consolidation is complete. Restricting ourselves to Judaism we find that two
of her greatest secular-revivalist movements; Enlightenment and Secular
Zionism Show distinct messianic characteristics indicating its ideological
Inspiration. In somewhat ironic contrast, the majority of present-day
orthodox groups as well as a majority of the settlement Population in Israel
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 294
show distinct non-messianic signs and even contempt towards it, although
there are significant exceptions to this trend.
Sabbateanism and Zionism
Over the Last decade many haue made the association between secular Zionism
as a form of messianic fervour. No less today than in the early days of its
activities, secular Zionism and particularly the Israeli Left express
distinct utopian Ideals that verge an religious dogmatism. Its Opposition to
conservative orthadoxy has seen it adopt its own religious symbolism. In
distinction to the early Zionists who followed a secular political
messianism aimed at establishing a state and capturing territory by force of
arms as an essential premise to achieving its goals, the latter
manifestation has more mystical leanings. On one band it acknowledges its
national aspirations an the other it supports extreme territorial
compromise. Most interesting is its choice of terminology when describing
the peace process with Israels Arab neighbours. The terms used (in adverted
comers) are very common in the messianic vocabulary and include: "new world
Order in the Middle East", which is a political rendition of the "kingdom of
heaven an earth". "Peace of the brave" is another term which incorporates
two messianic Ideals, the peace that God will bless his people with and the
bravery required of the Messiah and his soldiers fighting for redemption
(27). Another common term is "sacrifices far peace" and "contractions" which
play an the suffering before the messianic age and the religious
significance of the act of suffering in bringing the process to a head.
"Just a bit more" in reference to territory which must be ceded to push the
scales and bring about peace. This resembles midrashic analogies that `one
extra deed can tip the scales' and bring about the Messiah, fit also
resembles other messianic movements that urgeil that "just a bit more"
money, deeds, action, or whatever the messianic currency was, would tip the
scales. Whether the "Peace Now" campaigns of the Israeli left preceded the
"Moshiach Now" campaign of the Lubavitch movement is second to their common
Inspiration for a messianie redemption. Most interesting is the extreme
anti-nomian nature of the Israeli left which has also developed a new
dimension beyond the rejection of Jewish ritual almost compelling believers
to forfeit Jewish religious sites to the `other
__________________________________
(27) Although Sabetay Sevi was obviously not a warrior there were many
rumours that spread in his life time that he had been enlisted by the Sultan
to lead troops to conquer Poland and Germany. See Barnai p.181 quoting R'
Jacob Sasportas "And now the Bars have become aroused to write more Stories,
that the Sultan made him his commander in chief and sent him with 200,000
men to war in Poland to fulfill the prophecy of the Devil (Nathan) the
Ashkenazi of Gaza, who said he would avenge those who were killed in
Poland".
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 294
show distinct non-messianic signs and even contempt towards it, although
there are significant exceptions to this trend.
Sabbateanism and Zionism
Over the Last decade many have made the association between secular Zionism
as a form of messianic fervour. No less today than in the early days of its
activities, secular Zionism and particularly the Israeli Left express
distinct utopian Ideals that verge an religious dogmatism. Its Opposition to
conservative orthodoxy has Seen it adopt its own religious symbolism. In
distinction to the early Zionists who followed a secular political
messianism aimed at establishing a state and capturing territory by force of
arms as an essential premise to achieving its goals, the latter
manifestation has more mystical leanings. On one band it acknowledges its
national aspirations an the other it Supports extreme territorial
compromise. Most interesting is its choice of terminology when describing
the peace process with Israels Arab neighbours. The terms used (in adverted
comers) are very common in the messianic vocabulary and include: "new world
Order in the Middle East", which is a political rendition of the "kingdom of
heaven an earth". "Peace of the brave" is another term which incorporates
two messianic Ideals, the peace that God will bless his people with and the
bravery required of the Messiah and his soldiers fighting for redemption
(27). Another common term is "sacrifices for peace" and "contractions" which
play an the suffering before the messianic age and the religious
significance of the act of suffering in bringing the process to a head.
