MONDAY QUARTER-BACKING: Our Initial Conditions: 1951-59 Electioneering in Nigeria and The South-West Factor [PART I]
Mobolaji E. Aluko
___________________________________________________________________________
MONDAY QUARTER-BACKING: Our Initial Conditions: 1951-59 Electioneering in
Nigeria and The South-West Factor [PART I]
by
Mobolaji E. Aluko, PhD
Burtonsville, MD, USA
______________________________________________________________________
Introduction
------------
The French say "Plus ca change, plus la meme chose." Yogi Bera, that
American philosopher baseball player-coach legend, gave us the memorable
phrase "It is Deja Vu all over again." These are French language gifts to
the world, appropriate for when you look back and sometimes tell yourself
that as written in the Bible, "There is nothing new under the sun."
This aplies also to December 5, 1998, when the first in a latest series of
transition-to-civilian-rule elections in Nigeria, 774 local governments
ones, were held. The results, which are steadily coming in, are
make-or-break: if a party does not score greater than 5% in 24 states, it
is decertified. However, no less than three parties will be certified.
Furthermore, presidential aspirants, a galaxy of them, are studying the
polls closely and are asking themselves: have I won my ward, my local
government, my state, my geo-political zone so as to have any claim to
presidential candidacy legitimacy, or should I just forge ahead anyway and
damn my immediate constituency of prideful association in preference for
the larger Nigerian constituency and the mathematical calculus that goes
with that inclination?
The pattern of the results being released lets the observer come to some
unmistakable conclusion that we are back almost to December 12, 1959, when
the second all-Nigeria Federal elections were held: the alliances, the
villifications, the accusations, etcheram, etcheram.
How is that so? Well, sit back and enjoy Part I of this discussion of one
set of our initial conditions of our country. I have inserted appropriate
commentaries as usual.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
QUOTE (from Ojiako, page 67) - The 1959 Federal Elections
In a proclamation issue on October 28, 1959, His Excellency, the
Governor-General [NOTE: SIR JAMES ROBERTSON] announced the dissolution of
the Federal House of Representatives with effect from November 1. December
12 was election day, for the new House.
Elections would be held in 312 single member constituencies throughout the
country (election for 8 seats for Southern Cameroons representatives was
suspended pending the outcome of the plebiscite on the future of the
Territory to be held before March 1961) of which 174 were in Northern
Nigeria, 62 were in Western Nigeria, 73 were in Eastern Nigeria and 3 were
in Lagos.
The dissolved House was elected in 1954 and consisted of 184 elected
members and 6 special members to represent special interests (commerce,
shipping, banking, etc.) On August 29, 1957, the first Prime Minister of
the Federation, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, CBE, MHR, was appointed and
a coalition government was formed.
END QUOTE
We cannot fully discuss the 1959 elections, without discussing the 1954
Federal Elections and some events in the intervening years. Both
elections were qualitatively different: after the latter, Nigeria was
still going to remain a colony, one trying hard to break off the chains;
after the former, it would cease to be one. The stakes were high in both,
but clearly different. As it were, the slaves were now going to be
masters of themselves on October 1, 1960, and the head slaves from all
corners of the Nigerian compass were already salivating. You will also
see how the Action Group (and the Yoruba people who formed its back-bone)
wittingly or unwittingly began (for the very first time) to be ossified as
the perpetual Opposition in Nigerian politics.
So, let us first discuss the 1954 elections and related matters.
BEGIN QUOTE (from Ojiako, page 20) - The 1954 Federal Elections - And
Matters Until 1957
---------------------------------------------------------------------
Between the middle of October and the end of December 1954, the elections,
the first to the Federal House of representatives, were conducted under
different systems. The elections were held by direct secret ballot in
Eastern Region on November 10, in Western Region and in Lagos on December
11. In Eastern Region all the adults were eligible to vote but in the
Western Region only those adults who paid taxes in 1953-54.
The electoral college system was used in the Northern Region and the
Southern Cameroons and the various stages of the elections were spread
over two months. The result of the elections during which only 15 elected
members of the former House of Representatives were returned are given
below:
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
Northern Western Eastern South Lagos Tot.
Region Region Region Camer.
