Land Ownership, Ethnicity and "Native" Rights in Nigeria
OKQu...@aol.com
"Quite aside from the fact that the Ikwerre are Igbo, the fact is that all
Igbos who are non native to Ikwerre land BOUGHT the land they settled on.
There are hundreds of thousand of Igbos in Lagos and many of them own landed
property.....THEY BOUGHT THE LAND THEY OWN." --- Ulodima.
______________________________________________________________________
Dear Ulodima:
I agree with the above statement.
If the Igbo bought some landed properties from the Ikwerre with funds derived from their own sweat, they automatically become the legal owners of those properties. However, I think you are mixing two separate though notby any means unrelated issues, by pursuing this line of argument. The first issue is one of land ownership and the other is the purported Igbo origin of the Ikwerre.
Landownership is a legal matter that can be easily resolved in most civilized jurisdictions with well kept land registries. The second issue of the origin of the Ikwerre and their relationship to the Igbo is a more difficult one with solutions that can only be found in the fields of genealogy, linguistics and the history. It is quite possible to find reknowned academics in these fields of human knowledge arguing on both sides of the debate.
What matters most in the end is what an individual decides to call himself. There will always be some Ikwerre who would identify strongly with their Igbo roots just as there will also be some who will deny that the Ikwerre had any genealogic, linguistic or historic relationship to the Igbo. It is a matter of preference, guided by the prevailing economic conditions in Ikwerre land, Igboland and the rest of Nigeria. If things are going rosy in Ikwerre land, most Ikwerre will definetely prefer to stay where they are and remain independent. On the other hand if a recession looms in Ikwerre land and jobs are going a begging in Igboland most Ikwerre will be asking to be recognized as Igbo. It is a matter of choice and convenience.
In the past three years I have had the pleasure of attending weddings of two Nigerian couples of Ikwerre origin. In the first wedding, the MC and the celebrants outwardly and loudly celebrated their Igbo origin. "Igbo kwenu, Igbo kwenu, Igbo kwenu" was a popular chant at every high moment during the wedding reception. At the other wedding, it was quite clear that the ceremony was basically an Ikwerre wedding. In describing the origins of the couple at the latter wedding, there was no single mention of any connection to Igbo heritage, despite the fact that the traditional ceremonies at both receptions were identical.
>From the above and other experiences I have come to the conclusion that whether an Ikwerre man/woman considers himself Igbo or not, depends on the individual, his/her upbringing, life's opportunities and personal beliefs.
>From my own perspective, the Ikwerre are no less Igbo than the Igbomina, Ondo, Ijebu and other Yoruba sub-ethnic groups can be considered less or non-Yoruba. In the end all Africans and definetely all Nigerians can always trace back our ancestry, like all humanity, to the plains of North-east Africa (if we believe the Lecky's and other scientists) or to the Garden of Eden if we believe the Old Testament.
So, what's all the fuss? Why don't we concentrate on being Nigerians, rather fussing over and debating ad nauseum which ethnic group is related to another.
I think the Yoruba of Kwarra state found the right formula over 40 years ago. While they would vigorously defend their Yoruba heritage, they can also be trusted to vigorously resist any attempt to re-classify their native lands as part of the Southwest, preferring to remain as an ethnic minority in Northern Nigeria. I think the same logic is at play when some Ikwerre vigorously refuse to have their native lands considered as Igbo territory. An individual's economic fortunes may be dependent more on the geo-political and economic zone he resides in rather than on ethnic solidarity. Ethnic affiliation is a two-edged sword that may confer opprotunities on the one hand while on the other become an albatross.
Solution:
Let all Nigerians be who they want to be. If an individual from a Yoruba family that has lived in Zaria for over ten generations or more decides he is more Hausa than Yoruba and wants to be considered as such, I think we should let him be.
Is a Nigerian of Igbo heritage whose father or grandfather was born in Lagos, Ibadan or Osogbo and who has lived all of his life in the Southwest still socially, traditionally and economically Igbo, not withstanding his/her Igbo genes? Should this third or fourth generation Nigerian of Igbo origin have more rights in Igboland than an Edo man or woman who has lived all of his/her life in Onitsha or Enugu. Should he/she have less rights in Yorubaland than a man born of Yoruba parents in Dakar, Senegal and whose great grandfather emigrated to Senegal in the late 1800s?
Ideally, our true HOME should be considered where our taxes reside. Our ancestral homes should also be cherished, but we must be open to the idea that just as our ancestors have decided to migrate to other lands, peoples from other parts of Nigeria or the outside world have also migrated to our native town or villages. We must accord them the same reciprocal rights that are given to us in our own adopted lands all over Nigeria.
Bye,
Quincy
Subj:Re: [abujaNig] A New Biafra built on GREED and AGGRESSIONuth...]Universal Inkjet Refill Kit $29.95
Date:11/30/01 4:55:25 PM Eastern Standard Time
From:ulo...@hotmail.com
Reply-to:abuj...@yahoogroups.com
Sent from the Internet
Ibukunolu Babajide,
Name calling and slurs are not what we need in the present predicament of
misrule in which ALL NIGERIANS now find themselves. I keep saying this, the
elites that are oppressing and stealing from us are drawn from all ethnic
groups in Nigeria. This hatred of the Igbo that seems to be so popular needs
to stop, just as the Igbo need to get over their hatred of the Yoruba, in
the interest of moving the nation forward.
Quite aside from the fact that the Ikwerre are Igbo, the fact is that all
Igbos who are non native to Ikwerre land BOUGHT the land they settled on.
There are hundreds of thousand of Igbos in Lagos and many of them own landed
property.....THEY BOUGHT THE LAND THEY OWN.
I think all you Igbo haters are suffering from misplaced aggression. Make a
list of the worst looters of Nigerias treasury. NON OF THEM ARE IGBO. We
know what area of the country they come from, and they wantonly killed Igbos
in the 60's. They are killing right now in the Niger Delta; Yorubas got a
taste of it in the 90's. Their divide and rule tactics work very well- how
long will they continue to succeed?
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Iselle Obikpani
Dear O. K. Quincy,
As always, you have hit the nail on the head. This is
the problem with the Ikwerre-Igbo issue. How can one
be so recklessly "opportunistic" with one's natural
heritage and ethnicity? How can one "switch and bait"
his ethnicity based on the changes in the political
and economic winds? What it shows is that the person
who does not believe in the indubitability of his
ethnicity is a "morally flawed" individual, and should
not be reagrded as serious. Rather he should be
pitied. You as everyone knows that if Biafra had won
the war, this "Ikwerre-is-not-Igbo" nonsense whould
not have arisen.
Quincy, you are a Yoruba man but having read you for
sometime, I will bait the last penny in my pocket that
you will never allow the integrity and credibility of
your rich Yoruba heritage to be challenged by anybody.
Even the Yorubas in Kwara state will definitely go to
war if someone dares to call them something else. But
this is where commonsense ends, and the Ikwerres
begin.
There are many Ikwerres who genuinely regard
themselves as Igbos and will do everything to
safeguard it. They are Igbos and no one can take that
away from them. It is unfortunate that sometimes,
these silent voices of truth and reason are drowned by
shameless hypocrits like Chuks Eleonu and Sly "Stone"
Osu. A few years ago, an Ikwerre-Igbo Senator from the
Rivers state Mr. Offia Nwali fought his own people and
worked very hard to see that they reclaim their Igbo
heritage and identity. He was eventually murdered by a
conspiracy of the Ijaws and some other misguided
Ikwerre indigenes who would silent anything that might
ressurect the issue of "abandoned property" in Port
Harcourt. They do not want to face severe competition
from their other Igbo brethrens, rather what they want
is the propect of sharing in the oils spoils and the
civil war booty alone and without interruption. So,
when you hear some misguided Ikwerre people lying
through their noses when they say that they do not
speak Igbo, nor is their culture Igbo, just ignore
them.
But the bottom line is simply that, those Ikwerres
like the earlier couple at the wedding, have every
write to remain Igbo and to address themselves as
such. But for those others who want to carve out a
separate Ikwerre kingdom, they are also entitled to
that and they should be allowed to go and join the
voracious Ijaws and the Ogonis to create their own
state or whatever they want.
But, one thing is clear, no one has the right to
"artificially" change their ethnicity against what
nature has given them. Once created by nature, man is
thus dispossessed. A teacheable moment for some
Ikwerres who are yet to repent!
Obi.
> Date: Sat, 1 Dec 2001 11:24:32 EST
> Subject: [Naijanet] Land Ownership, Ethnicity and
> "Native" Rights in Nigeria
> > From:<A
>
HREF="mailto:ulo...@hotmail.com">ulo...@hotmail.com</A>
> > Reply-to:<A
>
HREF="mailto:abuj...@yahoogroups.com">abuj...@yahoogroups.com</A>
> > Sent from the Internet
> >
> >
> >
> > Ibukunolu Babajide,
> >
> > Name calling and slurs are not what we need in the
> present predicament of
> > misrule in which ALL NIGERIANS now find
> themselves. I keep saying this, the
> >
> > elites that are oppressing and stealing from us
> are drawn from all ethnic
> > groups in Nigeria. This hatred of the Igbo that
> seems to be so popular
> > needs
> > to stop, just as the Igbo need to get over their
> hatred of the Yoruba, in
> > the interest of moving the nation forward.
> >
>
=== message truncated ===
__________________________________________________
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otasco otanda
Sunday, December 2, 2001
Formal Cultist Bags Church Knighthood
IT was shock, disbelief and at the same time joy at
the weekend at Egbu, near Owerri, when the Anglican
Church honoured a former cult member with the church's
prestigious Knight of St. Christopher.
Mr. Eric Nwoke, who was among the 39 candidates slated
for knighthood, openly confessed before the
congregation that he was a member of a cult.
Nwoke told the congregation and the church that he had
decided to renounce the cult membership "because it is
more joyous to seek the Almighty God through Jesus
Christ than be in secret cult," the News Agency of
Nigeria (NAN) reported.
His confession elicited mixed reactions from the
congregation, with a section rejoicing over his
decision and another section criticising the church
for " carelessly extending the knighthood to a cult
member."
The presiding bishop, the Rt. Rev Emmanuel Iheagwam,
administered the oath of allegiance to the knighthood
on Nwoke, a regular member of the church.
In a speech at the occasion, which was witnessed by
thousands of people at the All Saints Church, Egbu,
Iheagwam congratulated Nwoke for his courage in
renouncing his cult membership.
Iheagwam, who is the Anglican Bishop of Egbu Diocese,
urged the new knights to see their new position in the
church as a call to service.
In a sermon, Rev. Emma Uka of the Abuja Anglican
Diocese observed that there were many cult members in
the church who were ashamed of confessing and
renouncing their cult membership.
He appealed to such people to be courageous to
renounce their cult membership in the interest of the
church. Those honoured with the knighthood included Ms
Comfort Obi of the Source Magazine, who bagged the
Knighthood of Mary Magdalene.
otasco otanda
state and local govt) is sure to reveal the vicious
grand agenda of the hausa-fulani and yoruba clique and
cabals that appoint the Igbo ministers against the
Igbo Nation/race. Unless these cabals that crown them
are dealt with first, either directly or indirectly,
emancipation of Ndiigbo from yokes of alien bondage,
will be all but a fat chance. Biafra is the way to
go, and we have every intention of using it to rattle
the bones of Igbo oppressors. Long Live the Republic
of New Biafra!
-K.O.
The Guardian, Editorial
Sunday, December 2, 2001
Abia And Its Conclave Of Minimals
BY UBA ALOZIE
THE grand plot being designed for Governor Orji Uzor
Kalu of Abia State by some political elements in the
state is at once laughable and worrisome. Laughable
because the plotters, most of them Federal appointees
of Abia State origin, are all feather weights who
cannot match the political sagacity of the governor.