"Just a bit more" in reference to territory which must be eeded to push the
scales and bring about peace. This resembles midrashic analogies that `one
extra deed can tip the scales' and bring about the Messiah, fit also
resembles other messianic movements that urged that "just a bit more" money,
deeds, action, or whatever the messianic currency was, would tip the scales.
Whether the "Peace Now" campaigns of the Israeli left preceded the "Moshiach
Now" campaign of the Lubavitch movement is second to their common
Inspiration for a messianic redemption. Most interesting is the extreme
anti-nomian nature of the Israeli left which has also developed a new
dimension beyond the rejection of Jewish ritual almost compelling believers
to forfeit Jewish religious sites to the `other
2'Although Sabetay Sevi was obviously not a warrior there were many rumours
that spread in his life time that he had been enlisted by the Sultan to lead
troops to conquer Poland and Germany. See Barnai p.181 quoting R' Jacob
Sasportas "And now the Bars haue become aroused to write more stories, that
the Sultan made him his commander in chief and sent him with 200,000 men to
war in Poland to fulfill the prophecy of the Devil (Nathan) the Ashkenazi of
Gaza, who said he would avenge Chose who were killed in Poland".
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 295
side' as the only way to bring about the redemption (Hebron's cave of
Machpela, Shechem's tomb of Joseph and the Temple Mount in Jerusalem). Also
interesting is its strong public ties with Arabs while privately rejecting
their lifestyle, morality and habits. Ste.rk similarities with messianic and
cabbatean habits is not so much because of causal influence but because the
same Impulses and mechanism are in motion.
Ottoman Jews and Dönme Involvement in Zionism
It is harder to Show active Dönme involvement in the history of the Zionist
movement. Certainly general Sabbatean sentime:nts almost permeate the
Zionist ethos though it is not entirely clear to what extent and how
articulate active Support was. Sabbatean influence was not restricted to the
Ottoman Empire, and while the Polish and German Zionists could have as
easily been Sabbatean inspired, we shall Limit the discussion tc Ottoman
Sabbateanism. The belief that the burgeoning Zionist movement would be more
tolerant to the Dönme than the Jewish community had been in the past, and
that they were kindred spirits, who shared so many common ethos was the
single strongest motive for an alliance, even if we lack evidence to prove
it beyond doubt.
Official Zionism came to Turkey after 1908 with the explicit purpose of
gaining community Support to help establish a Jewish state it opened
interests in Turkey to convince the new government of the importance of
Zionism for their own secular cause(28). It was believed that the ruling
Progress Party would see in Zionism an ally, the shared secular aspirations,
nationalism and geographic proximity to each other were the foundations of
this desired alliance. Zionists worked an both these fronts. In the Jewish
community there were splits. Zionists sought to use general dissatisfaction
to gain popularity, and courted those disappointed with the dominant
Alliance Israelite Universelle and those disappointed with the conservative
leadership.
The schools of the Alliance Israelite Universelle, set up to advance Jewish
culture in the spirit of the French revolution opposed Zionism for the saure
reasons that many Jews of the Enlightenment did; it represented dual
national interests. Benbassa points out that the Alliance was less
progressive than its local adherents were and many supported it lacking any
other alternative. While the Alliance leadership was opposed, there appears
to
______________________________
(28) Esther Benbassa, "Zionism and the Politics of Coalitions", in Ottoman
and Turkish Jewry, eds Aron Rodrigue, (Indiana, 1992)
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 296
have been a growing Support for Zionism particularly amongst the ranks of
students emerging from these schools, among them were many Dönme.