NPC 79 - - - - 79
NCNC - 23 32 - 1 56
AG-UNIP 1 18 7 - 1 27
KNC - - - 6 - 6
Others 12 1 3 - - 16
---------------------------------------------------------------
Total 92 42 42 6 2 184
NPC - Northern PEople's Congress; NCNC - National Council of Nigeria and
Cameroons; AG - Action Group; UNIP - United National Independence Party;
KNC - Kamerun National Congress Others - included Kamerun National
Democratic Party, Kamerun People's Party, Northern Elements Progressive
Union (NEPU) and Allied Parties, United Middle Belt Congress.
-----
In addition to the 184 elected members, the new House of Representatives
consisted of a Speaker, three ex-officio members and six members who were
subsequently appointed by the Governor-General to represent interests of
communities not otherwise adequately represented.
The Northern People's Congress despite the fact that it won 79 seats
failed to secure the absolute majority of seats in the new House of
Representatives which would have entitled it to nominate nine ministers in
the Federal Government.
The terms of the new constitution, under the above situation, empowered
the Governor-General to appoint three ministers from each of the three
main regions after taking the advice of the party to which the majority of
members from the region belonged. This was why the NCNC, having secured
the largest number of seats in the Eastern and Western Region nominated
six ministers, whilst the Northern People's Congress nominated three. The
tenth Ministerial post had to be allocated to a member from the Southern
Cameroons........
Ministers from the Northern Nigeria: Mallam Abubakar Tafawa Balewa,
Transport and Works; Malam Muhammadu RIbadu, Lands, Mines and Power; Malam
Inuwa Wada Kano, Minister without Portfolio;
Ministers from Eastern Region: Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, Communication and Civil
Aviation; Mr. R.A. Njoku, Trade and Industry; Mr. M.T. Mbu, Minister
without Portfolio;
Ministers from the Western Region: Mr. A. Adelabu, Natural Resources and
Social Services; Chief F.S. Okotie-Eboh, Labour and Welfare; Mr. K.
Balogun, Minister without Portfolio;
Minister from the Southern Cameroons: Mr V. Mukete, Minister without
Portfolio..
The first session of the new House of Representatives opened by the
Governor General, Sir John Macpherson, on January 12, 1955, when messages
were read from H.M. the Queen and teh Colonial Secretary, Mr.
Lennox-Boyd. Sir Frederick Metcalfe, formerly Clerk of the British House
of Commons, presided as Speaker of the new House.
A coalition Government was formed in the Centre by the NCNC which won a
majority of seats in the West and East in the Federal Elections; and the
NPC which won an absolute majority in the North, the only Region which it
contested.
The Action Group became the official oppostion teaming up with the other
minority parties in the House, while the Cameroons representatives
constituted the floating vote.
Many thought that the coalition would not work. The NPC and the NCNC
ideological differences were so wide apart that the coalition of the two
parties could not survive for very long.
In less than two years however, it had become clear that the Government,
as it stood, could last through the years. Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa
leading the NPC and Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, the NCNC had becoem more than mere
associates in government. The one referred to the other in affectionate
terms in public and both consulted regularly in private.
The House of Representatives under the new dispensation had its teething
troubles, true, but it soon proved a quiet House of Compromise, doing
nothing revolutionary, saying nothing controversial, just plodding on.
The Government was content with its marriage of convenience and the
Opposition remained satisfied with its licence to rebuke. In error, or by
design, the Federal Government had established itself as a stable
administration, effectively withstanding the glare of opposition
spotlight.
At least, two of the the Regions of the Federation progressed in clam even
though at different rates; and even the East whose political life was
dominated by crisis after crisis, claimed with some justification that the
incessant conflict between the Governor and its Executive Council was
indicative of the healthy growth of democracy. Relatively, then progress
was made in every region.....
But because the Action Group Western Regional Government said it needed a
mandate to demand self-government, in 1956 it called for a General
Election and the party was returned to power content with a reduced
majority of 48 [FOR AG] to 32 over the NCNC........
On January 19, 1957, at the Regional Government request, Sir Robert
Stapleton, the new Governor, issued a proclamation dissolving the Eastern
Region House of Assembly and ordering general election for March 15.
