Teutonic Peoples

[Alistair Sim_ Master Mason]

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http://29.1911encyclopedia.org/T/TE/...IC_PEOPLES.htm

TEUTONIC PEOPLES, a comprehensive term for those populations of Europe
which speak one or other of ,the various Teutonic languages, viz., the
English-speaking inhabitants of the British Isles, the German-speaking
inhabitants of Germany, Austria-Hungary and Switzerland, the
Flemish-speaking inhabitants of Belgium, the Scandinavian-speaking
inhabitants of Sweden and Norway and practically all the inhabitants
of Holland and Denmark. To these we have t~ add small German and
Flemish-speaking communities in Italy and France and somewhat larger
German and Swedish populations in Russia. Outside Europe we have to
include also the very numerous populations in America, Africa,
Australasia, &c., which have emigrated from the same countries. The
statement that the Teutonic peoples are those which speak Teutonic
languages requires a certain amount of qualification on one side. In
the British Isles, especially Ireland, there is (in addition to the
Celtic-speaking elements) a considerable population which claims
Celtic nationality though it uses nolanguage but English; and further
all Teutonic communities contain to a greater or less degree certain
immigrant (especially, Semitic) elements which have adopted the
languages of their neighbors. On the other hand there does not appear
to be any considerable population anywhere which claims Teutonic
nationality without using a Teutonic language. We know indeed that
France, Spain, Italy, &c., contained within historical times large
populations which were Teutonic both by origin and by language, but
these have now beer-i completely absorbed. Similarly, there is no
doubt that the inhabitants of England and of the German-speaking
regions of the Continent are descended very largely from peoples which
two thousand years ago spoke, nonTeutonic languages. Yet on the whole
the definition given above may be accepted as generally true for the
present time.
It is to be observed that the term Teutonic is of scholastic and not
of popular origin, and this is true also of the other terms (
Germanic, Gothic, &c.) which are or have been used in the same sense.
There is no generic term now in popular use either for the languages
or for the peoples, for the reason that their common origin has been
forgotten. In Tacituss time, however, when the area occupied by the
Teutonic peoples was, of course, considerably less than now, a
consciousness of their relationship to one another was fully retained.
He cites native poems which declared that the Inguaeones, Hermiones
and Istaeuonesthe three main branches of the Germani (see below)were
sprung from three sons of a certain Mannus (perhaps Man ), who was
himself the son of the god Tuisto the son of Earth; and III a Frankish
document at least four centuries later we hear again of three brothers
named Er-minus, Inguo and Istio, from whom many nations were
descended. In English documents also we find eponymous national
ancestors grouped tcgether in genealogical trees, and there is reason
to believe that the common origin of the various Teutonic peoples was
remembered to a certain extent until comparatively late in the middle
ages.

The linguistic characteristics of the various Teutonic peoples have
been dealt with under TEUTONIC LANGUAGES. In regard to physical
features they present at the present time very many varieties both of
stature and of pigmentation, though on th whole they are probably the
tallest and fairest of European peoples. These characteristics are
noted by a number of ancient writers in language which seems to show
that they nusl~ at that time have been at least as pronounced as among
any of the present Teutonic peoples. Moreover, the tallness and
dolichocephaly which now specially mark the more northern peoples of
the group appear very prominently in cemeteries of fife migration
period in Switzerland and other neighboring countries. On the whole,
however, the skeletons found in German and Scandinavian tombs dating
even from the earliest period do not show any very remarkable
differences from those of the present day. But whether we are
justified in speaking of a Teutonic race in the anthropological sense
is at least doubtful, for the most striking characteristics of these
peoples occur also to a considerable extent among their eastern and
western neighbors, where they can hardly be ascribed altogether to
Teutonic admixture. The only result of anthropological investigation
which so far can be regarded as definitely established is that the old
Teutonic lands in northern Germany, Denmark and southern Sweden have
been inhabited by people of the same type since the neolithic age, if
not earlier.

