Dictatura PDSR isi arata coltii!
Desteapta-te Romane
Votul românilor dupa primul tur de scrutin a scos la iveala un lucru evident,
ascuns de mass-media, care despica firul in 4, pentru "a explica", pe categorii
de virsta, ascensiunea PRM. "Analistii" evita, deliberat, sa identifice
categoria de virsta a celor care l-au votat pe Iliescu, dar, mai ales, ce
reprezinta ei. Nu e necesar un efort prea mare sa observi ca votantii cu virste
de peste 50 de ani sint, de fapt, fostii "tovarasi"! in 7 ani, "tovarasii"
si-au pus o masca "umana", i-au pacalit pe români si de ce n-ar mai face-o
inca 4 ani? Ei au trecut, isteti cum sint, de la "etica si echitatea
socialista", la "jaful de piata" si se fac ca nu mai observa "exploatarea
omului de catre om". O parte a "tovarasilor" sint raspinditi in celelalte
partide politice diferite de PDSR; doar cu numele si isi zic "democrati". Ei nu
mai au in vocabular sintagma "internationalismul proletar"; acum, au devenit
"europeni", "proocccidentali" si daca, odinioara, elogiau "salopetele" fara sa
le poarte, acum, in costume "de firma ", isi taie si porcul de Craciun.
Aparitia unui justitiar incurca socotelile tuturor. Justitiarii, de-a lungul
Istoriei , daca n-au putut conduce, au creat, macar, legende! Unul, drag
Poporului Român, este Mihai Eminescu – care, ca si Vadim, in locul parului,
a folosit condeiul. Asa a scris "Doina" si l-a invocat pe Tepes in "Scrisoarea
a III-a". Poate spune cineva despre Eminescu ca a fost sovin, extremist,
xenofob (desigur, au fost si magari care au spus asta, dar i-a spulberat
Istoria) cind revolta lui izvoraste din suferinta Neamului Românesc? in fata
Mafiei, ce trebuie sa facem? Sa aplaudam?! Sa raminem o turma, care face totul
la comanda?! Sa nu avem nici macar libertatea de exprimare?! Dupa ce am fost 11
ani sub lupa Occidentului, vin acum, in prag de nou Mileniu, niste netrebnici
fara scrupule si tipa ca din gura de sarpe, ca la noi s-a nascut extremismul
intolerant. Omul simplu, chiar sub frigul nevoilor, sesizeaza rapid
manipularea. Adica, in timp ce Occidentul, prin vocea Consiliului Europei, dupa
o monitorizare amanuntita, declara oficial ca in România nu exista partide
extremiste, un iresponsabil ca Bogdan Chirieac ne spune ca la granitele
României s-a ridicat iar "Cortina de fier". "Tovarasii", dupa experienta
"actiilor democratice" ale mineriadelor, fac, prin mass-media "democratica",
adevarate executii publice ale lui Vadim si PRM-ului. Metaforele lui Vadim sint
smulse din contextul literar si, interpretate, in mod aberant, in planul
realitatii. "incit fonfii si flecarii, gagautii si gusatii,/ Bilbiiti cu gura
strimba, sint stapinii astei Natii" – suna doua celebre versuri, deosebit de
actuale azi. La PRO TV, in seara zilei de miercuri, 29 noiembrie 2000, incepind
cu ora 20,00, s-a intrunit iar "Tribunalul lichelelor" care, timp de 2 ore, a
uzat de toate "mijloacele democratice", pentru a-l demola pe Vadim. Ce
deosebire este intre acea emisiune, care a insemnat o punere la zid, si niste
ipotetice procese pe stadioane? PRO TV - "stadionul executiei publice", a ajuns
la dimensiunile intregii Tari. Te uitai la acei indivizi si ramineai perplex:
cit de bine au reusit ei sa reconstituie procesele publice, in care au fost
condamnati la moarte Antonescu, Maniu, Bratianu?! Desigur, "inculpatul" nu era
de fata, avea avocat din oficiu, liber sa spuna orice, iar publicul, care ar fi
trebuit sa aplaude, era dincolo de "sticla", pentru orice eventualitate, caci
"nu se stie niciodata"! Bravi baieti! Misto democratie…! Pe oricare
participant sa ni-l imaginam fata in fata cu Vadim… Ce-ar spune parintii
d-lui Chirieac vazindu-si fiul la o asemenea confruntare?! La sosirea acasa,
sigur l-ar trimite urgent la baie sa-si dea jos izmenele. La ce ne putem
astepta, deci? Sa fie suspendate gazete si gazetari (emisiunea lui Dan
Diaconescu, pe Tele 7 abc, a fost deja suspendata); sa fie asasinati oameni,
ceea ce s-a si intimplat; sa fie federalizata Tara ?! Nici Sarbatoarea
Nationala a României n-a fost ocrotita de isteria electorala a PDSR-ului. in
toate programele difuzate in mass-media s-a gasit cite un Gica-Contra care ne-a
amintit pentru cine trebuie votat in turul al II-lea. Chiar o fata
bisericeasca, la Alba Iulia, nu s-a sfiit sa fie agent electoral. Preasfinte,
nu crezi ca ti se poate usca limba spunind ca in România exista pericolul
extremismului?! Ce-ai spune matale de un frecat de podele la Minastirea Nicula,
pe timp nelimitat, unde ai putea sa cugeti "liber", ca dl. Iliescu?! Dl.