The NCNC won the election, losing one minister, and with a reduced overall
majority from 72 to 64. For the first time, the Action Group which held
only one seat in the Eastern House of Assembly before the elections,
emerged with 13 seats to become the official opposition in the Eastern
House of Assembly. The United National Independence Party until then the
official Opposition Party was totally eclipsed, having won five seats as
compared with 11 in the previous House. The two remaining seats were won
by Independent candidates, both supporting NCNC.
In the mean time, the happenings in the East had so delayed the
constitutional conference that the North could no longer refuse to go to
the polls. The Government of the Region hurriedly decided on a general
election. In November 1956 election to the Northern House of Assembly was
held. The Government Party, the Northern People's Congress (NPC) won the
election with 100 seats out of the 131 elected seats. But for this first
time the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) secured five seats in
the Regional legislature; the United Middle Belt Congress twelve, the
Bornu Youth Movement two and the Action Group four.......
>From May 23 to June 26, 1957, Nigeria took another step towards nationhood
at the London Constitutional Conference held in Lancaster House. The
Colonial Secretary, Mr. Lennox-Boyd, was in the chair.......[HEADS OF
DELEGATIONS WERE CHIEF AWOLOWO AND CHIEF AKINTOLA OF ACTION GROUP, DR.
ENDELEY OF KAMERUN NATIONAL CONGRESS; MR. FONCHA OF KAMERUN NATIONAL
DEMOCRATIC PARTY; MR. KALE OF KAMERUN PEOPLE'S PARTY; DR. NNAMDI AZIKIWE
OF NCNC; MALAM IBRAHIM IMAM OF NEPU; ALHAJI AHMADU BELLO, SARDAUNA OF
SOKOTO & ALHAJI TAFAWA BALEWA OF NPC; MR. BIRIYE OF RIVERS; MR. JOSEPH
TARKA OF UMBC; DR. UDO UDOMA OF UNIP; TRADITIONAL RULERS WERE EMIR OF
KANO, EMIR OF KATSINA, OONI OF IFE, EWI OF ADO-EKITI; THE NYONG ESSIEN OF
UYO.]........
On August 30, 1957, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa formed the first all
Nigerian Federal Executive Council. He selected his ministers not only
from the NPC [ALHAJI RIBADU, ALHAJI MUHAMMADU INUA WADA, ALHAJI ZANA BUKA
DIPCHARIMA], the NCNC [DR. K.O. MBADIWE, MR. AJA NWACHUKWU, MR. RAYMOND
NJOKU, CHIEF F.S. OKOTIE-EBOH, MR. J.M. JOHNSON, CHIEF KOLAWOLE BALOGUN]
and the Kamerun National Congress [MR. MUKETE] but also from the Action
Group [CHIEF S.L. AKINTOLA & CHIEF AYO ROSIJI]........
END QUOTE about 1954 Elections ..
It is very clear from the above that when in 1954 each of the parties
agreed to the constitutional provision that, in the absence of an outright
parliamentary majority, the party that won each region would present three
ministers each to the center, each of AG, NCNC and NPC figured that it
would win its region fair and square, and hence each would have three
ministers each in a Federal Government of National Unity. So AG must have
been surprised to be the only party to control its region, and yet lose
its control on the Federal elections level. Hence, it became locked out
of ministerial appointments! On hindsight, that was a bad agreement for
AG, since it was always the most vulnerable party to be overtaken by an
opposing party in its region. It was also a victim of strong NCNC
opposition propaganda (Adelabu and co.) that the AG was developing
Awolowo's Ijebu-Land to the exclusion of other parts of Western Region,
and that despite its trumpeting of "free education", in fact it was not
free since it was imposing heavy taxes on its indigenes and requiring tax
receipts before voting.
Thus, this initial official opposition status of the AG in the Federal
House was an unintended consequence of a bad agreement, and not some
pathogenic, in-born propensity for appositional behavior.
>From the election results in the 1956 elections in both the East and the
North, it is also clear that the Action Group was succeeding in making
some inroads, albeit small. The usual claim, therefore, that the
Western-based parties in Nigeria are always so insular as not to wish to
appeal to people outside the West is baseless. Such attempts had always
been made, with varying degrees of success, as far back as forty-two years
ago.
In fact, by 1957, a coalition Federal government had brought in the AG,
with Chief SL Akintola (Deputy AG leader, from Ogbomosho) and Chief Ayo
Rosiji (one-time AG Party Lawyer/General Secretary, an Egba) as ministers.