The results of investigations in prehistoric archaeology are treated
in the articles GERMANY arid SCANDINAVIAN IvILIZATION. As no Teutonic
inscriptions are extant from before the 3rd or 4th centuries, it
cannot be stated with absolute certainty what types of objects are
characteristic of Teutonic civilization in the bronze and earliest
iron ages. Yet throughout the bronze age it is possible to trace a
fairly well-defined group of antiquities covering the basin of the
Elbe, Mecklenburg, Holstein, Jutland, southern Sweden and the islands
of the Belt, and archaeologists have conjectured with much probability
that these antiquities represent the early civilization of the
Teutonic peoples. The civilization was, of course, not wholly of
native growth. Strong foreign influence, first Aegean and later
Etruscan, can be distinguished; but the types introduced from the
south have generally undergone considerable modification and
expansion. The somewhat surprising degree of wealth and artistic skill
of which many of even the earliest antiquities give evidence is
probably to be explained by the importance of the amber trade. Both in
eastern and in western Germany the objects found are of somewhat
different types and seem to point to a lower standard, of
civilization. What peoples inhabited these regions can only be
conjectured, but there is a certain amount of evidence from
place-names-not altogether satisfactorythat the Celtic peoples at one
time extended eastwards throughout the basin of the Weser. With the
beginning of the iron age (perhaps c. 500400 B.C.) Celtic influence
becomes apparent everywhere. By this time, however, the great Celtic
movement towards the south-east had probably begun, so that the
Teutonic peoples were now cut off froIXl direct communication with the
centres of southern civilization.

I. History.The first recognition that the inhabitants of Germany,
Holland, &c., were a people distinct from their Celtic neighbors dates
from about the middle of the Ist century B.c., when Caesars conquest
of Gaul rendered a knowledge of northern Europe more generally
accessible to ,the Romans. Certain notices relating to individual
Teutonic tribes come down from still earlier times. Thus there can be
little doubt that the Cimbri (q.v.) and their allies, who invaded
Illyricum, Gaul and Italy in the last years of the preceding century,
were for the most part of Teutonic nationality. The Bastarnae also,
who in the 3rd century B.C. invaded and settled in the regions between
the Carpathians and the Black Sea, are said by several ancient writers
to have been Teutonic, by origin, though they had largely intermarried
with the native inhabitants. Again, individual travellers from the
time of Pytheas onwards had visited Teutonic countries in the north.
In none ,of the early records, however, do. we get any clear
indication that the Teutonic peoples were distinguished from the
Celts. From the time of Caesar onwards the former were known to the
Romans as Germani, a name of uncertain but probably Gaulish origin. It
is said to have been first applied to certain. Belgic tribes in the
basin of the Meuse, who may formerly have come from beyond the Rhine.

At the beginning of our era the Teutonic peoples stretched from the
Rhine to the Vistula. Before Caesars arrival in Gaul they had advanced
beyond the former river, but their further progress in this direction
was checked by his campaigns, and, though both banks of the river were
occupied by Teutonic tribes throughout the greater part of its course,
most of these femained in definite subjection to the Romans. The
easternmost Teutonic tribe was probably that of the Goths, in the
basin. of Lhe Vistula, while the farthest to the south were the
Marcomanni and Quadi, in Bohemia and Moravia. These latter districts,
however, had been conquered from the Boii, a Ce]tic people, shortly
before the beginning of our era. Towards both the south and west the
Teutonic peoples seem tO have been. pressing the Celts for some
considerable time, since we are told that the Helvetii had formerly
extended as far as the Main, while another important Celtic tribe, the
Volcae Tectosages, had occupied a still more remote position, which it
is impossible now to identify. How far the Teutonic peoples extended
norL~wards at this time cannot be determined with certainty, but it is
clear that they occupied at least a censiderable part of the
Scandinavian peninsula.

It has already been mentioned that the Teutonic peoples of this period
seem to have been fully conscious of their common origin. What exactly
the grouping into Inguaeones, Hermiones and Istaeuones was based upon
can only be conjectured, though probably its origin is to be sought
rather in religion than in political union. The name of the Hermiones,
who are defined as central or interior peoples, is probably connected
with that of the Irminsul, the sacred pillar of the Old Saxons. The
Inguaeones again are defined as being -~next to the ocean ; but the
name can be traced only in Denmark and Sweden, where we find the
eponymous hero Ing and the god Yngvi (Frey) respectively. It is likely
that the name really belonged only to the peoples of the southern
Baltic. Very probably there were many tribes which did not regard
themselves as belonging to any of these groups. Tacitus himself
records a variant form of the genealogy (see above), according to
which Mannus had a larger number of sons, who were regarded as the
ancestors of the Suebi, Vandilii, Marsi and others (see STJEBI,
VAIcnAIs). In two at least of these cases we hear of sanctuaries which
were resorted to by a number of tribes. It is not to be doubted that
such religious confederations were favorable to the existence of
political unions. Generally speaking, however, each tribe formed a
political unit in itself, and the combinations brought together from
time to time in the hands of powerful kings were liable to fall to
pieces after the first disaster.

