STAR ARTICLE: Part 1 of Umaru Dikko Pleading His Case Before Truth Commission
Mobolaji E. Aluko
-----------------------
Buhari, Danjuma and I
by
Umaru A. Dikko
TELL, September 13, 1999 (pages 14 - 17)
---------------------------
The Coup
In the early hours of December 31, 1983, an event occurred that was to
affect the lives of millions of NIgerians. The change was for better for
few but for many it was for worse. It also seriously dented the image and
name of our country internationally. In short, it was an event that
changed the course of nation's history again for worse. On that day,
democracy in Nigeria was uprooted; and in its place, a dictatorship of the
military was planted. President Shehu Shagari, who was elected for a
second term of four years and whose mandate was only three months old, was
toppled as the military struck to put an end to his newly formed
administration. In the government that was toppled, I was the federal
minister of transport. I was, therefore, one of those affected. Also as
the director-general og Presidential Campaign Organisation, I was closer
to the president than perhaps most of my colleagues.
The announcement that followed the coup gave ministers three days within
which to travel to their home states and report to the commissioners of
police. In my own case, Iwas not given the three days grace. Instead, a
lorry load of armed soldiers went to my official residence at 16,
Alexander Avenue, Ikoyi, Lagos on day one. Obviously, my entire household
were frightened as the soldiers entered the house looking for me.
Unfortunately for them, I was at Victoria Island. An eye-witness to this
episode, apart from my family, is Colonel (Dr.) Amadu Ali (retd) who
called at the house and was himself rudely asked by the soldiers to tell
them where I might be found.
I was hiding for two days in Lagos; and from the information reaching me,
I was satisfied that my life was in serious danger. I was told in
confidence by my contacts, while in hiding, that I was slated for
elimination. I was advised to leave the country since that was the only
way my safety could be guaranteed. So, on day two of the coup, I escaped
through a bush-path into Benin Republic and from there by a taxi to Lome.
>From there, I left by plane for London, accompanied by Miss Elizabeth
Hayes, then my personal secretary, now one of my wives. We were carrying
nothing, not even a briefcase.
Persecution
Few days later, I had an interview on BBC-TV and it was shown at prime
time. I said the coup that took place in Nigeria would do a lot of harm
to Nigeria. I argued that the coup was wholly uncalled for and
regrettable. We would resolutely work for the restoration of democracy to
our country. The Nigerian government declared me wanted and even though
my broadcast from London went far and wide, the police were looking for me
everywhere in Nigeria. The NSO (now SSS) went to my home town, Zaria, and
took away my father who was then 94 years old. What a merciless and
brutal exercise! He was to be forced to disclose my whereabouts. There
was a near riot in Zaria as the neighbours opposed the embarrassing move.
The emir had to intervene. This was done by the NSO intentionally. They
took him to Kaduna for a day. Thanks to the intervention of late General
Hassan Usman Katsina, who phoned the then head of state, (Major) General
Muhammadu Buhari. The latter claimed that he did not know anything about
the incident. Thus my father, even in his very advanced age, was
harassed, as part of my persecution.
My second wife, whom I left in Lagos, was constantly harassed by soldiers.
Each time, they would come and demand money from her once they discovered
where she was. THey were so rough and once nearly killed her baby-boy
whose head was bashed against the wall. They said they were looking for
me and they had orders to look everywhere, including ceiling. Thanks to
Colonel Sabo Aliyu, now retired, who tried to help by issuing orders that
nobody from the Ikeja cantonment was to go to her asking for anything
anymore.
All my vehicles under her care were removed and taken to the cantonment
for "safe keeping". I never recovered them to this day. They were
distributed or auctioned illegally among high ranking officers. Colonel
John Shagaya (now retired brigadier-general) knows about it all; for he
signed for them. ON my return to Nigeria 12 years later, I asked him.
All he could say was that he would not want to tell me who and who took my
vehicles. I really did wonder what was the reason for his fears! Thus my
second wife in Lagos went through persecution and because of fear and
insecurity she and her mother left through Cotonou and came to me in
London where my mother-in-law subsequently suffered a stroke and died.
Now, my secretary, then Miss Elizabeth Hayes, came with me to London and
true to form, the NSO went to her flat and ransacked it, stole whatever
they could lay their hands on. It did not stop there, they went to arrest
her father, her mother and her junior (younger) brother. They subjected
them to so much harassment and extracted money from them over a long
period of time.
