"IJAW IGBO RELATIONS"
Thomas A.Nwodoh
Kavin's recent post on the perenial Eastern minorities complaints about
past "Igbo domination" realy captures the "intriguing questions" I also
have about the issue. I think the reason for all the complaints is that
these "minorities" have the luxury of being able to find whom
to scape goat. I ask the peddlers of these "Igbo domination" theories to
answer these questions:
1). I have heard that Biafran solders "maliciously" blew up some bridges
in Rivers State and other places during the war. They also blew up the
bridge in my town during the very first month of the war to slow the
vandalizing Nigerian troops. The bridges on the road now (a federal
trunck A road) was the one built by the Nigeria Army so that they could
move their equipment during the war after Biafran Soldiers were routed
from my town. Right now, who do we blame for blowing up the bridge? Blame
ourselves? Where is the "malice" in Biafran soldiers taking a purely
military decision to blow up bridges so as to slow advancing vandalizing
enemies?
2). They talk about real and imagined saboteaurs being killed by Biafran
solders. Guess what, saboteaurs were also killed in my town! They were
killed by Biafran deserters who unleashed a reign of terror on civilians
in my area. And, the deserters that did those saboteur killings in my
town are from my town - some of these killers were later dealt with
by their victim's families at the end of the war. Who do we blame for the
"sabotear" killings? Blame the Nnewi man because their man was at the
head? You see, the families that lost their folks due to the killings do
not have the luxury of knowing whom to blame except the real perpetrators
if they are known.
3). They say the minorities were not properly consulted before co-opting
them into Biafra. Was my area (which likely has more population than most
of the Eastern minorities) consulted any more than the Eastern minorities
were consulted? Was there any referandum before we were "forced" into
Biafra? Did my area not probably have the same representation as the
minority areas in the "council of chiefs" that backed the war? What
other consultation did the minorities want?
4). They talk about scholarship and other things, haven't they heard about
old Imo vs. old Anambra complaints, new Anambra vs Enugu complaints, and
so on. Did the rest of us in East Central State have to permanently hate
Ukpabi Asika's people because they were eating the "well cooked ube" all
by themselves in the seventies?
You see, we get these complaints about past Igbo misdeeds because the
minorities have the advantage of knowing whom to falsely blame. Most of
these blames are totally unfair to Ndigbo. In any case, they are all part
of the "agonies of defeat" in a war. ---Tom.
On Wed, 20 Sep 2000, Kevin wrote:
>
> Politically, self-rule in the eastern region lasted for
> approximately six years between independence and military take-
> over (1960-66). During this period charges of Igbo domination were
> made mainly in relation to scholarship awards, commonwealth
> technical assistance etc. from which the minorities were allegedly
> excluded. I do not know how many scholarships were awarded at that
> time and who were the beneficiaries, but the matter is far more
> complex than we are led to believe. For example, if the Ijaw were
> excluded, how many Igbo from present day Ebonyi and Enugu States
> benefited from those awards? These issues merit in-depth studies by
> the numerous universities in the region today.
>
IG...@aol.com
Thank you for your thorough analysis. There is nothing more to say about
these things.
Chuk
In a message dated 9/20/00 6:07:01 AM US Eastern Standard Time,
clr...@catholic.org writes:
<< Chief Sokaria,
Thank you for your contribution to this discussion. Your assertion
about ignorance and bliss is true by definition. However, its
directionless makes it impossible to understand in the context of
this discussion. With that caveat in mind, I wish to comment as
follows:
1. I agree that Dr Sam Ebiye's assertion regarding the
common origin of Igbo and Ijaw is controversial. However, the
statement should not be taken literally. I know Dr Ebiye rather
well and he is no fool. I believe it is a commendable bridge-
building exercise by one of our respected elders which should be
viewed seriously by those seeking improvement in inter-group
relations in the region. Such a myth can be a unifying ideology
much as Islam unifies the Hausa and their Fulani allies for their
collective good in Nigeria.