But the situation is worrisome because the plotters
are not acting on their own; they are agents of a
Federal Government that wants to cause disruption in
the Abia State.
What is at issue? Of course the issue is too well
known. But let us remind ourselves of how we got to
where we are today. Orji Kalu, bold, courageous and
daring, had told President Olusegun Obasanjo the
truth. The President was seen to be neglecting the
South East geo-political zone, especially in the area
of infrastructural development. The roads in the South
East were and are still death traps. And all this was
happening in a democratic setting where people cast
their votes based on what they expect to reap as
dividends of democracy.
It was, therefore, unacceptable that such an ugly
situation was allowed to go unchallenged. Somebody had
to tell the President the truth; Kalu did. He drew the
President's attention to the deplorable state of the
roads and other dilapidated infrastructure, and since
he was telling the truth, the man at whom it was
targeted, naturally, got hurt. His ego got wounded.
The blackmail set in. They said that Governor Kalu was
abusing old age. They said he did not show respect to
the President. They reminded him that the President
was old enough to be his father, all in an attempt to
give him a bad name.
But Kalu, as we all know, never insulted the
President. He only spoke the bitter truth which many
Igbo politicians were incapable of. For this, Kalu
received accolades. He was held in high esteem.
Curiously, while Kalu was enjoying this goodwill from
the people, many of his kinsmen, both in and outside
government, became jealous. They did not understand
why Kalu should enjoy all the attention.
What did they do? Rather than support the noble cause
Governor Kalu was fighting, they began to blackmail
him. They went to the President to seek favour. The
fashionable pastime was to go to Obasanjo and say
unsavoury things about Kalu.
Kalu saw through the smoke of blackmail and decided
that the jobbers would be put in check. This was
especially so given the fact that the President
responded to Kalu's criticisms by rehabilitating some
of the bad roads in the South East. As this was
happening, well-meaning Nigerians stepped in and got
the Governor and Mr. President to reconcile.
However, before the mending of fences between the
President and Kalu, some minions had cashed in on the
situation, giving the President the impression that
they could do for him what Kalu did for him in 1999.
Let us recall that during the 1999 presidential
campaigns, Kalu told Obasanjo not to bother about
campaigning in Abia State because he (Kalu) would
ensure that the people voted for him. True to his
promise, Kalu got Abia people to vote massively for
Obasanjo.
Now, some people who cannot even win ward elections
are telling the President that they can deliver Igbo
votes for him, and the man seems to believe them. One
way in which they think they can become relevant is to
put a wedge between the President and Kalu.
Surprisingly, the same President seems to be
supporting them. Now he is backing their game plan
aimed at ensuring that Kalu does not return in 2003 as
Abia State governor. This plot became very manifest
during the congresses that held in the state. In Abia,
the federal elements, in connivance with the Deputy
Governor of the state, Chief Enyinnaya Abaribe, sought
to rig the congress elections. The whole idea was to
put forward people who would stand against Kalu in the
forthcoming elections.
At the federal level, the Federal Government proved to
all and sundry that it was part of the plot against
Kalu when it sponsored Chief Vincent Ogbulafor as the
National Secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party
(PDP). Ogbulafor, a man whom Kalu defeated roundly at
the PDP primaries jumped ship and contested the
governorship elections with Kalu under the platform of
the All Peoples Party (APP). Again, he lost to Kalu.
But he was rewarded with a ministerial position as an
APP chieftain. Because he lacks fine scruples,
Ogbulafor returned to the PDP. The whole idea of
Ogbulafor's choice is to ensure that he is in the
party's machinery to frustrate Kalu's political
future.
This is the situation in Abia State. But what makes it
pathetic is that Kalu does not deserve all the
stigmatisation being placed on him. He had done no
wrong. He has only dared to be bold in a situation
where others displayed crass cowardice.
But those plotting to unseat Orji Kalu must be
adventurers. It is so because they have not told us
how they will get the Abia electorate to vote against
their beloved governor. All they are planning is to
ensure that he does not get a second term ticket. If
they succeed, they will be imposing an unpopular
candidate on the people of Abia State. The plot
against Kalu is, therefore, ill-digested; it is in bad
taste. The manner of its execution is fraught with
danger. The road to it is laden with explosives.
Suddenly, some armchair analysts have realised that
Abia State is peopled by men and women of learning and
distinction. Suddenly, they are reeling out an array
of prominent and distinguished Abians who should have
been governor, rather than Orji Uzor Kalu.
And suddenly, those of them who feel that they are
more qualified than Kalu to be governor have sprouted,
seeking to be noticed. But who are these fellows, and
what do they intend to achieve? We have the likes of
Chief Ojo Maduekwe, the Minister of Transport; Chief
Vincent Ogbulafor, the National Secretary of the PDP;
Chief Onyema Ugochukwu, Chairman of the Niger Delta
Development Commission (NDDC); and Chief Enyinnya
Abaribe, among others.
But we know that these men are people of little or no
consequence. Their coalition against Kalu is no more
than a conclave of minimals. Like all political
liliputs they are aspiring to stand tall. Then in
their perverted sense of selves, they are incapable of
realising that they cannot rise above their inherent
disabilities.
To begin with, the men in question are political
minions who had to go through a lot of pillorying to
rise to where they are today. Take Ojo Maduekwe, for
example.
During the elections to the present democratic
dispensation, Ojo made no impact in his senatorial
zone. He was roundly trounced by Senator Ike
Nwachukwu. After his defeat by Nwachukwu, Ojo wandered
in the political wilderness. He had no anchor, no
sense of direction. He was a confused fellow until
President Obasanjo appointed him into his cabinet.
The other fellow is Chief Vincent Ogbulafor. This
man's political story is bizarre. In fact, you can say
that he has an Orji Kalu problem. This was a man who
lost the gubernatorial primaries to Kalu under the
PDP. He could not stomach his defeat, being without
principles and with no abiding standards, he decamped
to the All Peoples Party (APP). He stood for the real
elections with Kalu. Again, he lost. Like Ojo, it took
the mercy of the President for this man to become a
minister. After his appointment, Ogbulafor returned to
PDP. Today, he is the scribe of the PDP, not out of
outstanding performance but because he was anointed by
the same President to be there. Will his partisanship
allow him to see beyond his nose?
And now, Onyema Ugochukwu. This man has since run away
with the erroneous impression that he helped win the
presidential elections for Obasanjo through media
campaign. But we all know that Obasanjo did not become
President as a result of any media blitz. The
military, which midwifed the elections, had already
made up their mind on Obasanjo. So, it could not have
been otherwise.
President Obasanjo recognised this fact too well. That
was why he was not interested in giving Ugochukwu any
appointment until people prevailed on him to help him.
To help Ugochukwu, he appointed him into the National
Orientation Agency. He actually had no job to do
there. But he kept warming his seat until the NDDC was
created. We know, however, that Ugochukwu also did not
make it as chairman of the NDDC. The Senate rejected
him several times, but because Obasanjo wanted him
there at all cost, something was done to get the
Senate clear him.
Need we bother about Enyinnaya Abaribe? Of course we
saw how Orji Kalu himself took pity on this man when
members of the State House of Assembly wanted to boot
him out of office for his dishonorable acts.
To show that he has a large heart, Orji did not just
forgive Abaribe, he left the State for him to govern
for several weeks when he travelled out of the
country. Kalu, therefore, helped to rehabilitate his
deputy. Today, the man is biting the finger that fed
him.
All together, we have in these men the story of people
who have been going through political rehabilitation
and rejuvenation. In them, we do not have original men
who have affected the lives of the people in any
original way. It is, therefore, curious that it is
these men that Obasanjo feels will make the difference
in Abia.
Alozie wrote from Lagos.
Bebop
in any nation with a political process.
otasco otanda
Tuesday, December 4, 2001
Why RELTEL phones are cheap, by chairman
By Immaculata Igbo
"OUR desire to bring to the Nigerian people telephone
services that are efficient and affordable is the
underlying reason for our cheap prices."
With these words, Chairman of Nigeria's latest
telephone services provider, Reliance
Telecommunications Limited (RELTEL), Chief Annie
Okonkwo, presented to the public RELTEL's fixed
wireless telecommunications systems last week.
The commercial launch, which was quietly done in the
corporate headquarters of RELTEL in Lagos, is seen as
a quiet revolution for the growing telecom industry in
Nigeria.
With an introductory offer of N39,999 for connection,
terminals, among others, RELTEL's phones are about the
cheapest in the country now.
Above all, the system, which is operating a technology
of Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA) on the 1900
frequency band, offers Internet browsing, fax, fax
mail, among other value added services.
It has equally adopted the Pay As You Go prepaid
system.
The system, which is to be operated on the 1900
megahertz (MHz) frequency wireless band, is tagged
Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA). Its national
numbering plan will be 480XXXX and the network is
expected to roll out simultaneously in Lagos, Port
Harcourt, Onitsha and Abuja.
Lagos State has 12 base stations and cell sites for
effective coverage.
Supported by Nortel Networks of Canada and Westek of
South Korea, the system is to be operated by RELTEL.
With the introduction, RELTEL becomes the first
Nigerian owned Private Telecom Operator (PTO) in the
country to offer fax, Internet and fax mail services
through CDMA.
Other fixed wireless CDMA operators like Starcomms
Limited and Intercellular Nigeria do not offer fax and
Internet facilities in their networks.
RELTEL becomes the eight PTO licensed by the Nigerian
Communications Commission (NCC) to flag off commercial
telecommunications services.
The pioneers are Multilinks Telecommunications
Limited, Intercellular Nigeria Limited, Emis Telecom
Limited and MOBITEL Limited. The others are Bourdex
Telecommunications Limited, VGC Communications Limited
and Starcomms Limited.
RELTEL's Managing Director, Mr. Bekele Tadese, said:
"We are entering the telecom arena in Nigeria, fully
aware of the problems inherent in the country. With a
high demand of over 12 million lines still suppressed,
and a high cost of acquisition, many would-be
subscribers have been discouraged."
With N39,999, the services offered include telephone
handset, connection fee, call line identification
(CLI), short message services (SMS), office mail, call
waiting, call barring and call value-added services,
Tadese added.
The services also include start-up fees and prepaid
facilities for Pay As You Go option,
According to Marketing Director, Mr. Rakesh Kaul, it
attracts N9 per minute for local while calls to GSM
networks will cost N35 per minute.
International calls will be at par with NITEL's N99
per minute while the prepaid cards are in categories
of N1,500, N2,500 and N5,000.
Okonkwo said RELTEL is a response to the yearnings and
aspiration of Nigerians for cheap, affordable and
efficient telecom services.
He said his company decided to introduce the fixed
wireless services with all the capabilities of
telephone connection via copper wire "because we want
everybody to own telephone services at minimal cost.
People need to be reached either at home or offices
and GSM cannot bridge the total gap."
otasco otanda
Friday, December 7, 2001
Enugu to wade into religious crisis
>From Victor Onyeka-Ben, Enugu
DETERMINED to ensure lasting peace and religious
harmony in Enugu State, the state government is to
wade into the crisis between Christians and Ozo title
holders in Oghe clan in Ezeagu Council Area.
Speaking when he received representatives of Ozo title
holders from the affected communities in his office,
Enugu State governor, Chimaroke Nnamani appealed to
them to be calm and await government's intervention.