Those two - Akintola and Rosiji - were later to spell trouble for the AG
when, in February 1962, they (with Akintola then Premier of West since
December 15, 1959 in appointed succession to Chief Awolowo who had become
Leader of the Opposition in the new Federal Legislature) flew off in the
middle of an AG congress in Jos to Ibadan to parley with the visiting
Sardauna of Sokoto on the Sardauna's plans to become president when
Nigeria became a Republic in 1963. Akintota and Rosiji never returned to
Jos, boycotting the AG congress thereafter. In May 1962, Rosiji it was
who spoke up in Federal Parliament to OPPOSE his own Federal Parliament
leader, Chief Awolowo, to support the Balewa government to declare a state
of emergency on Western Region, which was to begin May 31, 1962 and end in
December of the same year. The West was never the same thereafter, all a
result of a one-time lending of two AG members to be ministers of an
NPC-NCNC-led coalition government!
RESUME QUOTE (Ojiako) - The 1959 Federal Elections (Page 67)
--------------------------------------------------
No less than 26 parties were registered to contest the forthcoming
elections but by common consent the main contests lay between the Northern
People's Congress of Nigeria, the Action Group of Western Nigeria and the
National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons of Eastern Nigeria. Each of
these parties was contesting the elections either directly or through its
allies.
For the first time voting was by secret ballot throughout the country.
All registered adults in Western and Eastern Nigeria were eligible to vote
and all registered adult males were eligible in Northern NIgeria......
--------------- TABLE ABOUT 1959 ELECTION ---------------------------
Region 1952 Persons Ent. Actual % Votes %
Census To Reg. Registr'n Registr'n Cast Poll
North 18,000,000 3,885,000 3,640,284 93.7 3,258,520 89.4
East 8,500,000 3,423,000 2,598,234 75.7 1,929,754 75.3
West } 6,500,000 2,759,000 2,653,188 96.2 1,887,209 71.2
Lagos } 177,000 144,000 81.6 110,072 76.2
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
33,000,000 10,244,000 9,035,706 88.2 7,185,555 79.5
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
[NOTE: THREE TABLES IN THE ORIGINAL TEXT HAVE BEEN COMBINED HERE]
----------------------------------------------------------------------
By January 1959, the Premier of Eastern Nigeria, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, and
Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Premier of the Western Region, had decided to stand
as candidates in the Federal Elections that would take place in December.
Dr. Azikiwe's decision followed a unanimous resolution of the executive
committee of the NCNC expressing the belief that "in the interest of the
nation and the party and in consonance with the wishes of the people, Dr.
Azikiwe should be a member of the Federal Legislature." The Sardauna of
Sokoto of the NPC and Premier of the Northern Region had stated that he
did not intend to try to enter the Federal House. It was believe that Dr.
ENdeley, Premier of the Southern Cameroons, would not stand as a Federal
candidate either....
By October 24, 1959, the political leaders were fully engaged in election
campaign. There were accusations of intimidation, bribery, hypocricy,
etc. Each Party's representatives had made official complaints to the
Governor-General about their treatment in the Regions controlled by their
opponents. At a press conference held in Lagos, Mr. K. Bovell,
Inspector-General of the NIgerian Police described actions which police
were taking to ensure fair and orderly elections. There would be 5,000
Nigerian policemen, 1,200 L.A. police, 6,000 N.A. police and 6,000 Special
Constables to maintain order.
Polling stations would number 25,400; 9600 in the North; 8,000 in the
East, 7,500 in the West and 300 in Lagos. Nine million people would be
entitled to vote.
In the North where the NCNC claimed that party supporters had been
attacked at Bida and the NEPU claimed that NA had been obstructive, Dr.
Nnamdi Azikiwe said that he hoped that the rulers of the Region would
realize social upheaval could not be resolved by harsh laws and
imprisonment.
In their turn, the Northern Government blamed disturbances on visiting
politicians for bad manners and lack of tact, although Alhaji Aliyu
Makaman Bida had said Chief Awolowo and his supporters had violated
Northern traditions, for which they would never be forgiven.