2. You suggested a greater examination of Igbo-Ijaw relations
before the war. My own observation is that the relationship was
rather cordial at least at the sociallevel. Many elders who
witnessed this relaxed pre-war social atmosphere e.g. Concord
columnist Prof. Tam David-West are completely surprised and
disappointed by the hate-filled society of today. They are very
nostalgic of the pre-war eastern region. It was during that period
that Ijaw, Efik, Igbo and other eastern artists such as Rex Jim
Lawson, Inyang Yenshaw, Celestine Ukwu etc produced songs in Igbo,
Ijaw, Efik and vice versa and these songs became instant hits
across ethnic boundaries. Many Igbo in the remote areas who never
travelled anywhere spoke Ijaw, Efik and other eastern languages as
a result of these multi-cultural interactions. This type of
social harmony ultimately led to the election of Isaac Boro
as the president of the Students Union of UNN which was the
most articulate section of the eastern society at the time.
At the economic level, it depends on how far one wants to go.
During the period of the slave trade and trade in palm oil, the
Igbo were rather at the receiving end of economic exploitation by
minority coastal groupings including the Ijaw. These coastal groups
also later dominated the lower echelon of the colonial regime as
teachers, clerks, interpreters etc. throughout Igboland until the
mid 1940s when educated Igbo started to compete with them. It was
then that fears of Igbo domination appeared which still haunts Igbo-
minority relations today. Prior to the 1940s, the Igbo were
completely eclipsed economically by the Ijaw and other minorities
within Igboland itself. The only charge of Igbo economic
exploitation I have heard of was made by Isaac Boro himself in
relation to unequal terms of trade between Igbo and Ijaw Ogogoro
traders. According to him the Igbo made huge profits at the expense
of their Ijaw trading partners. That feeling of exploitation
ultimately led Boro and his followers to resort to banditry in
which Igbo traders were ambushed, dispossessed and killed (see
Twelve Days Revolution).
Politically, self-rule in the eastern region lasted for
approximately six years between independence and military take-
over (1960-66). During this period charges of Igbo domination were
made mainly in relation to scholarship awards, commonwealth
technical assistance etc. from which the minorities were allegedly
excluded. I do not know how many scholarships were awarded at that
time and who were the beneficiaries, but the matter is far more
complex than we are led to believe. For example, if the Ijaw were
excluded, how many Igbo from present day Ebonyi and Enugu States
benefited from those awards? These issues merit in-depth studies by
the numerous universities in the region today.
Commonwealth scholarships and technical assistance are still given
today but how many Nigerians benefit from them? Indeed no one seems
to pay attention any more to such an issue that generated so much
bitterness in the past. I have argued elsewhere and I repeat that
argument here: mistakes may have been made in inter-ethnic
relations in eastern Nigeria during the six years of self-rule.
However, those errors do not in my view justify the subsequent
malicious alliance entered into by the Ijaw with Hausa/Yoruba
predators. That alliance ultimately led to the siphoning away
of billions of petro-dollars from the eastern region and the
destruction of the Niger-delta by these groups with very distant
attachment and interest to the area.
3. On abandoned property. Please note that the chief architect of
the policy was no other than Alfred Diette-Spiff, now king of the
Ijaw. David Mark came into the picture much later to wrap up what
was already a policy of the Ijaw-dominated Rivers State government
supported by their Hausa/Yoruba allies in the federal government.
Even then, the purely auctioneer role of Mr Mark in the abandoned
property saga is nothing compared to the theory-driven acts of
deliberate, official wickedness pepetratred on Igbo property owners
by for example Dr Kimse A B Okoko in his capacity as Rivers State
Commissioner for Land and Housing. These issues are well documented
for posterity.