The governor directed the Secretary to the State
Government, Ike Ekweremadu, to meet with the Catholic
Bishop of Enugu Diocese, Rt. Rev. Dr. Anthony Gbuji to
get the church's own side of the story with a view to
settling the crisis amicably. He added that the
secretary to the state government will meet with the
state Commissioner of Police to help them secure the
bail of those detained over the issue.
Nnamani, who used the occasion to recall the
contributions of the church in the upliftment of the
social life of the people especially in the areas of
education and health-care delivery system, added that
the visit of the Ozo titled men was in line with their
fundamenal rights.
The governor disclosed that the Amansiodo Oghe
community will benefit from government's rural
electrification programme and appealed to the people
to continue to support the administration in its
efforts to improve their living condition.
Earlier in their address read by the secretary, Oghe
Community traditional rulers, Azubuike Okafor, the
group alleged that the Catholic church in Oghe
interferes in their members' beliefs and practices.
Okafor told the governor that his members are ready to
defend their age long culture and appealed to him to
help them ensure that the church did not succeed in
abolishing their Ibono festival.
In the petition to the Catholic Bishop of Enugu, the
state Commissioner of Police, the Divisional Police
Officer of Ezeagu Council and the chairman of the
council, the Ozo title holders appealed for the
release of their sons detained for upholding their
traditional values.
__________________________________________________
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Friday, December 7, 2001
>From Kelvin Ebri, Port Harcourt
ERSTWHILE National Vice-Chairman of the Peoples
Democratic Party (PDP), Dr. Marshal Harry, was
yesterday arraigned before a Port-Harcourt
Magistrate's Court along with one person, over a
six-count charge of misdemeanour.
According to the prosecutor, the PDP chieftain and two
other accused persons Nathaniel F. Oduh (37) and
Dighobo Obeghamu (39), were alleged to have conspired
together to commit a misdemeanour to wit: to publish
false news.
The accused persons' action, according to the charge
sheet, was capable of causing fear and alarm to the
public by falsely stating that the Rivers State
Governor, Dr. Peter Odili, had perfected a plan to
send assailants to harass and assault Harry and if
possible, exterminate him.
Harry, was also accused of publishing the false news,
knowing or having reason to believe that such
statement was false, by issuing a press release that
members of the Governor's campaign outfit tagged
"Restoration Women", were induced with N20,000 each to
boo and insult Harry at the PDP convention in Abuja,
earlier this year.
Harry was accused of having published a defamatory
story in form of a press release, stating that Odili
had perfected plans to kill him, therefore, portraying
the governor as a thug, a man with murderous intent
and as an irresponsible political leader in the state.
The three accused persons were also said to have given
the Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Musliu Smith,
false information, with the intention of causing the
IG to use his lawful powers as a person employed in
the public service, to the injury or annoyance of the
governor by arresting and detaining him.
Harry dressed in a blue shirt and black trousers,
appeared unruffled yesterday when the charges were
read to him and other accused persons.
Dighobo Obeghoma, who also appeared in court, also
displayed calm disposition even as the court was
filled with spectators who had gathered to witness the
case.
Mr. Uche Okowukwu holding brief for Femi Falana on
behalf of Harry and Dikio, urged Magistrate Crescent
Dappa Addo to grant the accused persons bail.
Harry, according to Okowukwu, is a senior citizen of
the country who owes several Estates in Port Harcourt,
thus was not likely to jump bail.
But the prosecutor Festus Nwame opposed the request,
saying he had an order from above to raise an
objection if Harry's counsel raised the issue of bail.
The defence hotly contested Nwame's statement, even as
the magistrate quickly intervened to avoid a
commotion.
Harry's lawyers insisted that since the case was that
of misdemeanour, and not a felony, any attempt to deny
the accused persons bail would be a contravention of
Article 7(b) of the African Charter on Human and
Peoples Right.
Considering the sensitive nature of the case, the
Magistrate rose for about 20 minutes. When she came
back, she ordered that Harry and the third accused be
kept in police custody till 10th December when the
court would rule on the bail matter.
Some students of the Rivers State University were at
the court, chanting anti government songs.
The second accused person did not appear in court
because his lawyer claimed that he was not notified.
Eric Kalu
liberated him from ndiigbo) but it is a pity that the very
system he supports (present emirate & unitary system) is
roping him in. What manner of legal system (modified form of
sharia?) would require the magistrate to consult "the power
from above" (prosecutor councel suggested so) before ruling
on a simple bail for misdemeanour?
Hey, we know nigerian judges aren't independent but this
ruling seems teleguided from "above" - pity Marshall Harry.
Rivers people will never learn a thing about their masters
in abuja. Where is Saro Wiwa? I don't have faith in nigeria's
judicial system - be it in sharia north (pregnat woman is guilty
of fornication/adultery while the male fornicator/adulterer is
innocent) or confused emirate south (selective prosecution of
abacha family members without bail .... )....
Egwu
otasco otanda
status with a mixture of pride and lingering sense of
anger and anxiety. This is because in spite of all the
oil money flying around, few gets to the inhabitants.
As Joy Esuku an unemployed graduate of the University
of Calabar put it: 'Most of the jobs here are in the
hands of non-natives who come in through the
multinational companies.' When I observed that it
could be that the natives were not qualified for the
jobs, Richard, a bulky aggressive fellow who claims to
be a native of Bayelsa State, rejected my suggestion.
'We are as well qualified as any other geographical
group in the country.' Richard, whom I had met at the
bar of The Brooklyn Hotel at D-Line area of the city
believes that the blame for the high unemployment rate
among the natives was part of the exploitative
tendencies of the three major ethnic groups in the
country. As he put it, 'Previously it was the Hausa
that was oppressing us, now it is your people, the
Yoruba who are in charge.' Richard, who was obviously
tipsy having spent a larger part of the day at the
Hotel's bar, told me how he recently charged into the
office of the Managing Director of a subsidiary of the
NNPC at Bonny and threatened to beat him up if he
dared to employ a non-Niger Delta citizen again. 'You
can't believe it that the MDs of most of the these
Federal parastatals are not my people,' he thundered
slamming his Gulder bottle on the table. 'Tell me,
what right does a Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo man have to be
my boss on my land? As if that is not enough, Obasanjo
says he wants to dredge the River Niger so that he can
have a seaport in Abuja. Does that make sense? All the
ports in the Delta region from Port Harcourt, Calabar,
Sapele and Koko are all dead, yet he wants to create
another port in Abuja. Dredge the Niger? Let them try
it, blood will flow,' he shouted as he was joined by
more angry voices shouting obscenities at the Federal
Government. ... As we moved around Port Harcourt it
seems as if the city is made up of different areas
with the prefix "Ruomo" which I am told means
'children of' in Ikwerre. Thus we have, Ruomokuta,
Ruomokoro, Ruomomasi and so on. 'It seems as if the
early settlers in the city did so in family groups.
With time, all these settlements or villages gradually
coalesced into the city proper', Ibiwari added. ... At
No 24, Aggrey Road which houses Saros International,
the official headquarters of the late Ken Saro-Wiwa,
my emotions almost got the better of me as I went
through the almost empty dusty ground floor office.
Only very few copies remain of all the famous author's
works. When I expressed by sadness at the poor state
of the place, the elderly man in charge assured me
that in December, members of the family will meet to
put things together again. Contrary to my
expectations, many people of PH did not share my
sadness and regret on the demise of Ken Saro-Wiwa." -
WALE OKEDIRAN
All:
Let me quote the yorubaman, Wale Okediran, again: "the
city is made up of different areas with the prefix
'RuOMO' which I am told means 'children of' in
Ikwerre. Thus we have, RuOMOkuta, RuOMOkoro, RuOMOmasi
and so on."
Isn't that something? For those who do not know,
"Omo" means "children of" in yoruba. We used to have
"Umuomasi", then "Rumuomasi", and today "Ruomomasi."
-K.O.
The Guardian
Saturday, December 1, 2001
Port Harcourt: City In Motion
BY WALE OKEDIRAN
"PORT HARCOURT, the Rivers State capital is possibly
Africa's fastest growing city. It would seem that
almost everyone wants to come to PH to have a feel of
the bounties offered by oil and gas and the
innumerable enterprises they trigger," so wrote
Ibiwari Ikiriko, writer and lecturer at the Rivers
State College of Science and Arts while welcoming
Nigerian writers to the recently concluded convention
of the Association of Nigerian Authors(ANA) which took
place in the famous sea port. I had gone to PH to
prepare for and eventually participate in the annual
convention of the Association of Nigerian Authors of
which I was the National General Secretary. And
between June and November when I made four trips each
lasting between three days and seven days to the
Rivers State capital, I had come to understand in a
special way the pains and pleasures of this famous
city which like Ikiriko had observed, continues to
entice so many to its bosom.
>From my observation, it is obvious that this
once-sedate city of beauty and elegance (a.k.a Garden
city) has become a rival to reckon with. Wordly,
wealthy, personable and relatively problem-free, long
known as the good and beautiful, PH with the advent of
the oil and gas boom has since become the colossal
economic engine of the Niger Delta. Today, PH, home of
rapid riches and solid fortune, of vibrant pace and
quiet culture continues to draw the rich, the poor,
young and old into its heart and soul. Port
Harcourtians respond to their new economic status with
a mixture of pride and lingering sense of anger and
anxiety. This is because in spite of all the oil money
flying around, few gets to the inhabitants. As Joy
Esuku an unemployed graduate of the University of
Calabar put it: "Most of the jobs here are in the
hands of non-natives who come in through the
multinational companies." When I observed that it
could be that the natives were not qualified for the
jobs, Richard, a bulky aggressive fellow who claims to
be a native of Bayelsa State, rejected my suggestion.
"We are as well qualified as any other geographical
group in the country." Richard, whom I had met at the
bar of The Brooklyn Hotel at D-Line area of the city
believes that the blame for the high unemployment rate
among the natives was part of the exploitative
tendencies of the three major ethnic groups in the
country. As he put it, "Previously it was the Hausa
that was oppressing us, now it is your people, the
Yoruba who are in charge." Richard, who was obviously
tipsy having spent a larger part of the day at the
Hotel's bar, told me how he recently charged into the
office of the Managing Director of a subsidiary of the
NNPC at Bonny and threatened to beat him up if he
dared to employ a non-Niger Delta citizen again. "You
can't believe it that the MDs of most of the these
Federal parastatals are not my people," he thundered
slamming his Gulder bottle on the table. "Tell me,
what right does a Yoruba, Hausa or Igbo man have to be
my boss on my land? As if that is not enough, Obasanjo
says he wants to dredge the River Niger so that he can
have a seaport in Abuja. Does that make sense? All the
ports in the Delta region from Port Harcourt, Calabar,
Sapele and Koko are all dead, yet he wants to create
another port in Abuja. Dredge the Niger? Let them try
it, blood will flow," he shouted as he was joined by
more angry voices shouting obscenities at the Federal
Government.
Apart from unemployment, inflation, traffic congestion
as well as poor housing facilities are the other
problems facing Port Harcourt. Unfortunately,s just
like Lagos, Port Harcourt's riverine terrain has made
it very difficult for the city to expand. Its quest
for elbow room necessitated some parts of the city to
be recently sand filled but this has not improved the
land scarcity problem in the city.
As a commentator put it in a recent edition of The
Beacon, one of the state's local newspapers, "After
the civil war, citizens of other states took legal
action against different aspects of the Abandoned
Property Law. We have lost landed property by this
legal laction. This singular act coupled with the
riverine nature of our state and the severance of
Bayelsa State from the original Rivers State has made
our state one of the smallest states in the country in
terms of land mass but not in population."