The persecution spread even to my friends. The NSO spared no one known to
have anything to do with me, officially or privately. Some of these
friends are sadly now dead. I shall mention only a few of them: (1) Chief
Obikoya was detained and ruined to his death; (2) Usman Muktari was
detained and ruined; (3) Shehu Sule in Zaria was harassed, likewise the
late Alhaji Abdulkarim Musa, a simple Mallam was detained and ruined. He
developed hypertension and later suffered stroke and died.
I now come to myself - the main target of the Buhari tyranny. I mentioned
earlier in this writing that I was one of the ministers in the Shagari
administration. I was influential, no dobut, but this influence was, to a
large degree, due to my willingness to put just that extra hour to my
work. I used to close from office at 8:30 pm, sometimes 9:30 pm, and on
arrival at my house, I would continue to attend to the waiting public upto
3 a.m.. I want to say also that President Shagari was a humble person. I,
being his campaign-director general, had to step on the toes of his
political rivals and even his enemies who would like to see him destroyed.
Naturally, there was no way those who contested against hm and lost could
like him or me. This applied to his rivals within our own political
party, the NPN, and those from other political parties whom he defeated.
I drew the fire of envy from them constantly. I became a thorn in their
flesh, the man they would love to hate; the stumbling block! Realising
this, I confined my ambition to the job given to me to do in government
and in the party. ALl I wanted was to see President Shagari and his
government succeed. His political presidential contenders, like Chief
Obafemi Awolowo, candidate for UPN; Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, candidate for NPP;
Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim, candidate for GNPP; and last but not least, Alhaji
Aminu Kano, candidate for PRP, were formidable political personalities.
They were skilfull as well as experienced. Dealing with thme and scheming
how to defeat all of them at one and the same election was a task equally
formidable. Stepping on toes, therefore, became inevitable and this made
me look in the eyes of many as ruthless. But clearly it was ruthlessness
that was withing the law, dignity and morality. To the best of my
knowledge, we had never been involved in a plan to assasinate anyone, not
even merely to maim them.
--- to be continued -----
Mobolaji E. Aluko
-----------------------
Buhari, Danjuma and I
by
Umaru A. Dikko
TELL, September 13, 1999 (pages 14 - 17)
---------------------------
Continued from Part 1
Why Buhari Hated Me
The Buhari administration was all out to persecute me at all costs and
from angles. It, however, made its mistake by portraying me to the world
as a corrupt person, a crook who, in government, looted the nation's
treasury. They made this mistake because they did not know me well.
Neither did they know my root or family-tree. If they di, they would have
chosen a different propaganda material to discredti me. My attraction in
life and in government was and is power. I accepted President Shagari's
offer to be a minister because I wanted to exercise power for the benefit
of our country and people. I am sixth on direct line of descent from
Mujaddadi Shehu Usman Dan Fodio, the famous Islamic Reformer and founder
of the Fulani Empire (The Caliphate). The blood that runs in my vein,
therefore, is the blue blood of royalty, Islami education and piety
(genetic science is a fact.) This family has never been in the business
of making or hoarding money. It made its mark in the serious business of
governance, religious reformation and leadership. If General Buhari and
his junta had accused of lover for power, they might have been nearer the
truth. Alas! They missed the mark. They went on and on about an
imaginary looting of Nigeria's treasury; maybe what they would do if they
were in my shoes! They were assisted by a willing press, which attribute
the misfortunes of their fallen heroes to my political maneouvers. So,
strange bedfellows suddenly discovered a common purpose.
I want to devote a paragraph or two to the kind of relationship that
existed between Buhari and myself (me) prior to his becoming the head of
state. It may help to explain more in the interest of greater clarity.
At one stage, General Buhari and myself (I) hailed from the same state -
Kaduna State, comprising Katshina and Zaria provinces. He came from
Daura, which was part of Katsina Province and I from Zaria side. THere
was hostility between the two sides, leading to demand for separation so
that Katsina would go and leave Zaria alone. Katsina, especially Daura,
did not favour the separation through creation of new state. Buhari
disliked this intensely and for that reason disliked me.
The second reason for my falling out with General Buhari was my comment on
his unruly behavior and insurbodination when he led Nigerian troops to
Chad as part of Nigeria's contribution to the UN Peace Keeping Operation.
Buhari became disrespectful to his military superiors and once engaged in
open argument with Professor Ishaya Audu, then Nigeria's foreign minister.
General Buhari, in short, was becoming a politician in uniform. The third
reason had to do with a scandal that involved Alhaji Sani Zangon Daura.