The Power structures of Ottoman communities were elaborate with the
conservative structures and rabbinic councils and the "Haham basi" (chief
rabbinate in Istanbul) being threatened by the Alliance. The traditional
leadership had tense relations with Zionist elements over community
authority in the Holy Land. The millet structure gave the Haham Basi
authority that the new settlers in Palestine rejected. It reached a degree
where the Haham Basi of Jerusalem - Raphael Efendi complained to the Turkish
Foreign Minister that the Ashkenazi Jews of the Holy Land were not obeying
the laws of the Jewish community and the millet community structure over
which he lorded. Differences were not only the result of ethnic,
Ashkenazi-Sephardi mores but because the immigrants to the Holy Land were
shedding religious observance altogether in favour of socialism and
secularism. Despite attempts to work with them, including Herzl's W ice
successful appeal to Haham Basi - Moshe Levi to get an audience with the
Sultan (1902) to discuss the question of Jewish autonomy in Palestine, the
relationship soured.
It is curious that Israels first and second Prime Ministers, David Ben
Gurion and Moshe Sharett and her second president Yitzchak Ben Sevi had
lived and studied in Istanbul and embraced the concept "lehitatmen" to
become Ottoman. Ben Sevi is alleged by some to be descendent of a Sabbatean
family (29). Sharett served in the Ottoman army in WW1. Ben Gurion gave up
Russian citizenship for Ottoman citizenship, something many others were
afraid to do. Ex-presidents Ben Sevi, ZaIman Shazar and to a lesser degree
Yitzchak Navon became students of Ottomanism. The first two undertook
research and wrote important works an Sabbateanism indicating a nerve it
touched with their own identities as Jews who viere deeply attached to their
traditions, possessing messianic - Zionist aspirations but not religiously
observant. For many, the identification, study and sympathy towards
Sabbateanism permitted them a connection with Jewish history, doctrine and
the aspirations for national renaissance without ritual commitment
resembling what has offen been said of the study of Jewish historiography.
The interest in the study of Jewish history, popularised in the late 19 th
and early 20 th centuries allowed enlightened Jews to attach themselves to
the Jewish nation while not compromising their rejection oreligious
doctrine. The sammay be said of Sabbateanism and in this respect it ranks as
an important source of Inspiration for secular Zionism.
__________________________
(29) See article in "7 days" (Hebrew weekly) of the 20-5-99.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 297
For these reasons it follows that Zionism's secular nature indicated a
potential for its proponents to develop a strong fraternity with Sabbatean
elements or an affinity with its System of ideas more than with mainstream
Jewish religion. But clearly open relationships with the Dönme would have
,entirely alienated orthodox Support for Zionism and this respect if it
existed, it must have been kept secret.
Jews, Dönme and the Young Turk Revolution
On the face of it, participation of Ottoman Jewry the Young Turk revolution
seems like an instinctive thing for a minority to do. It was ä way to ensure
equality and complete Integration into the national structures of Turkey
without discrimination an the Basis of religion or ethnicity. A similar
process occurred amongst the Palestinian Christians of the same period who
supported the Pan Arabian - Bath party uniting around a secular, non Islamic
national agenda which embraced all Arabs regardless of religious
inclinations (30). But the Jews and the Dönme were the only minority to
Support the Young Turk Initiative and did so in high numbers with astounding
loyalty and success while the Armenians and Greeks of the empire Chose to
dissent. This raises the possibility that more profound reasons were
uniquely at play in Jewish political thinking. Feroz Ahmad argued that
because Jews unlike Christian minorities did not enjoy foreign protection,
they wholeheartedty put their destiny in with the Union and Progress Party.
The Dönme therefore, as an entirely Turkish phenomenon and more isolated
than the Jews, with no international Support and would more easily throw in
their destiny with the Progress Party. Both feared annexation to a Christian
controlled Greece preferring Islam and a secular Turkish State (31). This
arguably also taps into latent Sabbatean doctrine and its deep attachment to
Turkish culture, secularism, assimilation and a desire to see their
messianic doctrines defined within the national renaissance of Turkey.
The Ottoman dynasty was a mixed stock of Italians, Greeks, Serbs, Croats,
Albanians, Circassians, Georgians, Armenians and Jews; local and immigrants.
