'The Oba and the Governor in Benin' by Reuben Abati
Joshua Meisler
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'The Oba and the Governor in Benin'
by Reuben Abati
January 17, 1999
http://www.kilima.com/abati/oba.html
The history of the Benin kingdom has been marked by a continuous attempt
by the monarchy to forge an alliance, and strike a balance between the
competing interests of the aristocracy and the
town-commoners/non-hereditary chiefs creating a pull between monarchy
and Republicanism. It is an aspiration that has not always worked. The
Republican, irreverent instinct of the commoners often exceeds its
imagined limits, and the palace aristocracy relying on tradition,
insists invariably on its supremacy. What has always existed therefore
is a delicate balance of power between the Oba and the chiefs.
Now, and then, the Binis re-enact this drama. It ends, momentarily
without a definite resolution until some day, another act is re-opened
in the struggle between the palace and the town. In an age of democracy
and human rights, and modern governments, the conflict between the
throne, and the town is inevitable.
Increasingly, men everywhere no longer see any reason why the claim to
the blueness of one's blood, should become an excuse for living a
subsidised existence at the expense of others. Democracy preaches
equality of all persons. Aristocracy is by nature discriminatory: it
erects structure of relations between the ruler and those who are called
subjects. Two years to the 21st century, not too many persons still want
to be referred to as subjects. Even in England, the aristocrats are
being told to become citizens. Prince Edward for example, who would soon
become the Duke of Cambridge, is learning to earn an independent living
simply as Edward Windsor.
This would seem to me to be the context for understanding the on-going
battle in Benin City, and Edo State, in the old Mid-West, as it were
between on one hand the Oba of Benin, Solomon Erediauwa II, and the Edo
State military administrator, Navy Captain Anthony Onyearugbulem and
between his Royal Highness and the Igbinedions (Lucky and his father,
the Esama of Benin) on the other hand. The battle-ground for these
gladiators is the on-going political transition programme, specifically
the last gubernatorial election in which Lucky Igbinedion of the
People's Democratic Party, had sought the ticket to the Governorship
position, against Lucky Imasuen of the All People's Party (APP). His
Excellency Erediauwa II is said to have declared on December 30, 1998,
that the people of Benin should vote for Lucky Imasuen of the APP. Which
is to say that Imasuen was/is the Oba's candidate.
The Edo State Military Administrator who had earlier warned traditional
Rulers in Edo State, to remain non-partisan in the present political
competition promptly issued the Oba of Benin a query, asking him to
retract his statement, within 24 hours. The Oba ignored the
Administrator's letter, and even went ahead to restate his political
stand, for the avoidance of doubt. The Administrator, again issued
another ultimatum, and a threat: if by 12 mid-night on January 7, the
Oba of Benin had not complied with his earlier directive, he would cease
to be Chairman of the Edo State Council of Traditional Rulers, and
member of the State Security Council. To strengthen his directive, Navy
Captain Onyearugbulem allegedly further threatened that he would deal
with any Oba who flouts his directives. He disclosed that the state
government is in possession of a video tape which implicates the Oba of
Benin, and that a Panel of Enquiry may soon be empowered to censure the
Oba. The Gubernatorial Election took place. Lucky Igbinedion won. Lucky
Imasuen lost. One Lucky was lucky, the other Lucky was unlucky. But the
Binis since then have risen in support of their Oba. They are accusing
the State Administrator of disrespecting the Obaship Institution.
Princess Theresa Ogiogwa, the eldest daughter of the Oba of Benin, has
resigned her appointment as State Counsel in the Edo State Ministry of
Justice, to protest what she considers an insult to her father. The Edo
State Youth organisation has issued a two-page communiqué. The Benin
Forum, led by the Osaguobadiaye of Benin, has asked the State Military
Administrator to withdraw his letter to the Oba, and apologise to the
Bini people. Meanwhile, Benin Chiefs wanted to march to the palace to
express solidarity with the Oba. They were stopped by the police. Other
Traditional rulers in Edo State have declared that no one among them
will occupy the position of chairman of the Traditional Council of
Chiefs, as a replacement for Erediauwa II.
The Benin Kingdom is used to this kind of power tussle. But in
contemporary times, there are other levels of the conflict to be
considered. The first point to be made is that the crisis between the
Oba, and the Military Administrator, demonstrates the dilemma of the
Benin monarchy under a modern government. Prior to 1897 when the British
sacked the old Benin Kingdom in a retaliatory expedition, the Oba of
Benin was the most supreme authority in the area known as Benin. The
imposition of modern governance has eroded the monarch's authority.