I had come to PH by way of Effurun, Agbarho, Ughelli
then across the wide bellies of the Rivers Orashi and
Nun. I was fascinated by the sandy and marshy terrain
which was interspaced with a multitude of rivers,
bridges and swampy vegetation. At Sapele, okada riders
wore rainboots obviously to move about in the
waterlogged streets while fishermen and women could be
seen hauling in their catches for the day between
Bayelsa and Rivers states. It was market day at Elele
Aliminir when we passed the small town and wares on
display were mainly farm produce while hawkers of
cooked corn, 'congo meat' and 'koko gari' continued to
call out their wares in sonorous voices.
Passing Kaima in today's Bayelsa State brought
poignant memories of the famous Adaka Boro and his
historic call for a Rivers State back in 1966. At Odi,
I was painfully reminded of the genocide wrought upon
the small bucolic settlement two years ago presumably
by law enforcement agents, an incident which seemed to
have been recently reenacted on Tivland in Benue
State.
Arriving Port Harcourt through Ikwerre Road at
Rumuola, one was hit by the heavy traffic congestion
in the city. Choking the streets at that hour were
hundreds of motorcycles (okadas) which seem to
outnumber cars and trucks and are widely regarded as
commuters' best friend. Just like in Lagos, the okadas
could be seen everywhere, taking advantage of the
often chaotic traffic to swerve and manoeuvre the
gridlock that is not uncommon on the roads. It seems
as if all the traffic is headed towards Aba Road, the
main artery of the city which runs the whole length
from Aba Road to the waterfront. The road is also the
centre stage for beautiful shops, hotels and a horde
of vehicles all moving to a cacophony of horns, curses
and crunching brakes. Crossing this very busy road can
be a commuter's nightmare. One hot afternoon during an
after school rush hour, I chanced upon a little girl
who had been knocked down by a passing vehicle. As the
poor girl tried to drag her broken leg across the
street, a pedestrian frantically tried to bring the
heavy traffic to a halt to avoid the girl being
crushed to death. When I observed to my guide about
the very efficient traffic lights in the city, I was
made to understand that the project was newly
commissioned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar. "The
generating plant that runs the facility is located
near the cultural centre," I was told. Apart from
notable business houses such as the Hotel
Presidential, banks and hotels, Aba Road also houses
Menachem Chambers, the law office of the current
National President of the Nigerian Bar Association,
O.C.J. Okocha (SAN). It was my first time of seeing
the well-oiled lawyer since we both passed through the
then University of Ife several years ago. Expectedly,
OCJ was very busy when Ibiwari Ikiriko and I called at
his expansive office that Tuesday morning but it was
nice seeing the old boy again. I also had a similar
joyful reunion with my medical school mate at Ife, Dr.
Justus Donyen Pearce who now works at the Elf-Total
Medical Centre on Trans-Amadi Way. J.D. (as we fondly
called him) and I spent the next half hour catching up
on our lives as well as that of our former classmates.
Although PH cuts the image of a very modern city with
its hustle and bustle, life can sometimes slide into a
laissez-faire groove with appointments and bookings
well behind time. When I complained about this, a
friend put the problem at the doorstep of the
unpredictable traffic. "We are not bad time keepers,
it's only that we are often held hostage by the
sometimes chaotic traffic congestion," he added. After
a breakfast of peppersoup, bread and friend egg one
early morning, courtesy of Stella Ikiriko, Ibiwari
decided to take me sightseeing.
As we moved around Port Harcourt it seems as if the
city is made up of different areas with the prefix
"Ruomo" which I am told means "children of" in
Ikwerre. Thus we have, Ruomokuta, Ruomokoro, Ruomomasi
and so on. "It seems as if the early settlers in the
city did so in family groups. With time, all these
settlements or villages gradually coalesced into the
city proper", Ibiwari added. It was also obvious that
no Nigerian can feel totally alone in PH. Despite the
pressure of urbanisation, Port Harcourtians remain an
unusually polite and tolerant people which could have
justified the presence of almost all the major ethnic
groups in the city.
Apart from the highly skilled personalities working
for the various multinationals, I also encountered
several taxi and okada drivers who are Yorubas while
the Hausa and Igbo traders from the major bulk of
traders at the popular Mile One market. In its quest
to accommodate the large influx of foreigners, PH is
awash with hotels most of which are of high standard.
Although relatively expensive, these hotels and guest
houses continue to sprout by the day as the city
continues to thicken and sprawl. This is not without
some attendant problems though, as I observed late one
evening when a police patrol van roamed about some
major hotels picking up prostitutes. A friend,
however, laughed this off as a ruse. "The police are
only trying to make some money off the poor girls.
Prostitution is well and thriving in the city and
nobody can stop it." Does that mean he approves of
prostitution? "Not really," came the reply.
"But what do you expect in an expensive city like this
where jobs are scarce. These girls have to take care
of themselves." I actually encountered some of the
girls most of whom are mere teenagers skimpily dressed
and seemingly attractive under their heavy make-ups
hanging around major hotels where they patronised the
largely expatriate residents. The city which like
Lagos seems to be 24 hours on duty is, however, very
much unlike Lagos amazingly safe. I was out several
days till two in the morning scouting for
accommodation for delegates to the ANA conference
without any problem. The okada driver that took me
back to my hotel early one morning proudly told me
that he makes more money during the midnight to dawn
shift. "Our people love night life a lot," he
explained.
As I went round the city, it became obvious that the
sidewalk canteens and restaurants epitomized the
city's frank devotion to the pleasure of the table.
Much as I wanted to avoid eating too much, it was
difficult escaping the copious generosity of my hosts
who kept piling me up with various assortment of foods
and drinks. When I was not tackling native soup and
pounded yam at the popular Jevnik, I could be seeing
putting away a steaming pot of "isi-ewu" and cold Malt
at one of the several eateries where the accounts of
the day's work are usually concluded. This is apart
from other tantalizers such as "congo meat" (fried
snail) and barbecue. I even tried eating roasted
plantain (foi mbina) in the local way with some pepper
sauce and roasted fish. Expectedly, in spite of my
heavy schedule, I left the city with an expanded
mid-rif.
Late one afternoon, I went on an exploratory walk
through the old township commonly referred to as
"Town". "This used to be the original garden city."
Joy Esuku, one of the lady writers who volunteered to
take me round observed. Although the "town" has lost
most of its original charm, the well laid streets were
still adorned with street lights which coupled with
the old romantic looking houses gave the place a
traditional and yet cosmopolitan aura. From Aggrey
Road, we branched off to Accra Street then on to
Churchill Street among others. I was made to
understand that the streets which were lined with
small busy shops and eateries and pubs were named
after famous Pan Africanists and African cities.
At No 24, Aggrey Road which houses Saros
International, the official headquarters of the late
Ken Saro-Wiwa, my emotions almost got the better of me
as I went through the almost empty dusty ground floor
office. Only very few copies remain of all the famous
author's works. When I expressed by sadness at the
poor state of the place, the elderly man in charge
assured me that in December, members of the family
will meet to put things together again. Contrary to my
expectations, many people of PH did not share my
sadness and regret on the demise of Ken Saro-Wiwa.
"The problem with Saro-Wiwa was that he did not carry
other ethnic groups along with him in his agitation.
All he was after was to better the lives of the Ogonis
so other groups felt left out of the struggle," Joy
explained. Other people were even more poignant in
their submissions. "Ken was a murderer, a very
troublesome man", so observed a friend who is of
another ethnic group. As the man put it, "The Ogonis
gave my people hell and we too responded. Rather than
use cutlasses and guns as the Ogonis did, we used
dynamite to blow up their houses."
It was obvious that the inter ethnic wranglings and
mutual suspicions were very rife in Rivers State when
at the beginning of a radio programme on Radio Rivers,
my guide told me not to make a big issue out of Ken
Saro-Wiwa in order not to offend my listeners.
However, I was asked to discountenance this piece of
advice by the presenter who happened to be an Ogoni
man. "Ken was one of the best things that ever
happened to this region. People are just envious of
his international fame," he added.
As far as Raymond Maakwe, an Ogoni taxi driver who
later took me to the motorpark is concerned, Ken
Saro-Wiwa was a hero. "He stopped the looting of our
oil by the oil companies and stopped all our big
people who were fond of collecting bribe from the oil
companies. These so called big people are our major
headaches in this region. Apart from the fact that the
oil companies give them money to silence them, they
also collect scholarships and grants meant for us and
sell them to strangers. Ken stopped all that. He never
had any hand in the killing of the prominent Ogoni
men. Abacha only used this as a excuse to get rid of
him."
I had come to the end of my trip. After several days
of intimate exposure to the oil city, I had come to a
better understanding of the ways of the inhabitants of
this numbing urban hodge-podge. Thankfully, the
National Convention of the Association of Nigerian
Authors which had brought me to P.H. had gone off
well. But not without some awkward moments. When I was
introduced to two young lady delegates at the
convention, one of them had remarked: "So you are the
author of Rainbows Are for Lovers? Oh my, the book is
very romantic. I've read it several times." Then
unabashedly she added: "The bedroom scenes are so
nasty I have to control myself each time I read the
book. Tell me, are you as romantic as your books?" As
if that encounter was not embarrassing enough, at the
AGM after the delegates had given our out-going
executives a standing ovation, my emotions got the
better of me and I dissolved into tears! Maybe crying
in public is being romantic!!
I decided to end my visit with a trip to the tourist
beach located at the southern end of the town. It was
getting late as I paid the N50 entrance fee at the
gate. "Any receipt? I asked. "No, just go in," came
the reply from the three happy looking men at the gate
whom I'm sure would be making a fortune from their
very vantage position.
At that hour of the day, the beach was almost empty
save for one or two couples lingering in the shadows
as they breathed in the coolness of the evening. As I
sat at the beach side, I suddenly discovered how tired
I was. The weariness of the past few days now became
very evident in the aches and pains that came from my
body. "The place used to be better than this," the
waiter observed when I complained about the quietness
of the beach. "In those days we used to have a
generating plant as well as several restaurants
serving food and drinks till late."
As I savoured the peace around me, I saw a column of
flickering light far away in the horizon. "Flared
gas," the waiter observed. "And that Island you're
seeing on the left is Okrika." Suddenly, the peace of
the evening was punctuated by the arrival of a speed
boat said to be coming from Okrika. In its wake, a
series of waves was set off to collapse again and
again at my feet. Far away in the twilight, another
speed boat approached, letting off more waves that
broke into wide smiles across the shore soothing my
aching feet and mellowing a city that seems to be in a
perpetual motion.
Iselle Obikpani
As far as I'm concerned, the wide-eyed Harry Marshall
can roast in jail. I am always very suspicious of
people who insist on keeping their "slave names."
I can remember, a while ago when the Governors of the
five mainland Igbo states had asked for a confederacy,
Harry (slave name) Marshall came up and bragged that
"they (the South-South) would fight anybody to a
standstill" who dares to ask for a confederacy. Yet,
he never gave us his own view of what he wants from
Nigeria, rather he heaped so much insult on Chief
Odumegwu Ojukwu, calling him all sorts of names. We
all know that Harry Marshall was banking on the hollow
support of his Northern masters as he insults the Igbo
leadership. Ken Saro Wiwa took the same unfortunate
route as Harry, but we all know how it ended. But
alas, the bell now tolls for Harry "Udele" Marshall!
Harry Marshall, woe unto you a thousand times!!
Whither Chuks Eleonu and Sylvester (Sly Stone) Osu?
Obi.