This internationalism was reinforced by the habit of the Ottoman sovereigns
to marry only with foreign women. Desirable and intelligent technicians were
imported or co-opted into administrative and military ranks provided they
accepted Islam or they were collected from the Balkans at the age of eight
and raised as Muslims in special schools and
__________________________________________-
(30) See my article an Arab Christianity and Zionism (forthcoming)
(31) The Jews of the Ottoman Empire, eds Avigdor Levi, Washington, 1994,
Jewish representation in the ottoman parliaments by Hasan Kayal? pp 507-517
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messiarzism as Proto-secularism 298
prepared for all sorts of official ranks. This climate was convenient for
people of Sabbatean origin and facilitated their Integration in Ottoman
society without being unduly noticed. But while others assimilated quickly,
the Sabbatean - Dönme preserved their community structures becoming a force
to be reckoned in economics and politics until the population transfer of
all Turks (including Dönme's) from Salonica to Istanbul in 1924, where the
community again became less public. With the course of WW1 and alter the
death of Atatürk, the Turkish establishment was influenced by Hitler's
racial theories. A special wealth tax law was enacted. In practice,
non-Moslem minorities (Jews, Armenians, Greeks) were arbitrarily taxed and
even the Dönme, to a lesser extent were identified for taxation purposes
(32). From that date onwards, the emerging Islamic fundamentalist elements
contested the Dönme's identity as Turks. The religious press attacked the
Republic, its founder Atatürk, and the secular nature of the regime. They
never forgave the Dönme for their rote in the secular revolution and they
became a convenient target for hatred. Over the last sixty years it is this
hatred and racist rhetoric in the guise of Arab nationalism which constantly
reminded Sabbateans of their racial heritage, otherwise complete
assimilation into secular Islam might have been possible.
Other slurs made against the Dönme at this time both indicate their problems
of self identity and the degree to which their influence in therevolution
was felt. Baer describes this in an excellent review of a recent work by
Dönme activist Ilgaz Zorlu "Yes, I am a Salonican" claiming significant
Dönme secret life in present-day Turkey. This has attracted the attentions
of Islamists and the denials of others and is compared to the period in the
early part of the century when the Dönme were caught with similar public
interest and criticism33. The saure questions of Dönme identity are provoked
in both episodes.
In 1924 a Dönme from Salonica named Karakaszade Mehmed Rüstü wrote an expose
of his community to the Grand National Assembly accusing 1015000 Dönme of
acting like Muslims in public but secretly maintaining their own rituals. He
accused them of unwillingness to sacrifice for their country
___________________________________________
(32) See Walter F. Weiker, Ottomans, Turks and the Jewish Polity, (Jerusalem
, 1992) p 250 describes the "Varlik Vergisi" tax levy that all non-Muslims
and foreigners were charged. The Dönme had their own tax schedule in
distinction from Muslims and although it was not as high it reflected an
official distinction.
(33) In a most informative article Baer, Marc David, "Revealing a Hidden
Community: Ilgaz Zorlu and the Debate in Turkey over the Dönme/Sabbateans"
The Turkish Studies Association, Vol 23, Spring 1999 1, pp 68-75 discuses
the Zorlu controversy.
EHRLICH Sabbateart Messianisrrt as Proto-secularisrn 299
and being parasites off the country. He argued that the Dönme must
assimilate and marry with other Turks and share all aspects of the
fatherland or leave Turkey. In a ten part rebuttal to these Claims called "A
Mysterious Page of History" published in the paper "Vatan" it was described
how assimilated the Dönme were and how willing they were to become a.art of
Turkish life.
The extent to which Jews were involved in the Young Turk revolution is
debated, some arguing that Jews and Dönme dominated the Committee of the
Union and Progress Party (C.U.P) - which gained control of the State (34).
Others argue that this was anti-Semitic rhetoric and exaggerated and that
while the Jews supported the revolution an a grass roots level, they were
not highly represented in the upper echelons of the party (35). Indeed
British diplomats did report to the home office that a Jewish-Masonic
conspiracy was at work favouring the revolution (36). The Dönme are believed
to have been equally involved in the revolution but exact details are less
known due to a number of reasons. Many Dönme were cursorily described as
Jews by observers lacking an appreciation for the subtleties of the two
communities. The general secrecy of the community and its increased secrecy
alter WWII and the threats of Islamic fundamentalism peppered with
assimilation trends and extreme secularism makes documentation difficult.