Iliescu a refuzat sa se prezinte la confruntarile electorale cu dl. senator C.
V. Tudor. Ce dovedeste asta? Nimic altceva, decit o revenire la vechi
obiceiuri, cind "cel mai iubit fiu" nu se confrunta cu nimeni! Multa lume se
intreaba ce parere au maestrii A. Paunescu si G. Pruteanu despre dezbaterile
televizate, care au urmat zilei de 26 noiembrie, privitoare la "ascensiunea lui
C. V. Tudor". Maestrul Paunescu ne-a obisnuit cu exceptionala emisiune "Viata
noastra cea de toate zilele", iar ceea ce vedem acum ne sperie! Domnilor
senatori Paunescu si Pruteanu, nu v-ar fi stat mai bine in PRM, alaturi de
Leonida Lari, Mihai Ungheanu, Mitzura Arghezi, Ilie Ilascu, Mihaila Cofariu?!
De ce nu apareti pe orice post de Televiziune (stim ca o puteti face) sa
aratati Tarii adevarul, asa cum il percepeti dvs.? inregimentarea politica va
opreste sa va sustineti conditia de intelectuali patrioti? Reprezentati
Intelectualitatea Româna si aveti datoria sa iesiti in fata, ca sa aparati
firava noastra democratie, alaturi de Ion Cristoiu si Dan Diaconescu, care,
pina in acest moment, sint singurii care si-au aratat verticalitatea.
C.M.T.
Care nici in topul lui spataru nu au loc.
Adicatele pentru toti cei care se cred "romini adevarati"
ca gfunar, conte, dacia, amerigo, ardei, purcelus adica
puradeus, teodoru, popa, scarpinaria sau cum dracu......
oi fi numiti......
""On March 9,
1945, Groza announced that Romania had regained sovereignty
over northern
Transylvania, and in May and June the government prosecuted
and executed
Ion
Antonescu, Mihai Antonescu, and two generals as war
criminals. ""
- La aceasta data mai avea M.S. Mihai ceva ce putea
hotari?????
Dar cititi tot articolul ca marita, poate mai intra ceva
lumina
in capatina de varza murata, si imputzita ce purtati pe git!
-------------------------------------
Romania
POSTWAR ROMANIA, 1944-85
On October 9, 1944, British prime minister Winston Churchill
and Joseph
Stalin met in Moscow. Without President Franklin D.
Roosevelt's knowledge,
Churchill
offered Stalin a list of Balkan and Central European
countries with
percentages expressing the "interest" the Soviet Union and
other Allies
would share in
each--including a 90 percent Soviet preponderance in
Romania. Stalin,
ticking the list with a blue pencil, accepted the deal. In
early February
1945, however,
Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin agreed at Yalta to a
declaration
condemning "spheres of influence" and calling for free
elections as soon
as possible in Europe's
liberated countries. The Soviet leader considered the
percentage agreement
key to the region's postwar order and gave greater weight to
it than to
the Yalta
declarations; the United States and Britain considered the
Yalta accord
paramount. The rapid communist takeover in Romania provided
one of the
earliest examples of
the significance of this disagreement and contributed to the
postwar
enmity between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union.
In late 1944, the political parties belonging to the BND
organized openly
for the first time since King Carol had banned political
activity in 1938.
The key political
forces were: Maniu's National Peasants, who enjoyed strong
support in the
villages and had the backing of democratic members of the
middle class,
rightists,
nationalists, and intellectuals; the Social Democrats, who
were backed by
workers and leftist intellectuals; and the Communists, who
had reemerged
after two
decades underground. The National Liberals still campaigned,
but their
leaders' close association with King Carol and quiet support
for Antonescu
compromised the
party and it never recovered its prewar influence.
Romania's Communist Party at first attracted scant popular
support, and
its rolls listed fewer than 1,000 members at the war's end.