4. Your assertion concerning Ijaw ownership of Port Harcourt is
inaccurate, distortionary and even provocative. Port Harcourt is
not an Ijaw city, never was and never will be. Please note that
Port Harcourt is a cosmopolitan city which origin can be traced to
Udi coalfields. It belongs entirely to to Ikwerre people people who
maintain that the Ijaw do not own even a square inch of it. Whether
you believe the Ikwerre to be one of your Niger-delta minorities is
a separate issue. In any case, if Port Harcourt were the only Ijaw
city as you proclaimed, what then do you call Warri and Yanogua, or
does Warri no longer belong to the Ijaw? Note also that mere
confiscation of Igbo assets does not of itself make Port Harcourt
an Ijaw city, hence your assertion amounts to a reversion to the
worst type of intellectual distortion and barbarism.
5. Intriguing Questions.
The following are some intriguing questions in Igbo-Ijaw relations:
(a) The eastern Nigeria government which lasted for 6 years
(1960-66) is criticised for its failure to develop Ijaw areas.
Can anyone explain how subsequent governments since 1967 resolved
the problem of development? Specifically, can anyone point to
anything of value that was created in the Ijaw capital of Yanogua
or anywhere in Ijawland between 1967-2000?
(b) Gen. Abacha, and co. have stolen petro-billions, all stashed
away in coded Swiss accounts. More billions have been pumped into
Lagos where OPC militants routinely attack and destroy Ijaw
communities. Elsewhere in Northern Nigeria, a brand new city of
Abuja has been built out of nothing with oil money. And yet
someone in the 21st century keeps squawking about the shabby
ogogoro trade and meagre scholarship awards of the 1960s. Pray,
how many billions were these awards worth?
(c) The Igbo were criticised for not distributing scholarship
awards to the Ijaw. How many Igbo, for example, in present day
Ebonyi and Enugu states knew of and benefited from those awards?
Assuming this charge was true, how much money was involved and was
that sufficient to cause the Ijaw to align themselves with Hausa
and Yoruba against the Igbo thereby facilitating the raping
and destruction of the Niger delta region?
(d) Isaac Boro declared secession in Nigeria, was captured,
convicted and condemned to death. However, Gen. Ironsi treated him
with kid gloves and refused to eliminate him even though it would
have been legal to do so. Before our very eyes in 1999, Obasanjo
(GTH, OND)a, Yoruba ordered the complete destruction of a key Ijaw
town of Odi. Why are those Hausa and their Yoruba allies who
destroyed Odi never accused of domination in the same way as the
Igbo were? How many Ijaw towns had the Igbo destroyed between 1960-
66? What would have been the hue and cry if an Igbo had ordered the
destruction of Odi?
(e) Benjamin Adekunle a Yoruba was reported to have killed Isaac
Boro during the war. But no Ijaw is crowing about that. In 1999,
OPC, a Yoruba group completely destroyed the entire Ijaw community
in Ajegunle, Lagos and no enduring clamour about domination is
being heard. What would have happened if the Igbo committed these
acts? Perpetual enmity perhaps?
6. Conclusion
It seems quite clear that the Ijaw have some skewed criteria for
Ndiigbo when it comes to ascribing ethnic domination in Nigeria.
Igbo-Ijaw rapprochement is a good thing but I do not subscribe to
the idea of Ndiigbo pursuing it by all means. Both parties must
see the value of it and strive to achieve it jointly if at all.
Ndiigbo have nothing to lose by retaining the status quo. In fact,
the past few decades have demonstrated what is achievable in
inter-ethnic relations in the former eastern region. The Igbo have
demonstrated quite robustly, a capacity to go it alone, survive and
prosper with or without any of the groups in the region. They can
and will continue to survive, rapprochement or no rapprochement,
petroleum or no petroleum.