For a few years at the beginning of the Christian era the part of
Germany which lies west of the Elbe was under Roman government; but
after the defeat of Varus (AD. 9) the Rhine and the Danube formed in
general the frontiers of the empire. Roman influence, however, made
itself felt both by way of trade and especially by the employment of
German soldiers in the auxiliary forces. In the age of national
migrations-from the 4th to the 6th centurythe territories of the
Teutonic peoples were vastly extended, partly by conquest and partly
by arrangement with the Romans. These movements began in the east,
where we find the Goths ravaging Dacia, Moesia and the coast
regions-as early as the 3rd century. In the following century the
Vandals settled in Pannonia (western Hungary), while the Goths
occupied Dacia, which had now been given up by the Romans, and
subsequently took possession also of large territories to the south of
the lower Danube.

The 5th century was the time of the gleatest national movements. In
4069 the Vandals and other tribes invaded Gaul from the east and
subsequently took possession of Spain and north-western Africa.
Immediately afterwards the Visigoths invaded Italy and captured Rome;
then turncng westwards they occupied southern Gaul and Spain. The
southern Suebic peoples, the Alamanni and Bavarians, extended their
frontiers as far as the Alps probably about the same time. Not much
later a considerable portion of northern Gaul fell into the hands of
the Franks, and before the middle of the century the eastern part was
occupied by the Burgundians. Several of these movements were due,
without doubt, to pressure from the Huns, an eastern people who had
conquered many Teutonic tribes and established the centre of their
power in Hungary. Their empire, however, speedily broke up after the
death of their king Attila In. 453. The chief events of the latter
part of the century were the conquest of the eastern part of Britain
by the Angli, the invasion of Italy by the Ostrogoths and the complete
subiugation of northern Gaul by the Franks. By this timc, with the
exception of Brittany and the southern part of the Balkan peninsula,
practically the whole of southern and western Europe was under
Teutonic government.

it is customary to attribute this great expansion partly to the
increasing weakness of the Romans and partly to pressure of population
in Germany. Both explanations may contain a certain amount of truth;
but there is no doubt that the military strength of the Teutonic
nations was far more formidable now than it had been in the time of
the early empire. Not only is it clear, both from literary and
archaeological evidence, that they were better armed (see below), but
also their power was much more concentrated. Thus~ during the 1st
century we hear of about a dozen different tribes in and around the
lower part of the basin of the Rhine. In later times, with one or two
possible exceptions, these were all included under the general term
Franci, and by the end of the 5th century all had become subject to
one king. Similar processes can be traced elsewhere, e.g. among the
Alamanni and in the northern kingdoms. Their effect, of course, must
have been to provide the kings with greater wealth and with larger
permanent bodies of armed men. The motive force towards extension of
territories was supplied by military ambition; especially we have to
take account of the growth of a warlike spirit in the North, which was
constantly driving young warriors to seek their fortunes in the
service of continental princes. Where the movement was really of a
migratory character it may generally be ascribed to external pressure,
in particular from the Huns and the Avars.

The first half of the 6th century saw the subjugation of the
Burgundian and Visigothic portions of Gaul by the Franks and the
recovery of Africa by the-Romans. This latter event was soon followed
by the overthrow of the Ostrogothic kingdom; but not many years later
Italy was again invaded by the Langobardi (Lombards), the last of the
great Teutonic migrations. By this time the extension of Teutonic
dominion towards the south and west had brought about its natural
sequel in the occupation of the old Teutonic lands in eastern Germany,
including even the basin of the Elbe, by Slavonic peoples. Before the
end of the century Bohemia also and Lower Austria, together with the
whole of the basins of the Drave and the Save, had become Slavonic
countries.