The fear of reprisal by fundamental ist groups in Modern Turkey has left the
remnants of Dönme communities less willing to testify to their role in the
revolution. Rumours were always extant that key activists in the revolution
were of Dönme Stock even Atatürk was alleged by some to have Dönme ancestry
(37). It was via the Masonic lodges that the Dönme, the Jews, Bektashi and
secularists who were less accepted in mainstream society were able to meet
an equal footing many of them becoming major Instruments of the revolution.
Salonica was nest of revolutionary sentiments and home to its major figures.
It is no coincidence that it was also home to the strongest Dönme and most
_____________________________________________
(34) See Eli Kedourie, Young Turcs, Freemasons and Jews (1977) pp 243-63.
(35) See Eugene Cooperman, "The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 and the Jewish
Community of Salonica" in Studies an Turkish-,Iewish History, eds. David
Altabe, Erhan Atay, Israel Katz, (New York, 1996). Ahmad and Leevis disa~ree
arguing that Jews were not in the upper echelons of the C.U.P.
(36) See Kedourie
(37) Although this is likely confused with hin attendance at a school
governed by Dönme and hin first teacher Semsi Efendi was an active Dönme,
who tried to unite the three Strands of the sect. Although Atatürk's father
was a Turkish speaking Albanian and hin mother a Pomak - Slavic Macedonian
Muslim he was sent to study with the Dönme. Atatürk himself describes in an
important speech "Nutuk" that he was seht to study under ~Semsi Efendi - in
the most progressive school of the day.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularisrn 300
vibrant Jewish community of the Empire. Coopermans' description is apt:
"Salonica afforded an eclectic and offen, but not exclusively, cosmopolitan
environment where Dervis sects crossed paths with the Dönme, where Jewish
and Turkish businesses were interspersed an the same streets, and where
commercial and municipal Courts were mixed. Here, where the Jewish Masonic
organizations supported the creation of Muslim - Turkish lodges, and where
Muslim - Turkish newspapers supported the election of Jewish municipal
assembly candidates, was the sources for the combination of intercommunal
energies which gave the revolution of 1908 its Impetus" (38). The Dönme
served as a Bridge between the Jewish community and the Turks which made
winners all round, improving the Jewish Position, helping the revolution and
bringing the Dönme Back to a degree of acceptance amongst Jews (39). Their
assimilationist attitude had won them equal footing with Muslims as well as
opportunities to make inroads into public life without being marked or
discriminated as a Jew. Their educational doctrine was conducive to public
works and revolutionary activity. They must have Seen this period as a
window of opportunity, thare accounts of them becoming less secretive and
more publicly minded. The Great Mosque (Yeni Camii) built by the Dönme in
Salonica in 1903 was a public face of loyalty to Islam. Whether indicating
that they no longer needed to worship in secret because their Jewish rites
viere less important than in the past is a subject of discussion, but
secrecy was becoming less characteristic (40). The Dönme have been described
as "full of ardour for action ...at the avant-garde of civüisation ...ideal
of justice and Progress" (41) . Mehmet Cavit Bey (1875-1926) was one of the
most significant Dönme political figures. He was active in the revolution as
a highly articulate editor of a tabloid and Professor of finance and was
three times Finance Minister of Ottoman Empire until his execution for his
alleged role in the assassination attempt of Atatürk (42). It is believed
that Cavit Bey was an ardent Zionist and saw the advantages for Turkey in
the Jewish settlement of Palestine (43). Articles appeared that showed
ardent support both for the Turc revolution and Zionism as if Part of the
__________________________________
(38) Cooperman p 176.
(39) Cooperman
(40) The Russian author Vladmir Gordevsky writes as early as 1926 p. 200 how
the Dönme were becoming politically active in Salonica. As this occurred
alter the revolution they clearly felt that they were vidicated and had
rights that need not be left secret.
(41)Slousch 1908: 495
(42) He was since found guiltless.