> From: Eric Kalu <ek...@wombat.eng.fsu.edu>
> Subject: Re: Police arraign Harry, PDP chieftain,
> over misdemeanour in Port Harcourt
> To: ota...@yahoo.com
> Date: Fri, 7 Dec 2001 07:28:45 -0500 (EST)
> CC: igbo...@lists.cc.utexas.edu, riv...@siue.edu,
> igb...@yahoogroups.com,
> oko...@usafricaonline.com,
> igbol...@yahoogroups.com,
> icandf...@yahoogroups.com
> Reply-to: ek...@wombat.eng.fsu.edu
Ken Okorie
charge
sheet, was capable of causing fear and alarm to the public by falsely
stating that the Rivers State Governor, Dr. Peter Odili, had perfected a
plan to send assailants to harass and assault Harry and if possible,
exterminate him."
If indeed the essence of their offense is publishing falsehood against the
Governor, what happened to libel and slander as the more appropriate form of
legal recourse for such matters? And how does the alleged conduct rise to
the level of "causing fear and alarm to the public?" Even if it did, would
such allegation be entirely "false" in an environment where Presidents send
letter bombs, Governors and others in political authority and known to
employ ruthless means to silence their opposition or advance other selfish
agenda?
Nigeria just seems to keep degenerating away from the rule of law in every
respect!!!
Ken
otasco otanda
IT expert worries over high taxation on Zinox
(Wednesday 21st November, 2001)
By Prince Osuagwu
In less than two months, after the foremost indigenous
and home grown Nigerian made computer, Zinox
technologies was launched, it has been reportedly paid
almost N97 million naira as tax to the federal
government of Nigeria.
More worrisome is that this indigenous
entrepreneurship is yet to enjoy full governmental
support in terms of implementing an endurable
information technology policy to encourage its speedy
thrive.
In an exclusive chat with Vanguard Hi-tech
interactive, the president of information technology
(Ind.) Association of Nigeria (ITAN) Mr. Chris Uwaje,
expressed concern that barely two months after launch,
Zinox technologies has paid up to N97.m on duties to
the federal government and noted that until the
government gave its full support by implementing a
bill to protect the growth of information technology,
encourage the populace to promote Zinox and other
indigeneers products, as well as reducing the tax
imposed on them, development would only be recorded in
a slow pace.
According to him, "information technology has become
the sine qua non of development and the knowledge is
economy. The issue of globalisation is not an issue we
should take to lie low. It is an issue like the
replica of industrial revolution.
That we are today, a consumer nation is because we
didn’t take the industrial revolution seriously. But
today, information technology affords us a singular
opportunity of history to join the league of
developing countries to be one of the key competitors
and key players of the information age."
Stressing further Uwaje maintained that to be a key
player, it involves largely human resources. He
believes that Nigeria as a nation has an appreciable
human resources to transform its information highway.
On this point he said "what we are saying is that
Nigerians should patronize its own products like the
Zinox computers. It is our own."
He cited examples with a foreign construction company
Julius Berger which he said has a principle and policy
for development aimed at supporting their labour and
productivity way back home in Germany, by using only
German-made products up to toilet tissues in its
construction works, adding that "the introduction of
Nigerian-made computers or other goods should be a
source of inspiration to each and every Nigerian. We
must be able to patronize our own goods," he said.
According to him, unmindful to many Nigerians,
majority of the goods used in the country today are
all made in Nigeria, only that the manufacturers may
allegedly put made in France, Germany, Taiwan or
elsewhere to boost sales, since out of ignorance many
are crazy about foreign made goods.
"Zinox could as well make these computers and put made
in Taiwan and we wouldn’t know but this is a man in
Leo-Stan Ekeh who has said enough is enough, we want
to remould the identity of Nigeria and compete with
the rest of the world. We want to see made in Nigeria,
with pride. And it is quite commendable.
"I think the government has made a very strong
statement by having the vice-president, senate
president and the governor of Lagos all attend the
launch. It shows that government is beginning to
listen to the clamour for IT policy and the private
sector can as well operate with confidence in
developing the IT industry."
Contending that the presence of government officials
at the launch, as commendable as it was, was not
enough to do the magic of information technology
transformation, Mr. Uwaje noted that high taxation is
discouraging
"As at now, Zinox has reportedly paid about N97m in
duties. And of course the national policy on
information technology is clear that certain
investors, developers and manufacturers and indeginous
producers of information technology both for software
and hardware should be exempted from unreasonable
level of taxation. Indeed, it is not just exemption
from taxation, there has to be a regulation and I
think the policy provides for a situation where
indigenous entrepreneurs of IT industry would have
mandatory soft loans from the bankS for developing
information techn-ology. Then upon that, they enjoy
tax holiday. Another problem is that these have not
been backed by law.
"It is only when it is backed by law that one can
challenge such tax impositions. The reduction of such
taxes, go a long way to encourage the development of
IT. People like us would like to establish high speed
data transmission lines to Europe so that we can stay
here and write software programmes that can sell
abroad and make foreign exchange for Nigeria."
Making a case for the protection of certain basic
needs for development, Uwaje said there should be an
IT bill that can stand clearly for those
infrastructural needs for development, saying it was
high time the government proposed it.
Reacting to the promise made by the national assembly
recently, to propose a bill to encourage the support
of Zinox, he said "I am quite confident in the thrive
of information technology in the 21st century. IT
development is not a wish, but a must. And nobody has
a choice. So what we are talking about is how to
sustain the imperativeness of IT with speed. This
singular fact would put the national assembly into
action. some other policies can come and go but
information technology policy is a 'must stay' because
it is the father and mother of all policies
worldwide."
Uwaje however stated that technology alone may not
provide the answer to development. He said that for
information technology to thrive, it should be
supported by venture capital. Stressing that the
network of bankers' contribution, government policy
and other imputs held the growth of technology.
It was also his opinion that until information
technology expands to be quoted in the stock exchange,
the industry may not have started.
Giving further reasons why Zinox computers should be
patronized by all, he said "the naira sign is there,
the power supply is unique and others. Infact the
Zinox machine is comparable to that of any other in
the world. It has been certified, tested and found to
be of true quality. We need all the support from
government and the people of Nigeria for a product
which the inventor can always be called up from his
bedroom for more clarifications if needs be, a product
which its inventor, we all know.
"Infact the whole issue is not an issue of Zinox as a
computer manufacturer, we are talking about an
indigeneous enterprenuer that wants to create labour
and to make a statement that Nigerians can do it."
otasco otanda
Date: Sat Dec 15, 2001 12:06 am
Subject: Re: RAPE OF A CONTINENT
RAPE OF A CONTINENT
BY CHIKA ONYEANI
Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
African Sun Times
Mortally Afraid of their Arab Masters, Black African
leaders fear bringing up
the issue of slavery in the Sudan; and with only 5 in
number, Arab Africa
dictates course of events in the Continent
The date was October 6, 1973, a day the Jews begin the
observance of "Yom
Kippur," as well as the continued observance of
"Ramadan" by Muslims. The
time that day was 2:00 p.m., and that was when the
mighty armies of Egypt and
Syria launched "Operation Badr" to retake the land
that Israel had taken from
the Arab countries in their 1967 war. Egypt, the
mighty country in
north-eastern Africa, never consulted any of the black
African countries
before launching its attack, but as the outcome would
later indicate, Black
African leaders would become pawns in the Arab war
with Israel.
With the zeal of anti-imperialism still in the air,
and racist apartheid in
South Africa and Rhodesia waxing strong, Arab leaders
would employ the
fervent of Africa's angst on these issues to
manipulate the leaders into
breaking off diplomatic relations with Israel.
But when the Black African leaders balked at a meeting
in Tripoli, Libya,
fearing that their action would invite retaliation
from Western nations which
would cut off financial aid to Africans, one after the
other of the Arab
countries rose to pledge more than $1 billion. Most of
the African countries
went on to break off diplomatic relations with Israel,
and none would receive
a cent of the promised $1 billion from the Arab
countries.
In a meeting on November 28, 1973 on how the Arab
countries would manipulate
black African countries into supporting their war with
Israel, the meeting
specifically resolved as follows with respect to
Africa:
"Political activity complements the military campaign,
and is regarded as its
continuation, all as part of our struggle against the
enemy. As a direct
result of the positions of foreign States toward the
just struggle of the
Arabs, the Conference resolves:
1. In Africa:
(a) To strengthen Arab-African cooperation in
political affairs and enlarge
Arab diplomatic representation in Africa.
(b) To sever all the diplomatic, consular, economic,
cultural and other
relations with South Africa, Portugal and Rhodesia of
those Arab States which
have not yet done so.
(c) Completely to ban Arab oil exports to those three
States.
(d) To take special measures to continue the regular
supply of Arab oil to
sister States in Africa.
(e) To strengthen economic, financial and cultural
cooperation with
sister-States in Africa, and widen its scope on the
bilateral plane as well
as on that of the regional Arab and African
organizations.
(f) To establish an Arab-African financial
organization, which will share in
the plans for economic and social development and the
supply of technical aid
to the countries of Africa. The Arab Economic
Ministers will lay down the
rules of the organization and the amount of its
capital.
(g) To give instant aid to African peoples suffering
from the effects of
natural catastrophe and drought.
(h) To increase material and diplomatic support of the
struggles of Arab
liberation movements.
(i) As a means to hasten implementation of these
resolutions and the
establishment of constant cooperation between the Arab
and African States, to
instruct the General Secretariat of the Arab League to
take the operational
steps and to be in contact with the General
Secretariat of the Organization
of African Unity and the Seven States' Committee
connected with it, with a
view to holding periodic conferences at the various
levels, as well as at the
top echelon, between Arab and African States."
As could be seen from the above document, most of the
Arab governments were
still dealing with apartheid South Africa and Ian
Smith's rebellious
Rhodesia. And of course, the plan to "establish an
Arab-African financial
organization, which will share in the plans for
economic and social
development the supply of technical aid to the
countries of Africa; and to
give instant aid to African peoples suffering from the
effects of natural
catastrophe and drought," never materialized after the
African countries
broke off diplomatic relations with Israel.
During the Camp David conferences which ultimately
ushered in the peace
agreement between Israel and Egypt, Egypt never went
back to the African
countries it had misled to inform them that she was
making peace with Israel.
And since the Camp David accord, Egypt has been
receiving $3 billion per
year from the United States government. Egypt has
never used any part of
this huge financial assistance from the U.S. to say to
its "sister-States in
Africa," here is $100 million for all your troubles.
But the most important thing is Egypt as the leader of
the Arab world, and
the immediate neighbor to Sudan, has never done
anything to stop the slavery
of Black Africans in the Sudan. Egypt is more
interested in what happens to
Palestinians than what happens to Black Africans in
the Sudan. If the Arab
countries were to employ just 1% of the same zeal they
have employed on the
Palestinian issue, slavery of black Africans in the
Sudan would be a thing of
the past.
The question then is why, with African leaders
clamoring for reparation from
the Western nations for the slavery of millions of
black Africans, have they
allowed this ugly stench to continue to exist in this
21st century, years
after the Europeans, particularly Britain, enforced
its ban on the carting of
millions of Africans to the new world?
According to Amara Essy, the new Secretary-General of
the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), in an interview he gave in
Ouagadougou the capitlal of
Burkina Faso, "the United Nations conference on racism
which took place in
Durban, South Africa, should declare slavery a crime
against humanity."
"What is clear is that the Durban conference should
recognize slavery and the
trade in Blacks as a crime against humanity."
"If such a statement was accepted," continued Mr.
Essy, "it would serve as a
psychological and moral reparation for African
countries." "Some Western
countries must realise the harm they have done to
Africa, enriching
themselves at our expense ... when one speaks of
justice and human rights,
one has to morally and materially make some
compensations."
Said the new Secretary-General of the OAU, "this could
be made by debt
reduction, as three-quarters of African debt is
iniquitous and unjust." Mr.