Recruitment
campaigns soon
began netting large numbers of workers, intellectuals, and
others
disillusioned by the breakdown of the country's democratic
experiment and
hungry for radical
reforms; many opportunists, including former Iron Guards,
also crowded the
ranks. Two rival factions competed for party leadership: the
Romanian
faction, which
had operated underground during the war years; and the
"Muscovites,"
primarily intellectuals and nonethnic Romanians who had
lived out the war
in Moscow and
arrived in Romania on the Red Army's heels. The leaders of
the Romanian
faction were Patrascanu, the intellectual prewar defense
lawyer who became
the minister
of justice, and Gheorghe Gheorghiu, an activist railway
worker who added
Dej to his surname in memory of the Transylvanian town where
he had been
long
imprisoned. The Muscovite leaders included Ana Pauker, the
daughter of a
Moldavian rabbi, who reportedly had denounced her own
husband as a
Trotskyite, and
Vasile Luca, a Transylvanian Szekler who had become a Red
Army major.
Neither faction was a disciplined, coherent organization; in
fact,
immediately after the war
the Romanian Communist Party resembled more a confederation
of fiefdoms
run by individual leaders than the tempered, well-sharpened
political
weapon Lenin had
envisioned. The party probably would not have survived
without Soviet backing.
Soviet control handicapped the Romanian government's efforts
to administer
the country. The National Peasants called for immediate
elections, but the
Communists
and Soviet administrators, fearful of embarrassment at the
polls, checked
the effort. In October 1944, the Communists, Social
Democrats, and the
Plowmen's Front
and other Communist front organizations formed the Frontul
National
Democrat (National Democratic Front--FND) and launched a
campaign to
overthrow
Sanatescu's government and gain power. The Communists
demanded that the
government appoint more pro-Communist officials, and the
left-wing press
inveighed
against Sanatescu, charging that hidden reactionary forces
supported him.
Sanatescu succumbed to the pressure and resigned in November
1944; King
Michael
persuaded him to form a second government, but it too
collapsed in a
matter of weeks. After Sanatescu's fall, the king summoned
General Nicolae
Radescu to form a
new government. Radescu appointed a Communist, Teohari
Georgescu,
undersecretary of the Ministry of Interior; Georgescu in
turn began
introducing Communists
into the police and security forces.
Chaos erupted in Romania and civil war seemed imminent just
days after the
Yalta conference had adjourned. Communist leaders, with
Soviet backing,
launched a
vehement anti-Radescu campaign that included halting
publication of
National Peasant and National Liberal newspapers. On
February 13, 1945,
Communists
demonstrated outside the royal palace. Six days later
Communist Party and
National Peasant loyalists battled in Bucharest, and
demonstrations
degenerated to street
brawls. The Soviet authorities demanded that Radescu restore
calm but
barred him from using force. On February 24, Communist thugs
shot and
killed several
pro-FND demonstrators; Communist leaders, branding Radescu a
murderer,
charged that government troops carried out the shootings. On
February 26
Radescu,
citing the Yalta declarations, retaliated by scheduling
elections. The
next day, the Soviet deputy foreign minister, Andrei
Vyshinsky, rushed to
Bucharest to engineer
a final FND takeover. After a heated exchange, Vyshinsky
presented King
Michael an ultimatum--either to appoint Petru Groza, a
Communist
sympathizer, to
Radescu's post or to risk Romania's continued existence as
an independent
nation. Vyshinsky sugared the medicine by offering Romania
sovereignty
over
Transylvania if the king agreed. Portents of a takeover
appeared in
Bucharest: Red Army tanks surrounded Michael's palace, and
Soviet soldiers
disarmed Romanian
troops and occupied telephone and broadcasting centers. The
king, lacking
Western support, yielded. Radescu, who lashed out at
Communist leaders as
"hyenas"
and "foreigners without God or country," fled to the British
mission.
Meanwhile, Western diplomats feared that the Soviet Union
would annex
Romania outright.
Data as of July 1989
Romania
Petru Groza's Premiership
Groza's appointment amounted to a de facto Communist
takeover. Groza named
Communists to head the army and the ministries of interior,
justice,
propaganda,
and economic affairs. The government included no legitimate
members of the
National Peasant Party or National Liberal Party; rather,
the Communists
drafted
opportunistic dissidents from these parties, heralded them
as the parties'
legitimate representatives, and ignored or harassed genuine
party leaders.
On March 9,
1945, Groza announced that Romania had regained sovereignty
over northern
Transylvania, and in May and June the government prosecuted
and executed
Ion
Antonescu, Mihai Antonescu, and two generals as war
criminals.
At the Potsdam Conference in July and August 1945, the
United States
delegation protested that the Soviet Union was improperly
implementing the
Yalta
declarations in Romania and called for elections to choose a
new
government. The Soviet Union, however, refused even to
discuss the
question, labeling it
interference in Romania's internal affairs. The Soviet Union
instead
called for the United States, Britain, and France to
recognize Groza's
government immediately,
but they refused. The Potsdam agreement on Southeastern
Europe provided
for a council of foreign ministers to negotiate a peace
treaty to be
concluded with a
recognized, democratic Romanian government. The agreement
prompted King
Michael to call for Groza to resign because his government
was neither
recognized nor
democratic. When Groza refused to step down, the king
retaliated by
retiring to his summer home and withholding his signature
from all
legislative acts or
government decrees.