The story of the succeeding centuries may briefly be described as in
general a process of return to the ethnographical conditions which
prevailed before the migration period. The Franks and the Langobardi
remained in Gaul and Italy, but they gradually became denationalized
and absorbed in the native populations, while in Spain Teutonic
nationality came to an end with the overthrow of the Visigothic
kingdom by the Moors, if not before. Yet throughout the west and
south-west the Teutonic frontier remained from fifty to two hundred
miles in advance of its position in Roman times. In south-eastern
Europe also the Teuioiiic elements were swallowed up by the native and
Slavonic populations, though a small remnant lingered in the Crimea
until probably the 17th century. On the other band the political
consolidation of the various continental Teutonic peoples (apart from
the Dan.es) in the 8th century led to the gradual recovery of eastern
Germany together with Lower Austria and the greater part of Styria and
Carinthia, though Bohemia, Moravia and the basins of the Vistula and
the Warthe I have always remained mainly Slavonic. In the British
Isles the Teutonic element, in spite of temporary checks, eventually
became dominant everywhere. Lastly, from the very beginning of the 9th
century bodies of Scandinavian warriors began to found kingdoms and
principalities in all parts of Europe. The settlers, hov-~xTer, were
not sufficiently numerous to preserve their nationality, and in almost
all cases they were soon absorbed by the populations (Teutonic,
Celtic, Latin or Slavonic) which they had conquered. Their settlements
in Greenland and Canada likewise came to an end, btit Iceland, which
was formerly uninhabited, remained a Scandinavian colony. The
permanent expansion of the Teutonic peoples outside Europe did not
begin till the 16th century.

2. Form of GovernmentFrom the evidence at our disposal it is difficult
to determine how far the Teutonic peoples were under kingly government
in early times. Tacitus speaks of tribes which had kings and tribes
which had not, the latter Ki hi apparently being under a number of
principes. On ngs P~ nearer examination, however, it appears that
kingship was intermittent in some tribes, while in others, which had
no kings, we find mention of royal families. All such cases were
perhaps peculiar to the western peoples; in the east, north and centre
we have no evidence for kingless government. Further, while Tacitus
represents the power of Teutonic kings in general, with reference no
doubt primarily to the western tribes, as being of the slightest, he
states that among the Goths, an eastern people, they had somewhat more
authority, while for the Swedes he gives a picture of absolutism. It
is quite in harmony with these statements that many Northern and
probably all the ;~nglo-Saxon kingly families traced their origin to
the gods. The Swedes, indeed, and some of the eastern peoples seem to
have regarded their kings themselves as at least semi-divine (see
below, Religion). As the west was the side most open to foreign
influence during the Roman period, it is likely that the form of
government which prevailed here was less primitive than the other,
especially as we know that kingship had by this time died out among
the Gauls. In later times we very frequently find a number of kings,
generally belonging to one family, within the same tribe; and it is
not improbable that the early principes were persons of similar
positior~. The kingless state may therefore have arisen out of
kingship through divisions of the royal power or through failure on
the part of the leading men to agree on a head acceptable to all. On
the other hand the conditions 01 the migration period were doubtless
favorable to monarchical government, and from this time onwards
kingship appears to have been universal, except among the Old Saxons
and in Iceland.

The concilium or tribal assembly figures largely in Tacituss account
of the Germani, and he represents it as the final authority on all
matters of first-rate importance. Further, Tribal it was here that the
principes were chosen, serious Assembly, charges brought against
members of the tribe and youths admitted to the rights of warriors.
The duties of opening the proceedings and maintaining order belonged
not to the king but to the priests, from which we may probably infer
that the gathering itself was primarily of a religious character and
that it met, as among the Swedes in later times, in the immediate
neighborhood of the tribal sanctuary. Such religious gatherings were
no doubt common to all Teutonic peoples in early times, but it may be
questioned whether among the eastern and northern tribes they were
invested with all the powers ascribed to them by Tacitus. After his
time tribal assemblies are seldom mentioned, and though we hear
occasionally, both in England and elsewhere, of a concourse of people
being present when a king holds court on high days or religious
festivals, there is no evidence that such concourses took part in the
discussion of state affairs. Indeed, considering the greatly increased
size of the kingdoms in later times, it is improbable that they were
drawn from any except the immediately adjacent districts. When we hear
of deliberations 110w they are those of thc kings council or court, a
body con- sisting partly of members of the royal family and partly of
warriors old and young in the personal service of the king. Such
bodies of course had always existed (see below) and exercised at all
times a powerful influence upon the kings, frequently even forcing
them into war against their own wishes. That they appear more
prominently now than in earlier times is due to the fact that owing to
the increased size of the kingdoms, they had become both more numerous
and more wealthy. The principle of representation for the unofficial
classes, i.e. for those not under the immediate lordship of the king,
scarcely begins before the i3th century.