Essy should be commended for taking this giant step to
begin a discussion of
slavery in Africa. It is a major departure from what
has been hapenning with
the Organization of African Unity. But it would appear
to be hypocritical
for African leaders to talk about slavery, and
reparation for the injustice
of slavery committed by the Western nations, when the
same Black African
leaders have been afraid to confront their Arab
"sister-States" on the
question of slavery in the Sudan and Mauriania.
But, argues Professor Michael Mbabuike, former chair
of the African Studies
Association, New York, "the fact that African
countries have been so stupid
about not dealing with slavery in Africa, should not
negate or diminish, or
cast shadows on the issue of our demand for
reparations for the most inhuman
slavery in the history of mankind endured by people of
African descent for
the past 500 years."
When this author asked Professor Mbabuike why Blacks
should not demand
reparations from Arabs since they were the first to
start slavery in Africa,
he answered, "Reparations on the slavery that we all
know about should be
demanded from all participants in these barbaric
atrocities committed against
a race. Africans ourselves cannot completely wash our
hands off the guilt of
participation in the trans-Atlantic slavery." What
happens is that
collective silence has been responsible throughout
man's history for the
greatest atrocities of man against man. The
trans-Atlantic slavery, the
Holocaust, apartheid the global discrimination and
racism that debilitate the
humankind today."
The guilt of silence that Mbabuike spoke about refers
to Africans who
betrayed their kith and kins, those who abducted and
sold their brothers and
sisters into slavery, or simply refused to fight or
intervene when the
slave-raiders attacked.
The 700 milllion Black Africans in Africa and the
other 200 million in the
Diaspora bear the responsibility of the silence of
guilt. Nobody bears the
responsibility of guilt more than the organization
that represents Africa -
the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
The Organization of African Unity was born on the 25th
of May, 1963, more
than 38 years ago. It has a membership of 53
countries, with the exception
of Morocco which had withdrawn its membership due to
its intransigence on the
Western Sahara issue. In the 38 years of the OAU's
existence, the Black
African leaders have never had the courage to bring up
the issue of slavery
in Africa, either in the Sudan or in Mauritania, for
discussion. If, as the
Secretary-General of the OAU said, "slavery and the
trade in Blacks," is a
crime against humanity, the issue then is when would
black Africa follow Mr.
Essy's example to see the injustice of slavery in the
Sudan and Mauritania?
In the whole of Africa, only 6 countries could
actually claim to be totally
Arabic in nature, including Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria,
Libya, and Morocco; yet
they exert incredible influence on Black African
leaders far in excess of
their numbers. "Look," said a former President who
requested anonymity, "you
have to understand that a lot of African countries
have a lot of skeletons in
their own closets. Any time they wish to point a
finger at one another, they
immediately recoil because they know that the other
four fingers would be
pointed at them. Tell me, which black African leader
would like to 'bell the
cat,' by introducing a motion for the expulsion of the
Sudan and Mauritania
from the OAU? Don't you see how farcical that would
sound? Would it be
Mugabe of Zimbabwe or arap Moi of Kenya who would
introduce such a motion?
What would be their locus standi for making such a
move, when they themselves
have been victimizing their own citizens?"
Continued this former President, "or would it be
Obasasnjo of Nigeria or
Mbeki of South Africa, the so-called powerhouses?
Right now, Nigeria is
having a lot of problems with its own Muslim
population, which is trying to
destabilize the country into two countries, one Muslim
and one Christian.
Obasanjo needs his Arab 'sister-States' for some
influence on the Northern
population to stay calm, especially if he wishes to be
re-elected to another
four-year term.
Mbeki, on the other hand, has his own problems. He is
as yet to fathom how
to deal with his white population, especially on the
redistribution of land.
The black population cannot continue to wait; what is
going on in Zimbabwe is
bound to happen in South Africa unless Mbeki begins to
address this issue
seriously and judiciously. It is bound to explode in
his face."
"But, let me tell you the most serious problem right
now, it is the problem
of poverty and the fact that a lot of the African
countries are beholden to
their so-called 'sister-States,' especially their
dependence on Libya's
Muamar Ghadaffi."
"Let me give you one scenario of an Organization of
African Unity meeting,
where for instance Mbeki or his representatives would
dare to introduce a
discussion of slavery in Africa. Do you know who would
be first to oppose
such a discussion, of course Sudan itself. The OAU's
decisions are based on
unanimity, and if one country opposes, then that issue
is dead."
With the discovery of oil in the Sudan, which has
impacted greatly on
incrementally escalating the abductions of Black
Africans in the south by the
Arab-based government in Khartoum, most east African
countries have become
increasingly dependent on cheap oil supply from the
Sudan. It raises the
issue of responbility of guilt, of Africans selling
their own brothers and
sisters for a necklace of beads or a mirror. Now,
unlike 500 years ago, it
is no longer beads, mirrors, or machetes, but Africans
are now settling for
the supply of oil in exchange for the continuance of
slavery in the African
continent.
"Even if it were not," argued the former President,
"and that representative
went ahead to bring the issue of slavery for
discussion, then Libya a
sister-Arab state might object. And do you know how
many African countries
are beholden to Libya?," he queried.
"Listen, a lot of Black African leaders are in the
pocket of Muammar
al-Ghadaffi. He has lots of money to spend on these
leaders. Fortunately,
despite the sanctions that have been imposed on Libya,
Ghadaffi has been able
to husband his financial resources better than a
majority of black African
leaders, who prefer Swiss bank accounts and palaces in
Europe. A lot of the
black African leaders have put themselves in a
position where a little amount
of money could mean life and death, and ultimately
influences how they make
their decision, and in this case, selling out black
Africans. Let them
continue to be slaves to Arabs, so far as we continue
to get these little
crumbs from our Arab 'sister-states."
Most Africans believe that the current crop of African
leaders are not
capable and more than frightened of confronting the
Arab leaders, and the
issue of slavery in the Sudan will never be solved
unless the Western nations
decide to bring pressure to bear on the Sudan
government to halt the practi
ce. They believe that the only man who has the moral
courage to confront the
Arabs and bring an end to the issue of Arab slavery
and atrocities in black
Africa, is the same man who confronted heinous
apartheid regime and won -
and that man is Nelson Mandela.
__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of
your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com
or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com
Jerome Obinabo
Thank you for always providing valueable information to us all. I am committed to making a change in what has been going on in Africa and particularly in Nigeria. I will keep in touch.
Jerome Obinabo
otasco otanda <ota...@yahoo.com> wrote:
From: afrstime@a...
Date: Sat Dec 15, 2001 12:06 am
Subject: Re: RAPE OF A CONTINENT
RAPE OF A CONTINENT
BY CHIKA ONYEANI
Publisher & Editor-in-Chief
African Sun Times
Mortally Afraid of their Arab Masters, Black African
leaders fear bringing up
the issue of slavery in the Sudan; and with only 5 in
number, Arab Africa
dictates course of events in the Continent
The date was October 6, 1973, a day the Jews begin the
observance of "Yom
Kippur," as well as the continued observance of
"Ramadan" by Muslims. The
time that day was 2:00 p.m., and that was when the
mighty armies of Egypt and
Syria launched "Operation Badr" to retake the land
that Israel had taken from
the Arab countries in their 1967 war. Egypt, the
mighty country in
north-eastern Africa, never consulted any of the b! ! lack
African countries
before launching its attack, but as the outcome would
later indicate, Black
African leaders would become pawns in the Arab war
with Israel.
With the zeal of anti-imperialism still in the air,
and racist apartheid in
South Africa and Rhodesia waxing strong, Arab leaders
would employ the
fervent of Africa's angst on these issues to
manipulate the leaders into
breaking off diplomatic relations with Israel.
But when the Black African leaders balked at a meeting
in Tripoli, Libya,
fearing that their action would invite retaliation
from Western nations which
would cut off financial aid to Africans, one after the
other of the Arab
countries rose to pledge more than $1 billion. Most of
the African countries
went on to break off diplomatic relations with Israel,
and none would receive
a cent of the promised $1 billion from the Arab
countries.
In a meeting on November 28, ! ! 1973 on how the Arab
sister States in ! ! Africa.
take! ! the operational
steps and to be in contact with the General
Secretariat of the Organization
of African Unity and the Seven States' Committee
connected with it, with a
view to holding periodic conferences at the various
levels, as well as at the
top echelon, between Arab and African States."
As could be seen from the above document, most of the
Arab governments were
still dealing with apartheid South Africa and Ian
Smith's rebellious
Rhodesia. And of course, the plan to "establish an
Arab-African financial
organization, which will share in the plans for
economic and social
development the supply of technical aid to the
countries of Africa; and to
give instant aid to African peoples suffering from the
effects of natural
catastrophe and drought," never materialized after the
African countries
broke off diplomatic relations with Israel.
During the Camp David conferences which ultimately
ushered! ! in the peace
agreement between Israel and Egypt, Egypt never went
back to the African
countries it had misled to inform them that she was
making peace with Israel.
And since the Camp David accord, Egypt has been
receiving $3 billion per
year from the United States government. Egypt has
never used any part of
this huge financial assistance from the U.S. to say to
its "sister-States in
Africa," here is $100 million for all your troubles.
But the most important thing is Egypt as the leader of
the Arab world, and
the immediate neighbor to Sudan, has never done
anything to stop the slavery
of Black Africans in the Sudan. Egypt is more
interested in what happens to
Palestinians than what happens to Black Africans in
the Sudan. If the Arab
countries were to employ just 1% of the same zeal they
have employed on the
Palestinian issue, slavery of black Africans in the
Sudan would be a thing of
the ! ! past.
The question then is why, with African leaders
clamoring for reparation from
the Western nations for the slavery of millions of
black Africans, have they
allowed this ugly stench to continue to exist in this
21st century, years
after the Europeans, particularly Britain, enforced
its ban on the carting of
millions of Africans to the new world?
According to Amara Essy, the new Secretary-General of
the Organization of
African Unity (OAU), in an interview he gave in
Ouagadougou the capitlal of
Burkina Faso, "the United Nations conference on racism
which took place in
Durban, South Africa, should declare slavery a crime
against humanity."
"What is clear is that the Durban conference should
recognize slavery and the
trade in Blacks as a crime against humanity."
"If such a statement was accepted," continued Mr.
Essy, "it would serve as a
psychological and moral reparation for African
coun! ! tries." "Some Western
countries must realise the harm they have done to
Africa, enriching
themselves at our expense ... when one speaks of
justice and human rights,
one has to morally and materially make some
compensations."
Said the new Secretary-General of the OAU, "this could
be made by debt
reduction, as three-quarters of African debt is
iniquitous and unjust." Mr.
Essy should be commended for taking this giant step to
begin a discussion of
slavery in Africa. It is a major departure from what
has been hapenning with
the Organization of African Unity. But it would appear
to be hypocritical
for African leaders to talk about slavery, and
reparation for the injustice
of slavery committed by the Western nations, when the
same Black African
leaders have been afraid to confront their Arab
"sister-States" on the
question of slavery in the Sudan and Mauriania.
But, argues Professor Michael Mb! ! abuike, former chair
of the African Studies
Association, New York, "the fact that African
countries have been so stupid
about not dealing with slavery in Africa, should not
negate or diminish, or
cast shadows on the issue of our demand for
reparations for the most inhuman
slavery in the history of mankind endured by people of
African descent for
the past 500 years."
When this author asked Professor Mbabuike why Blacks
should not demand
reparations from Arabs since they were the first to
start slavery in Africa,
he answered, "Reparations on the slavery that we all
know about should be
demanded from all participants in these barbaric
atrocities committed against
a race. Africans ourselves cannot completely wash our
hands off the guilt of
participation in the trans-Atlantic slavery." What
happens is that
collective silence has been responsible throughout
man's history for the
greatest atroc! ! ities of man against man. The
trans-Atlantic slavery, the
Holocaust, apartheid the global discrimination and
racism that debilitate the
humankind today."