It was a scandal which I only came to know about rather late in the day,
but Zani Zangon Daura, for some reasons, believed that I initiated and
spread it. He believed that even President Shagari came to know about it
through me. This was typical example of "give a dog a bad name in order
to hang it."
The fourth reason for my falling-out with General Buhari had to do with a
coup plot or conspiracy emanating from Third Armoured Division in Jos
under his command. Again, as usual, I was assumed to be th eone who leaked
it to President Shagari. Buhari sought the help of Umaru Shinkafi, the
then head of NSO, to dispel the story and to get the president to
disbelieve it. THere are other incidents which I need not mention here
which put General Buhari and myself (me) on a collision course. So, when
the coup happened and General Buhari became head of state, I became his
number one target. Naturally, he declared me wanted. I was his number
one enemy, a notion later expanded by the sycophants (sic) press to read,
"Nigeria's enemy number one." I was being portrayed to the world as a man
who looted the treasury while in government. This lie did not stick and
could never stick.
As God would have it, the lie has now turned to plague its inventors.
After General Buhari was toppled by the very gang of conspirators that put
him there, he was interviewed in a magazine called TheNEWS (July 5, 1993).
In that interview, he was defending an allegation against him of stealing
N2.8 billion from NNPC foreing accounts when he was federal minister of
petroleum. The allegation was that this sum was secretly transferred. He
was trying to explain the impossibility of transferring such a staggering
amount through any bank secretly. ANd yet when he was head of state, he
and the minister of information said Umaru Dikko took four billion
(dollars, pounds, naira?) secretly. Indeed, in Nigeria, nobody would ever
doubt any allegation. Easier to believe than question. WHat is
interesting for the present panel on human rights abuse is where, in the
same interview General Buhari answered a question relating to Umaru Dikko.
It is on p.24 of TheNEWS (July 5, 1993):
"Q: Why was there a need to abduct Umaru Dikko?
A: We were trying to stop corruption, to investigate people who had
misused Nigerian resources and let them pay this money back because they
were taken illegally. And there are Nigerians who felt concerned; and if
you could recall, unlike the interview granted by Umaru Dikko, nobody
wanted Umaru Dikko dead. We all wanted Umaru Dikko here, we wanted him
alive because he accused that administration of corruption or some of the
officers. Let him come and say it....."
The contradiction is glaring. General Buhari, in power as head of state,
was telling the world that they wanted me because I siphoned Nigeria's
money, I looted the treasury. Years later, when he was wearing different
shoes as an ex-head of state, the same General Buhari (retd) gave the
reason for wanting me "because I accused the government of corruption."
They wanted me in Nigeria to "come and say it." I ask - say it before
whom? Before his kangaroo tribunals of course. So, one would see why the
mature and reliable British justice would never succumb. The law would
never sacrifice me to General Buhari and his junta, not for all the lies
on earth emanating from a dictatorial regime. General Buhari argued that
they did not want me dead. But after rescuing me unconscious from the
crate, doctors in London said I would not have survived the flight to
Nigeria in veiw of the amount of drug(s) injected in me by the mercenary
Israeli doctor who was found with me holding his syringe inside the crate,
ready to give me another dose in case I woke up during the flight. THe
British newspapers were agreed that the military wanted to silence me
because I knew too much about them and their deals. They were suffering
from the fear that I might expose them.
The Buhari administration investigated every inch of every role I played
in government as a minister. The whole aim was to catch me so that the
lies the regime had propagated ahead of facts could be supported. My
ministry was turned upside down with investigation. I am not in
possession of the findings but I challenge anybody to make public that I
was found guilty by any tribunal. Apart from the (Federal) Ministry of
Transport, the only other assignment given to me was the PTF (rice) -
Presidential Task Force. Even this additional assignment was given to me
as the minister of transport and not in my private capacity.
Despite the fact that I was not found guilty of any crime, General
Buhari's government would neither tell the public the truth about me nor
apologise to me. It continued to hound me. THere was, in fact, a time
one federal minister of information, Mr. Emeruah, went to London and told
the press that I siphoned four billion. He forgot to mention the
currency. When a journalist asked him to say in what currency that was,
he simply snapped and said, "You can take it in what currency you wish."
The reporter was from the Times and simply replied that their newspaper of
high reputation established over 200 years would never publish such
rubbish.
The British government was naturally worried about the incessant
allegations against me and asked the Nigerian government to compile and
send all allegations they had against me with evidence so that this could
be presented to the court that would hear my application for asylum. What
was sent consisted mostly of newspaper cuttings, especially from
"Concord", owned by late MKO Abiola. They were considered and thrown out
by the tribunal that sat on my case. Yet in spite of all this (these),
the persecution continued on me unabated by the Nigerian military
government which respected no law except one made by itself.