Makaman Bida also described AG campaign by helicopter as both expensive
and unreasonable. Arising from an NPC tour of Western Nigeria, the
Sardauna of Sokoto had officially complained of "Action Group
Hooliganism", and the Northern Minister of Health, Alhaji Ahman Pategi,
had declared that the main cause of disorder was AG and NEPU leaders' use
of abusive language about their opponent. In the Eastern Region, Dr.
Mbadiwe, leader of the DPNC, had also complained of NCNC hooliganism,
while Chief Awolowo had described Dr. Azikiwe as 'a born dictator.'
COntinuing his tour of Northern Nigeria, Dr. Azikiwe warned NPC leaders
that 'the Regions taxpayers were dissatisfied and that the opinion of the
common man was not being respected. This was a situation conducive to
growth of communism.' Dr. Azikiwe said allegations of hooliganism and
violence by all political parties wree regularly claimed by their
opponents. Chief Awolowo said that he would ask Sir James Robertson to
bring all Nigerian Police [SO AS TO INCLUDE REGIONAL POLICE AND NATIVE
AUTHORITY] directly under the command of Mr. Bovell, Inspector General of
Police.
In reply, the NPC issued a statement accusing the AG of thus trying to woo
the NCNC, and said it would oppose any move to curtail the Northern
Region's internal autonomy. The NCNC leader pointed out that until
recently, the AG had advocated regionalisation of all Nigerian Police.
In October 28, 1959, the Governor-General of Nigeria, Sir James Robertson,
dissolved the Federal Parliament. THe Governor called for an end to
hooliganism in political campaigning. In a broadcast Sir James Robertson
warned that if the wave of hooliganism now sweeping the country was not
checked by party leaders, he would instruct police to use sterner
measures. He added that he had written in the most solemn language to
leaders of major political parties to ask their party organisations to put
an end to acts of violence or encouragement of violence.
He said that on the eve of Nigerian Independence, it was unfortunate that
campaign meetings should feature lorry loads of cutlasses, broken bottles
and rods to beat up political opponents.
Helicopter Offensive
Despite obstacles erected by their opponents, all the main politicians
were busy touring the country and the Action Group's ubiquitous helicopter
continued to attract attention.
>From December 7, 1959, Chief Awolowo had been moving along the middle
Belt, starting in Adamawa on December 7, and reaching Jos. His helicopter
had continued to provide advertisemnt and excitement, calling the women to
leave the Benue ferry to listen to him in Numan. The helicopter took him
into remote villages, where no major political leader had penetrated
before. As the windmill descended, its slogan of "Full Employment for
All" was suddenly hidden in the cloud of dust. The leader emerged for
organized women to rush forward, only to be drowned in a second choking
storm as the helicopter left the football field.
At Jimeta, Awolowo's theme was the N.A. and alkali oppression of AG
supporters in the North. At Jos, much of the speech was devoted to 'Votes
for Women.' At Bornu, the Shehu of Bornu was annoyed at leaflets
fluttering from the helicopter into the most secret parts of his palace.
The AG in addition to lavish promises, gave 'handout', 'give aways'. The
Sardauna said PEOPLE SHOULD TAKE MONEY OFFERED FOR THEIR VOTES BUT NOT
BETRAY THEIR CHILDREN BY VOTING THAT WAY. There was therefore more to
"give away" than pencils and match boxes marked with palm trees [THE
SYMBOL OF THE ACTION GROUP.]
UNQUOTE
It is interesting to pause here for a minute. " The Sardauna said PEOPLE
SHOULD TAKE MONEY OFFERED FOR THEIR VOTES BUT NOT BETRAY THEIR CHILDREN BY
VOTING THAT WAY." I have always been amused when in recent times as a
result of this quote, which I first read it when I got the Ojiako book
about 6 years ago now. This quote was the same charming hackneyed slogan
used effectively by Alhaji MD Yusuf during his ill-fated challenge to
Abacha's self-succession plans! The same one used both by Chief Abraham
Adesanya (of AD) and one PDP chieftain in the East when referring to
General Obasanjo's generous "donations" to council chairmen recently:
"take his money but vote your conscience!" So this slogan, invented after
all, by none other than the Sardauna himself, a lasting legacy of the
Northern scion, could be re-used? Nothing truly is new under the sun.