The guilt of silence that Mbabuike spoke about refers
to Africans who
betrayed their kith and kins, those who abducted and
sold their brothers and
sisters into slavery, or simply refused to fight or
intervene when the
slave-raiders attacked.
The 700 milllion Black Africans in Africa and the
other 200 million in the
Diaspora bear the responsibility of the silence of
guilt. Nobody bears the
responsibility of guilt more than the organization
that represents Africa -
the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
The Organization of African Unity was born on the 25th
of May, 1963, more
than 38 years ago. It has a membership of 53
countries, with the exception
of Morocco which had withdrawn its membership due to
its intransigence on the
Wester! ! n Sahara issue. In the 38 years of the OAU's
population to stay calm, especially if he ! ! wishes to be
such a! ! discussion, of course Sudan itself. The OAU's
decisions are based on
unanimity, and if one country opposes, then that issue
is dead."
With the discovery of oil in the Sudan, which has
impacted greatly on
incrementally escalating the abductions of Black
Africans in the south by the
Arab-based government in Khartoum, most east African
countries have become
increasingly dependent on cheap oil supply from the
Sudan. It raises the
issue of responbility of guilt, of Africans selling
their own brothers and
sisters for a necklace of beads or a mirror. Now,
unlike 500 years ago, it
is no longer beads, mirrors, or machetes, but Africans
are now settling for
the supply of oil in exchange for the continuance of
slavery in the African
continent.
"Even if it were not," argued the former President,
"and that representative
went ahead to bring the issue of slavery for
discussion, then Libya a
sister-Ar! ! ab state might object. And do you know how
many African countries
are beholden to Libya?," he queried.
"Listen, a lot of Black African leaders are in the
pocket of Muammar
al-Ghadaffi. He has lots of money to spend on these
leaders. Fortunately,
despite the sanctions that have been imposed on Libya,
Ghadaffi has been able
to husband his financial resources better than a
majority of black African
leaders, who prefer Swiss bank accounts and palaces in
Europe. A lot of the
black African leaders have put themselves in a
position where a little amount
of money could mean life and death, and ultimately
influences how they make
their decision, and in this case, selling out black
Africans. Let them
continue to be slaves to Arabs, so far as we continue
to get these little
crumbs from our Arab 'sister-states."
Most Africans believe that the current crop of African
leaders are not
capable and more! ! than frightened of confronting the
Arab leaders, and the
issue of slavery in the Sudan will never be solved
unless the Western nations
decide to bring pressure to bear on the Sudan
government to halt the practi
ce. They believe that the only man who has the moral
courage to confront the
Arabs and bring an end to the issue of Arab slavery
and atrocities in black
Africa, is the same man who confronted heinous
apartheid regime and won -
and that man is Nelson Mandela.
__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Check out Yahoo! Shopping and Yahoo! Auctions for all of
your unique holiday gifts! Buy at http://shopping.yahoo.com
or bid at http://auctions.yahoo.com
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otasco otanda
Sunday, December 16, 2001
Korean Auto-Manufacturers Return To Anambra
BY AUSTIN EDEMODU
A consortium of South Korean investors, which recently
rescinded its decision to establish a $40 million
automobile manufacturing plant in Anambra State
following what it called ominous signs of political
instability, is expected today in Nigeria to continue
negotiations with the Anambra State Government.
The Guardian had exclusively reported the South
Koreans' plans to divert their investment to South
Africa, after tension heightened in Anambra following
threats by a prominent businessman and politician, Sir
Emeka Offor," to flush out" principal government
functionaries in the state from office.
The Koreans' change of heart is said to have been
informed by relentless pressure by Governor Chinwoke
Mbadinuju on Prof. Bart Nnaji, former Technology and
Science Minister, who brokered the deal. Nnaji, who
currently holds the professorial chair of
Manufacturing Engineering at the University of
Pittsburgh endowed by the Aluminium Manufacturing
Company of America (ALCOA), had brought the leader of
the Korean Manufacturing team, Jo Huang, a Hong Kong
national at the University of Massachusetts, to
Nigeria when he was the Director of the University's
Robotics and Automation Laboratory.
Sources told The Guardian at the weekend that on
arrival in Lagos this morning from London, the
Koreans, led by Nnaji, will leave for Kaduna where
they will inspect the plants of Peugeot Automobile
Nigeria (PAN) Limited. Thereafter, they are expected
to proceed to Enugu to observe the workings of the
Anambra Motor Manufacturing Company (ANAMMCO) Limited.
On Thursday, December 20, the Korean investors are
scheduled to pay a courtesy visit to Governor
Mbadinuju at the Anambra Government House, before
proceeding to the $44 Million Foundry and Machine
Tools Project (FOMTOP) - a joint venture between the
State Government and the Chinese Government - located
at Ozubulu in Ekusigo Local Government Area. Other
projects scheduled to be visited by the investors
include the N2.8 billion Sir Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu
three-in-one Industrial Complex, and the markets in
Onitsha and Nnewi.
It was gathered that a major reason why the Koreans
settled for Anambra State as site to manufacture
engine and body parts of vehicles, is the perceived
absorptive capacity of the state which has a
reputation of excelling in automotive business.
In addition, the state government is said to have
assured the Koreans of huge incentives, which include
free plots of land, free basic infrastructure and
adequate security.
The governor, according to sources, believes that
siting the automobile plants in Anambra will attract a
number of local and foreign investors to the state.
otasco otanda
Sunday, December 16, 2001
BY AUSTIN EDEMODU AND BEN AKPARANTA
ENUGU State Governor, Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani, has cited
lack of credible development plan by various
governments in the SouthEastern States and the effects
of the long years of "military ruin" among reasons for
the underdevelopment of the zone.
Nnamani, speaker at the First Annual Lecture organised
by the South East Development Initiative (SEDI) at the
weekend in Owerri, Imo State, listed the other factors
as the mismanagement of the country's economy, the
abandonment and consequent collapse of basic economic
infrastructure in Nigeria, especially in the South
Eastern zone, and the total lack of interest in the
development of the region.
He lamented that while the soldiers at the federal
government level completely lacked interest in
developing the zone," the occupying alien military
administrators, who were posted to superintend over
the decay of the region, took a further toll in its
development."
According to the Enugu State Governor, in his lecture
entitled, "Ndi Igbo: Can your Generation Sustain Our
Igboness?", whatever growth achieved during the
post-war years in the SouthEast has been largely due
to the personal determination and entrepreneurial
drive of individual businessmen.
"Growth could not have occurred as a result of any
coordinated plan by the various governments of the
respective states as we have found no evidence in the
records that any credible development plan was
carefully articulated nor was any plan sincerely
pursued," he posited.
Nnamani, who articulated the monumental achievements
of the generation of Dr. Michael Okpara, the premier
of the old Eastern Region, predicated the astronomical
growth rates then in the socio-politics and economy of
Eastern Nigeria to the existence of properly designed
development plans, especially covering the period 1962
- 1968.
He said what is needed now is a new generation of
leaders for the SouthEast.
"Perhaps, many may not have appreciated it but there
is a fundamental challenge in throwing up the right
leadership of a generation to grasp the full Igbo
presence and meaning", he declared. "Such will rise if
a generation accepts the burden and works."
The Enugu Governor, who expressed disgust at the
migration of Ndigbo of productive age to other lands,
said the situation has contributed to the desolation
and backwardness of the SouthEast.
Amidst cry of marginalization, the Igbo speaking
people have called on their sons and daughters at home
and abroad to come home and invest to provide
employment opportunities to the teeming youth.
Rising from a one-day annual lecture organised by SEDI
in Owerri, the Igbos also resolved as follows:
• That the Igbo race is fully committed to the
continued existence of Nigeria as one indivisible
country;
• That the entire Igbos are convinced that their
interest would be best served in one just and
equitable Nigeria where fair play and the rule of law
reign supreme,
° That a just society for all Nigerians can only be
achieved under a democratic dispensation where
fundamental freedom of religion, association and
enterprise are guaranteed and applied to all without
fear or favour;
• That Nigeria of our hope and dream must be one where
all ethnic groups must relate with each other on the
basis of mutual respect;
• That free enterprise cannot thrive in an atmosphere
of insecurity of lives and property and discrimination
based on tribe and religion;
• That the Federal Government should guarantee the
security of Igbos across the country as Ndigbo can no
longer tolerate the senseless slaughter of their sons
and daughters across the country on flimsy and
indefensible grounds; and
• That the Igbos shall continue to collectively insist
strongly for their fair share from the Nigerian
federation in appointments, development and most
importantly, respect for the dignity of their people
as equal stake-holders in the Nigeria project.
Speaking at the maiden lecture, founder of SEDI, Chief
Hope Uzodimma, said the body was established amongst
other fundamental issues, to address the deliberate
under- development and acute marginalization of
Igboland. He said that of the three major ethnic
groups in the country, the Igbos had suffered most in
terms of over-all physical development but that "we
have not been found wanting in any area of human
endeavour especially in all activities aimed of
keeping alive the Nigeria project". The SEDI leader
said the body had collectively resolved to take the
destiny of the Igbo people in their hands by trying to
find lasting solutions to the problems of the people.
otasco otanda
event instigated by a clash between two political
rivals. Yet the manner the crisis is resolved
ultimately will colour public perception about the
capacity of the Igbo people to provide national
leadership. In two years, the office of the Senate
President zoned to the region has had three occupants.
The ouster of the two previous incumbents was not a
consequence of disagreements over some profound
principles. Developments such as these tend to
reinforce the image of a people always bound to
dissonance on account of recourse to archetypal
behaviour of extreme atomism." in re: The Danger in
Ebonyi State; The Guardian, Editorial, Monday,
September 3, 2001. This Guardian Editorial was
allegedly written by Dr. Reuben Abati, one of the
chief editors of The Nigerian Gaurdian Newspaper.
-K.O.
otasco otanda
Saturday, December 22, 2001
Ezechima Clan: People Spread Across The Niger
By GODWIN IJEDIOGOR
THE history of what presently constitutes the Ezechima
clans of Obior, Issele-Uku, Issele-Azagba,
Issele-Mkpitime, Onicha-Ugbo, Onicha-Olona,
Onicha-Ukwu, Ezi and Obomkpa in Aniocha North Local
Government Area; Onicha-Ukwuani in Ndokwa West and
Aboh in Ndokwa East Local Government Areas of Delta
State as well as Onitsha in Anambra State and Oguta in
Imo State and beyond, is expectedly, shrouded in
mythology.
One characteristic feature of the various versions is
that they differ markedly and sometimes contradict one
another on several issues. Even among towns that
acknowledge a common lineage in the Ezechima heritage,
there is hardly any consensus on how the components
came to be founded and at what point in time in the
historic exodus of their progenitor and his band of
followers from ancient Benin, began.
Besides, there is the problem of which community was
actually founded by blood children of Ezechima, his
relations and followers. While agreeing that their
common ancestor, Ezechima or Chima, came from Benin,
the people are as diverse and scattered as the
different communities, on virtually every other issue.
Such contentious issues as whether Onicha was
Ezechima's first son as held by some communities and
whether he died during the reign of his father for
which he and his lineage could not inherit the throne,
remain a sore point in putting the history of Ezechima
clan straight. Same for the question of whether
Issele-Uku predated and whether or not the latter was
the first king of the group of migrants from Benin.