In October 1945, Romania's Communist Party held its first
annual
conference, at which the two factions settled on a joint
leadership.
Though the Soviet Union
favored the Muscovites, Stalin backed Gheorghiu-Dej's
appointment as party
secretary. Pauker, Luca, and Georgescu emerged as the
party's other
dominant leaders.
The party's rolls swelled to 717,490 members by mid-1946,
and membership
exceeded 800,000 by 1947.
At a December 1945 meeting of foreign ministers in Moscow,
the United
States denounced Romania's regime as authoritarian and
nonrepresentative
and called for
Groza to name legitimate members of the opposition parties
to cabinet
posts. Stalin agreed to make limited concessions, but the
West received no
guarantees. Groza
named one National Peasant and one National Liberal
minister, but he
denied them portfolios and FND ministers hopelessly
outnumbered them in
the cabinet.
Assured by Groza's oral promises that his government would
improve its
human- and political-rights record and schedule elections,
the United
States and Britain
granted Romania diplomatic recognition in February 1946,
before elections
took place.
The Communists did all in their power to fabricate an
election rout.
Communist-controlled unions impeded distribution of
opposition-party
newspapers, and
Communist hatchet men attacked opposition political workers
at campaign
gatherings. In March the Communists engineered a split in
the Social
Democratic Party
and began discrediting prominent figures in the National
Peasant and
National Liberal Parties, labeling them reactionary,
profascist, and
anti-Soviet and charging
them with undermining Romania's economy and national unity.
On November
19, 1946, Romanians cast ballots in an obviously rigged
election. Groza's
government claimed the support of almost 90 percent of the
voters. The
Communists, Social Democrats, and other leftist parties
claimed 379 of the
assembly's 414
seats; the National Peasant Party took 32; the National
Liberals, 3.
Minority-party legislators soon abandoned the new parliament
or faced a
ban on their
participation. The regime turned a deaf ear to United States
and British
objections and protested against their "meddling" in
Romania's internal
affairs.
During its first weeks in power, Groza's government
undertook an extensive
land reform that limited private holdings to 50 hectares,
expropriated 1.1
million
hectares, and distributed most of the land to about 800,000
peasants. In
May 1945, Romania and the Soviet Union signed a long-term
economic
agreement that
provided for the creation of joint-stock companies, or
Sovroms, through
which the Soviet Union controlled Romania's major sources of
income,
including the oil
and uranium industries. The Sovroms were tax exempt and
Soviets held key
management posts.
Allied aerial bombardment and ground fighting during the war
had inflicted
serious damage to Romania's productive capacity,
particularly to the most
developed
sector--oil production and refining. Furthermore, the
excessive post-war
reparations to the Soviet Union and Soviet exploitation of
the Sovroms
overburdened the
country's economy. In 1946 Romanian industries produced less
than half of
their prewar output, inflation and drought exacted a heavy
toll, and for
the first time in
100 years Moldavia suffered a famine. By mid-1947 Romania
faced economic
chaos. Foreign aid, including United States relief, helped
feed the
population. The
government printed money to repay the public debt, bought up
the nation's
cereal crop, confiscated store and factory inventories, and
laid off
workers. Romania, like
the other East European countries under Soviet domination,
refused to
participate in the Marshall Plan for the economic
reconstruction of
Europe, complaining that it
would constitute interference in internal affairs.
In February 1947, the Allies and Romania signed the final
peace treaty in
Paris. The treaty, which did not include Romania as a
co-belligerent
country, reset
Romania's boundaries. Transylvania, with its Hungarian
enclaves, returned
to Romania; Bessarabia and northern Bukovina, with their
Romanian
majorities, again
fell to the Soviet Union; and Bulgaria kept southern
Dobruja. The treaty
bound Romania to honor human and political rights, including
freedom of
speech, worship,
and assembly, but from the first, the Romanian government
treated these
commitments as dead letters. The treaty also set a ceiling
on the size of
Romania's military
and called for withdrawal of all Soviet troops except those
needed to
maintain communication links with the Soviet forces then
occupying
Austria.
Data as of July 1989
------------------------------------------
baaaa funica cind ai cumparat tu diploma
de istoric atunci aia costa doi dollari pe
piata din Viena, de cele de ziaristi nu mai
vorbesc ca sa dedea pe kilogram. :-))))))
CMT.
Desteapta-te Romane schrieb in Nachricht
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