It also appears that the modern razzmatazz in campaigning which Awo
introduced into Nigeria as long as forty years ago - and the culture of AG
abuse and insults, incidentally also accused of NEPU - did not play well
in the Northern heartland. But more importantly, however, was Awo's
attempt to reach at women with a slogan that they could identify with and
his valiant albeit high-handed approach to reach all the nooks and cranny
of the North. Any accusation that the AG did not attempt to get its
message to the North is therefore again baseless. It may have been the
message that was not accepted, but that is different from not trying.
Let us continue to election day, almost exactly 39 years ago.
RESUME OJIAKO QUOTE (Page 76)
-----------------------------
The Poll
On Saturday, December 12, 1959, the Federal elections took place in
orderly atmosphere, although the electoral campaign was vigorous and large
number of people were injured, windows broken.
The poll was heavy, no grave incidents occurred and only about 50 people
were arrested for the alleged electoral offences.
The numbers who vote were 7,188,555.
All prominent NIgerian political leaders were returned. These were Alhaji
Tafawa Balewa, Dr. Azikiwe, Chief Awolowo, and all members of the outgoing
Federal Cabinet.
The general election went so well that in the New Year broadcast the
Governor-GEneral admitted that the quiet and orderly way in which the
election too place on the twelfth of December was a major triumph for all
those who had planned it.
The National People's Congress was returned as the largest party. The
final results announced on December 21 stated that:
* Northern Peoples Congress...............142
* National Council of Nigeria and
the Cameroons & and its ally NEPU........89
* Action Group ............................72
* Other Parties ............................9
There were some difficulty in forming the Federal Government when once the
election was over, not one single party had won enough seats to form the
Government alone, nor was there the desire to form another National
Government. As leader of the largest party, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa
was invited by Sir James Robertson, Governor-General, to form a new
Federal Cabinet.
Sir Abubakar, the former Prime MInister, accepted the invitation. On his
arrival in Lagos, Alhaji Abubakar who was accompanied by Sir Ahmadu Bello,
Premier of Northern Region, said that he had not ruled out the possibility
of forming a coalition government, but added that "we certainly cannot
compromise" on the suggestion that a leader of another party might become
Prime Minister.
After discussion between the NPC and the NCNC, officially described as
friendly and cordial, a new Federal Government was formed on December 20,
1959. NPC had ten ministers [ABUBAKAR TAFAWA BALEWA, MUHAMMADU RIBADU,
INUWA WADA, Z.B. DIPCHARIMA, MAITAMA SULE, SHEHU SHAGARI, USMAN SARKI,
WAZIRI IBRAHIM, YISA YAR'ADUA, OLANREWAJU] had ten and NCNC seven
[OKOTIE-EBOH, RAYMOND NJOKU, JOSEPH JOHNSON, AJA NWACHUKWU, OLU
AKINFOSILE, TOS BENSON, MATTHEW MBU]......
Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, deputy leader of the Action Group, was
appointed Premier of the Western Region on December 15 in succession to
Chief Awolowo, who had become Leader of the Opposition in the new Federal
Legislature.
On January 12, 1960, the new Federal House of Representatives held its
first meeting. On January 14, 1960, the Parliament passed a motion for
Nigeria's independence. [NOTE: THIS IS NOT TO BE CONFUSED WITH THE
"RESOLUTION MOVED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES BY CHIEF ANTHONY ENAHORO
OF THE ACTION GROUP ON MARCH 31, 1953, (WHICH) PLUNGED NIGERIA INTO
CRISIS, NEARLY LED TO THE SECESSION OF THE NORTH, WAS FOLLOWED BY BLOODY
TRIBAL RIOTING, AND MADE CERTAIN THAT NIGERIA WOULD BE A FEDERATION RATHER
THAN A CENTRALIZED UNITARY STATE" - Schwarz, Page 77] April 22, Prime
Minister Abubakar left Nigeria for London to complete talks for the final
transfer of power to Nigeria on October 1.
UNQUOTE
Reading the above, it is inescapable that in the beginnings of NIgeria,
the North and East have shown more readiness to work with each other than
with the West, and aggressive attempts by the Western-based party (AG) to
make inroads into the North were mis-characterized as "insulting, abusive,
etc., much the same accusations that are bandied around today.
Furthermore, the one time that the AG entered into a Coalition government
of convenience (with Akintola and Rosiji in the Federal government)
probably led to a fraternization of expediency which turned out to hurt
the South-West.