That Chima or whatever name he was called, left
ancient Benin and migrated eastward for whatever
reason seems incontrovertible, but his true place of
origin is not. While some of his descendants like the
Obi of Onicha-Ugbo, Obi Chukwumaleze I believe he came
from Nri in Anambra State and must have left there at
a very tender age as a hunter, herbalist or farmer to
settle in Benin in the 15th century, Akunwata Ifeanyi
Ojibah, the Dei of Onitsha traced his origin as far
back as Egypt and later Sudan and Ife before settling
in Benin.
Dr. Joseph Nwagbogu Egwu believes Obior was founded by
a Benin chief named Ovio whose generation of
descendants ruled the town and many of whom over time
bore Igbo names. He added that "while Obior was
flourishing between the 16th and 17th century under
the rule of descendants of Ovio, another wave of Benin
emigrants came into the territory under the leadership
of a powerful man called Chima."
On his part, Prince Chris Afumatu Akeh-Osu notes that
the history of Ezechima revolves around Isi-Ile-Uku
(Issele-Uku) and not vice versa. He told The Guardian
that "Issele-Uku was a satelite kingdom created by Oba
Eweka I in 1230 A.D. to serve as a fortress to the
Bini Empire and a window of Benin-City and inherited
Bini culture and traditions and christened Edo no,
ri'Ise (meaning the Edos at Issele-Uku) with Prince
Uwadiaie, the second son of Oba Eweka I, as the first
Ogie (ruler)."
Late elder statesman Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe in My Odyssey
wrote that "Ezechima led his war adventures when they
left Benin to establish the Onitsha city-state in
about 1748 A.D.î Recounting a version told by his
grandmother, Azikiwe wrote: "... many years ago, there
lived at Idu (Benin) a great Oba who had many
children. Due to a power struggle regarding the right
of procedence among the princes of the blood and other
altercations, there was a civil war in Benin. One day,
the supporters of one of the princess insulted and
assaulted Queen Asije, the mother of the Oba of Benin
who was accused of having trespassed on their
farmland.
"Enraged at this evidence of indiscipline and
lawlessness, the Oba ordered his chief and brother,
Gbunwala Asije to apprehend and punish the insurgents.
In the attempt to penalise them, Chima, the ultimate
founder of the Onitsha city-state, a prince of the
blood in his own right, led the recalcitrants against
his uncle, Gbunwala. This intensified the civil war
which rent the kingdom of Benin in two and led to the
founding of Onitsha-Ado N'Idu"
Azikiwe recalled that at the realisation that his men
were outnumbered and with the urge to become pioneers
of new territories themselves, Chima led his followers
to migrate eastward toward the River Niger where they
could be free from the interference of the Oba and his
men.
"So, they retreated and wherever they encamped, the
place was identified with the prefix - Onitsha,"
because they were too headstrong to be disciplined and
too proud to surrender. "In conclusion, he stated
that: "As the great trek from Benin progressed, some
did not have the stout heart of the pioneer warrior,
and decided to settle at different places, known today
as Onicha-Ugbo, Onicha-Olona, Onicha-Mmili, Obior,
Issele-Uku, Ossomari, Aboh, etc."
Dr. Ben Nwochie on his part, said from the much he
knows through oral history, that "Chima or Chime as he
was originally called was from the royal palace of
Benin and that there was a law he violated that
demanded punishment. But because the Oba, his father,
loved him so much, he did not want to carry out the
law to the letter. So instead, he was asked to leave,
to run away from Benin toward the east until he could
no longer hear the sound of the guns and was safe
enough. That was how he came and settled in the area
with his children and followers."
Mr. Charles Anyasi alludes to that by stating that
"the history of Ezechima, they say, is wrapped up in
Benin and Chima was said to be a chief in the palace
who had a running battle with the Oba." He however
added that Chima is not a Bini word or name and
ìperhaps that was not the name he came with."
Another issue that has tended to polarise the
descentants of Ezechima is that of inheritane and
which community ought to be the first amongst them,
even though that has now been reduced to near
nothingness with every Obi being autonomous and not
subservient to ane another. In relating the history of
Ezechima, each community more often than not, tries to
choose the one that serves its purpose. As a result, a
chronological order of events, births and deaths,
especially of the children of Ezechiman appear
distorted and sometimes blurred as typical of most
oral history.
The people of Obior believe strongly that Ukpali is
the founder of modern Obior was the first son of
Ezechima who inherited the throne at the death of his
father.
Said Obi Ofuokwo III: "Some people also say that
Onicha was the eldest son of Ezechima but that he died
before his father which is not true. The second son of
Chima was actually Ohaeze Onicha."
To buttress his point, he explained that Ukpali was
indeed the first son of Chima and that he buried his
father before ascending the throne of Ezechima. "The
Nze Ofo (staff of office) which is the instrument used
in installing an Obi among the people is held by only
me. No Obi is installed without the consent of Obior
which holds the Nze Ofo. It is not our custom that a
woman buries her father to occupy his house."
He further stated that the burial place of Ezechima
still remains in Obior and has been rebuilt and turned
into a historical monument by the state government.
But Obi Chukwumaleze I of Onicha-Ugbo is of the
opinion that Ukpali was indeed the first child and
only daughter of Ezechima and Onicha the first son,
while Oligbo, whom he said founded Issele-Uku, was the
youngest son. Nither does he support the version that
Onicha died while his father was on the throne for
which his lineage could not claim heritage to the
throne. Rather, he stated that Onicha merely took
after their father as a farmer and moved to lsettle at
their farmland some miles away where he later founded
the present Onicha-Ugbo. He notes the Onichas
(including Onitsha) who were his children went further
to found their own places of abode.
Mr. Ojibah of Onitsha on his part believes the
founders of the town were Oreze, Dei and Chimevi and
direct descendants of Ezechima who moved toward the
River Niger while the train was enamped at Obior.
The people of Issele-Uku, as echoed by Akeh-Osu,
insists that the town predates the reign of Exechima
who he said was only the fifth ruler of the town from
where the other communities were founded by children
grandchildren, relations and followers of Ezechima. He
noted that the founder of Obior town was Ovbior, the
eldest child and only daughter of Chima and not Ukpali
who he said was a chief in Issele-Uku and Ovbior's
husband.
Akeh-Osu also said Onicha was actually the first son
of Chima but died prematurely while his father was
reigning as a result of which his lineage could not
inherit the throne and the lot fell on Oligbo even
though he was the youngest son.
He explained that the staff of office (Nze-Ofo)
"claimed as Ezechima's staff of office by Obior, was a
spear staff symbol of chieftaincy titleî given to
Chief Ukpali, the Akogwu of Issele-Uku by his
father-in-law Ezechima before they moved out of
Issele-Uku and not a ìkingly staff."
Akeh-Osu said the Ihu-Ezechima shrine in Obior was
ìoriginally a shrine where Princess Obior worshipped
her father when they fled Issele-Uku and remains a
woman's divine place of worswhip till today."
In his view Obior (Obvior) was bestowed the sacred
duty to perform the purification rituals on all sons
(Obis) of Ezechima clan including the Obi of Onitsha
because of her status as Ada of Ezechima. Akeh-Osu
adds that Obvior or her representative used to cross
the River Niger to Onitsha to perform that duty until
later when some of them were stationed permanently
there for that purpose because of the hazards of
undertaking such a rigorous journey. Hear him:
"Therefore, the people of Idumu-Obior in Onitsha are
not allowed to take the priestly order or title of Ozo
or Okpala in the town because women generally are not
allowed by custom to take the Ozo or Okpala or Odion
titles. They do not take any chieftaincy title,
rather, the Diokpa Obior is only regarded as Eze-Idi
(the king that does not reign) and performs the
'Ima-Nzu' ritual on the Obi of Onitsha while the
eldest Obvior woman in Onitsha (Ada Obior) performs
the purification rituals on any new Obi of Onitsha
during the enthrone
Eric Kalu
africa, after more than 300 years, what would have been the
claims of their offsprings as to their identity - zulus or
afrikans? Note that the native south africans would have outnumbered
the new mixed blood. This is similar to the problems of those
that claim their heritage from Benin. Real Ndiigbo were already
there as natives when those other people arrived from Benin.
Probably, because of their assess to guns (due to earlier Benin
contact with the whites), the new arrivals usurped authority
and lorded over the native Igbo people. Unfortunately for them,
they were in the minority - they inter-married with Ndiigbo and
had to use the language of the owners of the land. What I suggest
is that those of them that think they are not Ndiigbo today,
should peacifully leave Igbo land for Idu. The Isi-ile-Ukus(Isseles),
Onichas, etc are Igbo land. Any person who is there and thinks
of himself as edo should please move back to edo land. If the
majority of original inhabitants were edo, the language would
be edo today. Non-Igbo people should opt out of Igbo land.
Ndiigbo are proud of their Igboness.
Egwu
> http://us.click.yahoo.com/1GUySC/E6eDAA/ySSFAA/.DlolB/TM
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Aloy Duru
We always do. Now, do you?
--- NOWAMAGBE OMOIGUI <No...@prodigy.net> wrote:
> Dear Alloy
>
> >From the ancient land of Idu, during this season of
> Igue, I say "Iselogbe"
> to you and all your compatriots
>
> Be nice to us too
>
> Regards
>
> NAO
>
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: "Aloy Duru" <ijel...@yahoo.com>
> To: "NOWAMAGBE OMOIGUI" <No...@prodigy.net>; "Nowa
> Omoigui"
> <now...@yahoo.com>
> Cc: <igbo...@lists.cc.utexas.edu>
> Sent: Saturday, December 22, 2001 2:58 PM
> Subject: Re: [Naijanet] Ezechima Clan: People Spread
> Across The Niger
>
>
>
>
> Okay, so Igbos and the Edos are one and the same.
> Fine, then always be nice to us. Hhhmmmm!!
>
>
> --- NOWAMAGBE OMOIGUI <No...@prodigy.net> wrote:
> > ________GUARDIAN_________
> > Ezechima Clan: People Spread Across The Niger
> >
> > By GODWIN IJEDIOGOR
>
> === message truncated ===
otasco otanda
From: "otasco otanda" <ota...@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: [edo-community] NOWA OMOIGUI - A Portrait
of Calumny: Inside the Mind of an Evil Man
To All:
Hear physician Nowamagbe Omoigui express his
triumphant joy over the thousands of Igbos butchered
in cold blood in the streets of Benin in his own
words:
"Gutters in Benin and Warri were reportedly flowing
with [Igbo] bodies [killed by Edos] and pigs ran amock
eating those that were not quickly removed from the
streets. For many years, eating pigs in Benin was a
taboo because of [the dead Igbo bodies they ate] ..."
- Dr. Nowa Omoigui, 4/17/2001 in
Edo-N...@yahoogroups.com
Date: Sun, 23 Dec 2001 14:52:43 -0800 (PST)
From: "Nowa Omoigui" <now...@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: Ezechima Clan: People Spread Across The
Niger
To: "Aloy Duru" <ijel...@yahoo.com>,
No...@prodigy.net
CC: igbo...@lists.cc.utexas.edu,
edo-n...@egroups.com
Reply-to: now...@yahoo.com
Dear Aloy
We always do. Always have. The jury is out on whether
you do and always have. But in this festive season,
we say "Iselogbe" - to which you have not even
bothered to respond
We wish you well
NAO
--- Aloy Duru <ijel...@yahoo.com> wrote:
We always do. Now, do you?
--- NOWAMAGBE OMOIGUI <No...@prodigy.net> wrote:
Dear Alloy
>From the ancient land of Idu, during this season
of Igue, I say "Iselogbe" to you and all your
compatriots
Be nice to us too
Regards
NAO