My Kidnap
>From then on, the General Buhari's government resorted to illegality.
Having realised that law in Britain could not be influence or bent by the
might of the Nigerian military, they embarked on a conspiracy to abduct
and return me to Nigeria. If I should die en route, so be it. This was
the beginning of the chapter of my kidnap. Mr. Horsefall [NOTE: FIRST
CHAIRMAN OF OMPADEC] was then head of security in the Office of the Head
of State and knew the full story about the preliminary preparations. He
is alive and can be contacted to testify. Mr. Bernard Banfa, formerly of
the Nigeria Airways, who was in charge of the Nigeria Airways plane that
went to London via Paris to pick the Israeli mercenaries is alive;
General Hannaniya (retd), then Nigeria's High Commissioner in London, is
alive, was involved and can be called to testify. ALhaji Lawal Rafindadi,
then director-general of NSO [NOTE: NATIONAL SECURITY OFFICE] is alive,
was in the show and can testify. Lieutenant-General T.Y. Danjuma (retd),
now minister of defence, is alive, was involved and can give evidence. He
was a key player. He was said to (have) provide(d) the link with the
Israeli terrorists. The affidavit (sworn to by retired Colonel Mohammed
Sagir), against his nomination [THAT IS, DANJUMA'S] to be a minister is
attached. The present Emir of Gwandu, Alhaji Jakolo, then Major M.H.
Jakolo, knows som uch about the involvement of Lieutenant-General Danjuma
in this international terrorism. His article in the Citizen of years back
is attached herewith. It is further evidence of his involvement in the
crime. He is alive, was in the show and can be invited to testify.
Major Muhammed Yusuf (retd) of DMI is alive and in Nigeria. He was a
physical participant in the kidnap and was jailed for twelve years for his
part in the crime. He could shed a lot of light if summoned to testify.
The foreign mercenaries themselves are in Tel-Aviv and they are in a
position to give evidence as to their employers in the crime. Finally,
the retired (Major-) GEneral Muhammadu Buhari himself is alive and around,
was fully in the show and can be called upon to testify, the principle of
equality before the law should be respected in this land of ours.
As to the story of the kidnap itself, I send as annex an article so well
written by Mr. Peter Enahoro in a magazine called Africa Now. It gives
what I consider an in-depth expose of what happened. THe panel may wish
to go through it, to save me having to repeat it. It is accurate and Mr.
Peter Enahoro is in Nigeria and may be asked to testify. It will be seen
that I tried to give as much of the background to my persecution as I
could recollect from memory.
The kidnap had come and gone. It had many consequences on the
relationship between Britain and Nigeria, politically and diplomatically.
It took a long time before tempers cooled and diplomacy was restored. The
kidnappers confessed, in court, to their crime and full-scale trial and
exposure was therefore avoided. They were jailed for terms ranging from
10 to 14 years. THey were also deported after serving their sentences.
What is most interesting is that up to this day, the Nigerian government
of that time or of any other time never admitted involvement in this
international crime, despite the fact that evidence of involvement was
overwhelming. Up to this day, nobody has bothered to say "Sorry" let
alone to clear my name of all those lies heped upon me, not to talk of
material compensation. My political career has been ruined and yet no
guilt of any crime has been proved. My family's name is soiled and
anywhere I go people seem to still think they are looking at Umaru Dikko,
the man who took billions from Nigeria. When I made an effort to form a
political party on my return and people rushed in, thinking that there was
money to be made from the highly publicised multibillionaire. When
reality dawned on them that I had no money, they simply vanished.
--- to be concluded in Part 3 ----
Mobolaji E. Aluko
-----------------------
Buhari, Danjuma and I
by
Umaru A. Dikko
TELL, September 13, 1999 (pages 14 - 17)
---------------------------
Part 3 (Conclusion)
For over 12 years I was in London in exile. I was for a whole year
confined to my house under police protection until the trial of the
kidnappers was over. All my plans were ruined and I had to start all over
again. No amount of money can adequately redress my suffering and
correct my image. And yet, in spite of this and because I love my country
when I was approached to come and serve in the 1995 Constitutional
Conference I accepted to come.
I have decided to write to this panel in the hope that records can be put
straight. Let my country men and women know that what has been said over
and over again about me are lies. I served my country with decency and
honesty. If there is any individual today who knows that I stole any
money from the government that I served, let that person say it aloud and
be ready to prove same beyond reasonable doubt in a court of law.