(43) Aryeh Shmuelevitz, Ottornan Historv and Society - Jewish Sources,
(Istanbul, 1999), pp 73-87.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 301
Same process (44). Revolutionary activists Leon Gattegno and a Dönme friend
Mazlum Hakki published a Journal in Paris entitled "Resad" under pseudonym
of `sucro' and sent it to the great powers condemning the Sultans
government45. In an article in. the C.U.P Journal "Mechveret Suppliment
Francais" the Dönme were mentioned to be the only group in Salonica active
an behalf of the C.U.P and the revolution46. Another article describes the
Dönme as one of the most modernised groups in the empire (47). According to
Sükrü Hanioglu About five people appear active in the Salonican branch of
the C.U.P two were Jewish and two of possible Dönme descent. Emmanuel Karasu
was Grand Master of the Macedonia Risorta Masonic Lodge and invited Muslims
and Dönme to join the vlodges of the Empire sheltering them and providing
them with a framework to disseminate their ideas. Avram Galante was a writer
and participated in the Second Turk Congress in Paris, 1907. Ferdinand
Efendi, an Ottoman of Greek descent and possibly Dönme. A man called
Archbolo whose ethnic descent is unknown, and another who had a Muslim name
but might also have been Dönme(48). Dr Nazim, Nuzhet Faik, Mustafa Arif,
Muslihiddin Adil, Sukru Bleda, Halide Edip Adivar and Ahmet Emin Yalman were
all active in the Young Turks and of Dönme families. Mehmet Kapanci
(1839-1924) who was a mayor of Salonica and a weil known banker funded the
C.U.P and was a Dönme. Other Jews active in the Young Turks were Nissim
Mazliah from Izmir and Vitali Faradji , Moise Cohen (later called Munis
Tekinalp) who was an active Jew and once rabbinical student who turned to
business and actively asserted a proud Turkish identity along with Zionist
sentiments. Other Jews and Dönme served as ranking officers in the Turkish
army. Jews had always been represented in Ottoman parliaments but there had
been a significant rise alter the revolution reflecting their degree of
participation (49).
Unable to work together in their respective religious environments, The Jews
and Dönme appeared to have met and fraternised within the Masonic lodge.
Because of the rigid initiation rites the fear of espionage by the Sultan
was less in such an environment and it was here that revolutionary
sentiments
__________________________________
(44) Hebrew weeklies who supported both Zionism and the Young Turks the
first was "Hamevasser" 1910-1911 published in Istanbul and "Haverenu"
published in Izmir in 1922.
(45) Sükrü Hanioglu "Jews in the Young Turk Movement to the 1908
Revolution", in The Jews of the Ottoman Empire, Eds Avigdor Levi Washington,
1994. 519-526
(46) See "Vilayetlerimiz" in Mechveret, no 15, 23 July, 1896, p 3.
(47) See Hak-Gu, "Selanik'den Mektub," in Mechveret, no 15, 23 July, 1896 p
4 as quoted in Sükrü Hanioglu p.522).
(48) See Sükrü Hanioglu 522
(49) See Hasan Kayali in The Jews of the Ottoman Empire, eds Avigdor Levi
(Washington, 1994) 507-517
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism as Proto-secularism 302
and activity fermented. Whether the suspicions that Masonry is responsible
for sedition and subversive activities are true or not, in this context they
were a convenient home for the revolution providing lodges and personnel,
secrecy and structures for the revolution. The Dönme thrived in the Masonic
environment allowing them to be both secretive and influential, maintaining
their religious ideas in a non-dogmatic atmosphere, bridging the gap between
the Jews and the Muslims, they seemed to represent the happy medium of the
secular Young Turk revolution. Even today Dönme are involved in the Masonic
Lodges of Turkey. Sahir Talat Akev of the Kapanci-Izmir group of Dönme was
the Grand Master of the Masons until his death in 1999.
In Salonica of 1879 the Kapanci Dönme set up a private school system called
"Terakki Mektebi'' (``progress'' named alter the revolutionary "Progress
Party" and suggesting the strong spare of ethos) which became a model for
other private schools in Turkey. It was transferred to Istanbul alter the
population-transfer and has become one of the best- known private high
schools (called Sisli Terakki Lisesi). Similarly the Karakas Dönme founded
the Fevziye Mektebi School and recently founded a university by the name of
Isik Üniversitesi.