The Ijaw have equally demonstrated their capacity to undermine
their own interests via spiteful alliances. Since the Ijaw do not
trust Ndiigbo, I suggest they go back to Kaura Namoda and sign
a new pacts with the next generation of Hausa people to protect
themselves from Igbo domination. What is certain is that the
Nigerian state will come and go but Igboland and Ijawland will
remain where they are forever. If the Ijawman wants co-operation,
well and good, if not him go and it is: to your tents oh! Israel.
Lets see who blinks first.
Mz Ani
*Obasanjo(GTH) = Go to hell
>>
Reginald Iyizoba
You have once again, eloquently summed up our(Ndiigbo) basic tenet regarding the Igbo-Ijaw internecine squabbles.
Thanks,
Reggie.
otasco otanda
I concur. I have been tracking Mazi Ani's write-ups
for several months. His write-ups have all been very
consistent and well researched. I think they deserve
to be published in book form; also the prophetic ones,
in conjunction with those from uncle Emeka Onumonu,
should be catalogued and cannonized into a kind of
"pseudo-bible" for Ndiigbo.
Having said that, I think I should ask one thing about
igbo-ijaw relationship. Could any of you
"statisticulate" on the affairs of things about 2,000
years ago in eastern Nigeria? I have this impression
that because there were "thick jungles and small
tracks and creeks" thousands of years ago, little baby
kids (3-10) may have strayed away from mainland igbo
to give rise to what we know as the minorities today.
The sheer number of languages in SS and their
similarity to igbo, and the fact that no new language
has risen in SS when the jungles/creeks were reduced
or made more accessible, hardly deny this observation;
the older the kids were when they strayed, the more
likely they are to retain much of igbo language, eg.,
the ikwerre people who retained almost all of igbo
language may be generations of 8-9 year old kids that
strayed from igbo. The younger they are, the more
likely they forgot all but "mama and papa" that they
knew well to say before straying away. What do you
think?
Rgds,
-K.O.
--- IG...@aol.com wrote:
> Mazi:
> Thank you for your thorough analysis. There is
> nothing more to say about
> these things.
>
> Chuk
> In a message dated 9/20/00 6:07:01 AM US Eastern
> Standard Time,
> clr...@catholic.org writes:
>
=== message truncated ===
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CIVIL RIGHTS LEAGUE- NG
+ +
Make you no mind these people. By the time they wake up from their deep slumbber, the oil party will be over. Time is running out on oil.
The stone age did not end because there was a shortage of stones. No. Rather man discovered new technologies and moved on. Oil which is
the basis of Ijaw shakara is doomed and will soon be scrapped. Key western economies have
in the past few weeks been disrupted by oil shortages and protests. Environmental concerns are rising about global warming etc. These people are not stupid, they will replace oil SOON.
Indeed the race is already on for the development of substitutes for oil. Shell
has invested billions and soon hydrogen cars will appear and hydrogen stations will replace gasoline stations across the world. Prototype cars are already been tested. Then the demand for oil will collapse like coal before it. Nobody wants coal today, tomorrow nobody will want oil. No condition is permanent!
At least Udi coal led to the emergence of two modern cities- Enugu and Port Harcourt. In the case of the Ijaw, instead of forming strategic alliances to grab some oil money NOW to develop their towns, Yanogua at least, they keep beating about the bush. Today they claim ownership of Warri, tomorrow Port Harcourt, next Owerri. Meanwhile, time is running out on hydrocarbon fuel. Tufia!
Mz Ani
>> Politically, self-rule in the eastern region lasted for
>> approximately six years between independence and military take-
>> over (1960-66). During this period charges of Igbo domination were
>> made mainly in relation to scholarship awards, commonwealth
>> technical assistance etc. from which the minorities were allegedly
>> excluded. I do not know how many scholarships were awarded at that
>> time and who were the beneficiaries, but the matter is far more
>> complex than we are led to believe. For example, if the Ijaw were
>> excluded, how many Igbo from present day Ebonyi and Enugu States
>> benefited from those awards? These issues merit in-depth studies by
>> the numerous universities in the region today.
>>
>
>
>
>
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