Otherwise let the forever keep his peace.
What I have narrated is a brief summary intended to enable the Human
Rights Violations Investigation Panel see and appreciate my plight and
treatment by the military administration of (Major-) General Buhari
(retd.) The root of my quarrel with the coup star generals was deep.
Right from day one when President Shehu Shagari was sworn in as president
the military had their coup plan in place to topple him. I was told of
this. The only thing they did not settle on was when. I told President
Shagari this and made a number of suggestions to him. I said any military
officer who had held any non-military post or assignment shold be retired.
I was particular about those of them who held political positions, such as
federal commissioners, state governors, chairmen of boards of parastatals,
etc. They must all be retired.
I insisted that unless this was done, the life of our democracy in Nigeria
would be short-lived. I also suggested that any military officer who had
anything to do with a coup d'eta must be retired or in fact dismissed.
This should be regardless of whether the coup in which he participated
succeeded or failed. I also suggested that we should have a thorough
exercise to re-organize the civil service and other public sectors so that
we could identify those that would be truly loyal and who would wish us to
succeed in implementing our programme. (sic)
We could then be free to face our political foes without fear of being
stabbed in the back by hidden enemies posing as friends. I was also of
the view that we should strengthen the police and improve their salaries
and conditions of service and we should rely on them more than soldiers,
we could never trust soldiers wholly because they proved unreliable before
in their support of democracy, not once, not twice but many times. In
fact, the military should be viewed, in my own opinion, as our most
serious and dangerous contenders. Other political parties, though our
rivals, would wait for another election. THey would criticise, they would
talkd and we also could and would talk. THese others, the military, had
guns and bullets and also had hidden ambition for political power. They
would go via short cuts.
THE MILITARY DYNASTY
I sympathised with President Shagari, who found himself in difficulty. He
could not accept my ideas along those lines. In his view, this would
trigger off endless trouble. The military would in fact come back. We
must tread with care. These ideas were regarded as hawkish, not by the
president alone but by most of my colleagues. Unfortunately for me, my
ideas leaked to the soldiers. So, I was looked at generally by them as
unfriendly. Here was someobody close to the president but dangerous to
their plan of return to power. Thus, throughout my stay in government, I
was targeted and they were on (a) constant look (out) for the slightest
opportunity to get rid of me. Towards this end they used their friendship
with the NSO director ALhaji Umaru Shinkafi, who consistently took report
of allegations and short-comings of ministers to the president. The
president was constantly pressured to hold the portfolio of defence
himself. WHen they finally struck, they were jittery when they learnt of
my escape. It was like a battle that was only partially won. Unless they
could get me, they could not be secure. They were all a party to the
military dynasty theory and they saw me as a stumbling block. This
explains why when Buhari was toppled and General Babangida came in as
president, he still asked Britain for my extradition. Britain refused,
arguing that the law could be used to help them achieve what they had
earlier tried to achieve through illegality, namely the kidnap. Thus
after being cleared by the tribunal in UK, I was given a permanent stay.
It was more than a decade of uncertainty, of persecution and insecurity, I
had to look over my shoulders as I walked the streets of London and those
who recognised me would jump and point at me. At times, I feared to
mention my name in a gathering.
How, I ask, can I be compensated? I was approached by many friends, some
advised me to submit my case to the Human Rights Violations Investigation
Panel, saying I might be financially well-compensated, some were
speculating that it could reach $5 million equivalent. Other friends
advised that only God could really compensate me fully and I should
therefore leave it to Him.
Whichever way I look at it, I am inclined to send my case because I must
clear my name. Silence under certain circumstances can in law mean
consent. I had been persecuted, I was denied many of my fundamental human
rights, my life had been ruined in so many ways. I need to be compensated
in many ways, not just in terms of money. I lost everything in life
except life itself.
In conclusion, I state, without any fear of contradiction, that while my
name has been tarnished, the names of those who looted the treasury, not
once, not twice but many times are being written in gold in and by
Nigeria. Such individuals are being worshipped because they have money.
THey control power using money and they monopolise the means of getting
power using money. This cannot be just! It is not fair and cannot be
fair! I have only my name and it is the only one I have and intend to
keep it and be known and called by it. I am appealing to the panel to see
that justice is not only done but seen to have been done. At the end of
it all, I firmly believe that God remains the final judge for all our
actions here on earth.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Olubunmi Matory
Thank you for posting this. This makes very interesting reading. Really,
really interesting. What to make of it? Anyone?
Bunmi