1t is no surprise that the Dönme are today blamed by Islamic fundamentalists
in Turkey for the secular revolution and spurned with hatred as being a
group that infiltrated its way into Islam in Order to destroy it. The
`prosperity party' represents these views in Turkish parliament have also
fiercely attacked Israel. They got 22% of the vote in 1996 becoming the
largest Single political Party. They were shut down by the constitutional
Court of Turkey but reemerged as the `Virtue Party' which got 17% of the
vote in 1999. Considering its Islamic heritage and the environment of Arab
hatred for Israel it is remarkable that Turkey has fostered such strong ties
with Israel and the causes for it may be traced to the Dönme inf7uence.
Dönme members today represent the elite of society within Turkey and it is
the fear of being discovered that created the intense secrecy around them,
their inereased secrecy and influence continues to circularly feed the
hatred and suspicion surrounding them.
Presently there are some well-known Dönme families and other less known
families occupying important positions in Modern Turkish life. The current
Foreign Minister Mr. Ismail Cem is a Dönme though some of his family members
have officially come out and declared Dönme ethnicity but
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messianism asProto-secularism 303
disassociate from the cultural group (50). These include relatives: Cemil
Ipekci, a famous fashion designer in Turkey is of Dönme descent and Nukhet
Izet Ipekci, daughter of the famous Journalist Abdi Ipekci, who declared an
an Islamic channel that her parents were of Dönme origins (51). Others such
as the industrialist the Dilber and Bezmen familie are Rahsan Ecevit wife of
Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit is a Dönme. First ever ,female Prime Minister
Tansu Ciller is half Dönme an her mother's side. Altan Öymen, past leader of
the Republican People's Party was of Dönme descent. Other prominent
personalities ranging from well known writers, journalists, film makers,
professors, lawyers, judges, bureaucrats (legal and foreign Service),
Bankers, industrialists are of Dönme origin. They can almost be said to be
the standard bearers of secularism and modern Turkish nationalism that is
based an cultural unity rather than racial characteristics. They are more
advanced in this process than secular Turkish Jews and in many ways resemble
the prominence and thinking of the European Jewish Enlightenment leading
many to suspicion that Sabbateanism played a rote there too. Sympathy with
Jews exists but association is not common because of the fears of being
tainted by Islamic fundamentalism. This fear is becoming increasingly real
as the Islamic party grows.
Modern Turkey's Relations with Israel
Modern Turkey has been unusually friendly in its relationship with Israel,
in contrast to other Islamic states. Especially unique as it is a key
country in the region and had to resist strong neighbouring Islamic
pressures to do so. While Gruen (52) argues that it did so because it
believed that supporting the emergent Israeli state would be a stabilising
factor in the Middle East, one cannot help but wonder if it reflected the
attitude of a country influenced by its famous Jewish sectarian group, the
Dönme.
Immediately after Israel`s independence, Turkey signed a postal agreement
with Israel, forbade any Turkish citizens from joining the war for or
against Israel and an the IS September 1948 the Turkish government lifted
the ban
_________________________________-
(50) Ex-Greek Foreign Minister Theodoros Pangalos gave an Interview to the
Greek Eleftherotypia Newspaper (17 December 2000) declaring Ismail Cem not
to be a pure Turk but a Salonici Dönme. He said that the foreign ministry of
Turkey was in the hands of those whose races were different. Most of the
Foreign Ministers of the Turkish Republic haue in fact been of Dönme origin.
(51) Channel 7 an the 22 nd of September 2000
(52)See George E. Gruen, "Turkey's Relations with Israel: From Ambivalence
to Open Cooperation", 1 12-129 in Studies ora Turkish-Jewish History.