Need the South-West be blamed for being wary of such coalitions of
expediency? If you are paranoid, does that mean that someone is not
really out there to get you? Enquiring minds want to know.
The problem always with Nigerian discourse is that many-a-time we do not
discuss from a common database of FACTS: who did what when and where and
with whom. It is only when you have determined those facts, that you can
ask why? and offer opinions. But we spend a lot of time discussing why
without knowing the facts (or worse still, mixing them all up!), and in
the process we provide more heat than light.
So, I have provided this write-up for the reading and information pleasure
of all Nigerians, but particularly to the Yoruba reader, to give them
superior historical fact as different from street-level fiction, so that
they do not join in propagation of the calumny that the Yoruba are
unnecessarily intransigent in the Nigerian political scheme of things and
seem to revel in opposition. Too often, out of a penchant for ahistorical
objectivity or out of crass ignorance, you will find some Yoruba mimic
such calumny, pleading for greater accomodation of the power-grabbing
tendencies of mainstream Nigerian politics and politicians. We are seeing
some of that right now, with PDP, APP and AD. Nothing can be further from
the truth, that calumny, and at least if others have a wrong impression of
you, you should not have a wrong impression of yourself. If you do, at
least it should not be based on lack of the facts.
Yes, if the AG once used the helicopter to propagate its message, it was
because it was in a hurry to catch up with the rest of the world. No
offence meant.
In Part 2, you will read without and commentary, FAO Schwarz's graphic
account of the 1959 elections. They complement the one written above, and
even underline some more what was written above.
Best wishes all
_____________________________________________________________________________
References:
1. "Nigeria: Yesterday, Today, and ?" by James O. Ojiako, Africana
Educational Publishers, Onitsha, Nigeria, 1981
2. "Nigeria: The Tribes, the Nation or the Race - The Politics of
Independence" by F.A.O. Schwarz, Jr, MIT Press, 1965
_______________________________________________________________________________
Dr Manny C Aniebonam
I would hope that with the recent local government election results, your
"Monday Quarter-backing" will turn into Sunday afternoon participation in the game.
Reading your analysis is really interesting. But more critical attention must now
turn to acceptance of the people's voice rather than using history to interprete
the country's current mood. Remember how for years you had risked all to fight for
Nigerian democracy. My friend, democracy is here, and what are you doing now? You
have failed to face the facts that people of different political hues in Nigeria
have a voice in the affairs of the nation. If AD had won 65% of the national votes
instead of their current 7.5% mainly concentrated in the SW region, would you still
hold the opinion that it is "deja vu" again?. And given the fact that the SE/SS
regions were victimized in the northern pogrom of the late sixties , my friend,
whither the alliance???. Fact remains that in the current election, both North and
SE/SS voted for centrist ideas while the West simply went for personalities,
hence the unpopular PDP apologist in the person of O. Obasanjo could not win his
own zone, state and region.
I invite you to be more objective in your next "Musing" (I think
quarter-backing does not fit since you did'nt watch the game), and call it as it
is. PDP is reaping the fruit of its on-the-ground opposition (by G-34) to the
butcher of Kano, and the Nigerian people have rejected personalities and ideas that
tend to divide us rather than unify us, regardless of what region they come from.
Anything less of this notion from you will invite close and unpleasant scutiny from
those who are closer to the sideline than you are.
Ndewo,
Manny aniebonam.
Mobolaji E. Aluko wrote:
> * Action Group .............................72
Omowumi O. Iledare
RESULTS IN NIGERIA. THEY SEEM TO REFLECT THE PRINCIPLED REGIONS AGAINST
UNPRINCIPLED ONES. IF AD CAPTURES WEST, IT SHOWS THE WEST CANNOT BE
BOUGHT BY MONEY OR POWER DIRECTED. I AM SURPRISED THAT NO PARTY WAS A
BLE TO MAKE ANY MEANINGFUL IN ROAD TO THE WEST BUT I WOULD NOT CONSIDER
THA TO BE NEGATIVE. PA AWOLOWO'S INFUENCE MUST STILL BE ALIVE. WHY
WOULD IT NOT BE. I AM MORE PROUD THAN EVER, TO BE AN AWOIST
POLITICALLY.