Post-colonial authorities have proved to be worse than the British.
Traditional rulers, in order of protocol, are rated below state
administrators. They have become civil servants to be issued queries and
directives. What Onyearugbulem, has done, even if stupidly, is to
re-affirm the supremacy of the new modern elite, and remind not just the
Benin throne, but all other traditional institutions, of their
increasing irrelevance.
The other year, the Ooni of Ife, and the Emir of Kano were restricted to
their domains by the Buhari government for travelling out of the country
without official permission. Much later, the Abacha government deposed
the Sultan of Sokoto, and put another man in his place. The late Olowo
of Owo, Sir Olateru Olagbegi was also once similarly deposed by the
government of the Western Region. The country did not fall apart as a
result. What Onyearugbulem has done then, is simply to insist on the
rules of modern governance as opposed to the continued intimations of
invincibility that traditional rulers love to enjoy. It would appear
therefore that the institution of monarchy is an idea whose time is
beginning to pass. The likes of Onyearugbulem confront the monarchy,
convinced that they could do so, and get away with it.
Part of the crisis is the increasing Republicanism of the people. It is
instructive that the people of Benin are determined to protect their
Oba. There is something about the mystique of the traditional
institution. People love the ceremony that surrounds kings. They love to
be reminded of the age of strong kings, and ancestors. But they no
longer desire much beyond the ceremony. They are protesting and issuing
statements of support for the Oba, yet the same people followed their
instincts at the polls. They rejected the Oba's anointed candidate, and
voted for Lucky Igbinedion.
Before 1897, this would not have happened. The supremacy of the
authority of the Benin Oba is encapsulated in the Bini expression.
Enobakhare Onode (the instructions of the Oba cannot be overruled).
These days, Obas are routinely disobeyed. How many Binis still name
their children Enobakhare? In the past, to be identified as an Oghionba
(the enemy of the Omo'Noba) meant instant death. These days Oghionbas
are heroes. They even win elections.
We ought to be reminded of the simple fact that has emerged in this
case. The people of Benin chose to vote for Lucky Igbinedion. In a
sense, the Republicanism of the people makes the arrogance of military
administrators possible. Except that whereas the people are willing to
assert their political choice, still they do not want the Obaship
institution to be disgraced. The present Oba of Benin is however, not a
stranger to circumstances such as this. In 1992, in fact, in January
1992, exactly seven years ago, he was made to appear before an Election
Petition Tribunal in Benin City where he was accused of supporting and
influencing the election of Chief John Oyegun of the then Social
Democratic Party as Edo State Governor. The petitioner at that time, is
the same Lucky Igbinedion, who has now been elected Governor in 1999. In
July 1992, the Benin palace banned Chief Gabriel Igbinedion, Esama of
Benin, and father of Lucky Igbinedion, from the Palace. It is most
likely that the present conflict would further throw up victims and
losers.
Of all the interested parties, the point to remember is that the Oba of
Benin is one Governor who is not likely to go on leave or leave Benin
City. Onyearugbulem would one day leave Benin City. Igbinedion would
serve his term as Governor but the Obaship institution, with its deep
memories, would continue to remain the principal custodian of the
customs and traditions of the Benin people. As things stand then, the
Oba may not recant, and apologise to Onyearugbulem. The Military
Administrator is also likely to insist that his authority is supreme.
The Igbinedions are standing by, enjoying the show-down. The Bini people
are not amused.
This has serious implications. After Onyearugbulem, the incoming
Igbinedion government may be tempted to behave like a modern government
and hence, seek to humiliate the Oba of Benin. I hope that does not
happen. I sincerely hope so. Edo State promises to be an interesting
theatre in the Fourth Republic, with the Palace and the Government
carrying strong emotional baggages from the past. To ensure peace in
Benin, government must wade into the crisis. Onyearugbulem, who seems to
love trouble as the fish enjoys water, should be instructed by Abuja to
make peace with the Oba. Benin chiefs, following the example of Obaseki
and other Iyases in the past have always criticised and challenged their
Oba but the Bini monarchy continues to survive as a reminder of the
trials and glory of the Benin Kingdom. Lucky Igbinedion and his father
should visit the palace, soon, and reassure Erediauwa II of their good
faith. If we would not abolish the traditional institution, we might as
well learn to live with it and humour it. Monarchs still have a place in
people's minds. That is one paradox we cannot wish away. Unfortunately.
© 1999 Reuben Abati and The Guardian Newspapers (Lagos, Nigeria)