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messiarzi.sm as Proto-secularism 304
an travelling to Israel allowing any Turkish citizen to immigrate there. It
cooperated with the Jewish Agency to facilitate Jewish Immigration and half
the Jewish population left creating a 100,000 strong Turkish Jewish
Population in Israel today. Turkey was a member of the commission for
Palestinian conciliation and as an Islamic country was expected to take an
anti-Israel Position. Under the representation of the intellectual Huseyin
Cahit Yalcin Turkey proved to be very supportive of the fledgling State.
Yalcin had been friendly Ben Gurion and there are many reasons to believe
that his intellectual background brought him into contact with many Jews and
Dönme of Turkey. He became the step-father of Mehmet Cavit Bey's son Siar
Yalcin after Bey's execution in 1926. While his initial concern had been
that Israel represented foreign interests in the region, those fears were
allayed, and Turkey formally recognised the State of Israel an 28 th March
1949, embassies, trade and direct flights followed. Certainly Turkey feit
that it had what to gain by supporting Israel. By supporting Israel and the
Jewish state they showed the world a support for secularism and
enlightenment. The perception that Jews were powerful and influential both
in Turkey and the U.S reigned. The agreement was signed only a few days
before the Turkish foreign minister met with American President Truman, who
himself supported the partition plan of Palestine and was helped by many
Jews. The appointment of Henry Morgenthau, a Jewish - American as ambassador
in Turkey during the early Part of the century reinforced this perception.
The relations with Turkey were not always smooth and not always public.
Pressure from Arab countries forced it to greater discretion. Ben Gurion
described the relationship as one with a mistress and not an open
relationship. The Turkish continued the metaphor that `a man may love his
mistress more than his wife, but appearance have to be kept up' noting that
`the Arab wife brings with it a large dowry ` making reference to trade and
oil.
By the 1990's 60,000 Israeli tourists per year traveled to Turkey and has
risen even higher since. There is academic, intelligence and military
exchanges and a strong strategic alliance is in place.
Conclusion
The remnants of the Dönme have few overt messianic signs. Few go any longer
to the seashore raising their hands and calling out in Spanish "Sabetay
Sabetay we await thee". They are predominantly secular and liberal and
highly assimilated. They are predominantly atheist and at the best
culturally Sabbatean. Whether the mystical designs of Sabbatean doctrine
intended to form such a community is second to the fact that mystical
doctrine outside of a
EHRLICH Sabbatean Messiarzi.sm as Proto-secularism 305
protected environment contains highly liberal characteristics. As a group
the Dönme assimilated leaving only the outcome of their doctrinal selves.
Sabbateanism, despite its mystical nature and its roots in sectarianism
asserted the seeds of tolerance, assimilation, Interpretation,
anti-fundamentalist and universalism and in so doing was a proto-secular
group down the ideological infrastructure for other Jewish groups to follow.
It is clear that messianism changes form and has moved from working within
religious frameworks to working within highly secular frameworks. With this
in mind the messianic tendencies of secular and political groups can be
better understood as can an appreciation of their ideological architecture.
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Days (Hebrew weekly) 20-5-1999
Tarih ve Demokrasi Forumu
Özcan SOYSAL
University of Sydney. He lived in Israel for eight years, studied in
various yeshivot and served as a combat medic in the Israeli Army. He
completed his B.A. at Bar Ilan University in Philosophy and Politics and
was the Chief Ombudsman and student activist in that University's Student
Union. He studied in the illustrious Hartman Institute for Advanced
Talmudic studies and is a member of a prestigious Policy Institute on
Israeli politics. His academic interests range from messianic leadership
and trends in contemporary Judaism to issues relating to the question of
Church and State in Israel. He is active in interfaith dialogue and
pursuant of innovative solutions to Jewish religious and political
dilemmas.
Avrum Ehrlich joins the L'Chaim Society to take over education and
organizational duties and reinforces its commitment to burgeoning Jewish
life in Oxford. Avrum will run regular lectures on topical issues in
Judaism and Jewish life and strive to maintain the high calibre of guest
speakers that has graced the L'Chaim Society's hall. He hopes to
contribute a strong Jewish-academic input to L'Chaim's activities for the
benefit of the Society's student and academic constituency.