Of all the institutions of the Teutonic peoples probably none
exercised a greater influence on their history than the comitatus.
From Caesar we learn that it was customary at tribal assemblies for
one or other of the chiefs to propose an expedition. He had generally
no difficulty in gathering a following, and those who embraced his
service were held bound to accompany him to the end, any who drew back
being regarded, as traitors. Incidents illustrative of this custom are
of frequent occurrence in early history and tradition. Moreover, kings
and other distinguished persons kept standing bodies of young
warriors, an honor to them in time of peace, as Tacitus says, as well
as a protection in war. Chiefs of known prowess and liberality
attracted large retinues, and their influence within the tribe, and
even beyond, increased proportionately. The followers (called by
Tacitus cornites, in England thegns, among the Franks antrustjones,
&c.) were expected to remain faithful to their lord even to death;
indeed so close was the relationship between the two that it seems to
have reckoned as equivalent to that of father and son. According to
Tacitus it was regarded as a disgrace for a comes to survive his lord,
and we know that in later times they frequently shared his exile.
Perhaps the most striking instance of such devotion was that displayed
at the battle of Strassburg in 357, when the Alamannic king
Chonodomarius was taken prisoner by the Romans, and his two hundred
comites gave themselves up voluntarily to share his captivity. In
return for their services the chief was expected to reward his
followers with treasure, arms and horses. If he were a king the reward
might take the form of a grant of land, or of jurisdiction over a
section of the population subject to himin early times a village, in
later, perhaps, a considerable district. Further, since the grantees
as a rule naturally sent their sons into the service of their own
lords, such grants tended to become hereditary, and in them we have
the origin of the baronage of the middle ages. The origin of the earls
or counts, on the other hand, is to be found in the governors of large
districts (Tacituss principes), who seem at first generally to have
been members of the royal family, though later they were drawn from
the highest barons.

3. Social Organization.As far back as the time of Tacitus we hear of
three social classes, viz, nobles, freemen and freedmen. The same
classes are met with in later times, though occasionally one of them
disappears, e.g. the nobility among the Franks and the freedmen (as a
distinct class) in the AngloSaxon kingdoms, except Kent. Each of these
classes was, to a large extent at least, hereditary and had separate
rights and privileges of its own. Among the chief of these must be
reckoned the wergeld Sr man-price. When homicide took place, vengeance
was regarded as a sacred duty incumbent on the relatives, and
sometimes at least the lord also, of the slain man; but, as in the
case of any other injury, compensation could be made by a fixed
payment. From the evidence of later custom it is probable that the
normal payment for a freeman was a hundred head of cattle. The sums
paid for members of the other classes were more variable; for the
freedman, however, they were always lower, and for the noble higher,
sometimes apparently three or four times as high. Similar gradations
occur in the compensations paid for various injuries and insults, in
fines and, atnong some tribes, in the value attached to a mans oath.
There is a good deal of uncertainty in regard to both the exact
position. and the numbers of the nobles and freedmen of Tacituss age.
It is probable, however, that the latter, like the liii or lati of
later times, consisted not only of manumitted slaves but also of whole
communities which had forfeited their liberty through unsuccessful
warfare or other causes. In addition to these classes there was also a
considerable population of slaves, who had no legal status or wergeld
and were regarded as the property of their masters. In general,
however, their lot seems to have struck the Romans as favorable, since
they were not attached to their masters households but lived in homes
of their own, subject to fixed payments in corn, live stock and
clothing.

Groups of family and kindred occupy a prominent position in the
accounts of Teutonic society given by Caesar and Tacitus. It was
regarded as a universal duty to afford protection to ones kinsmen, to
assist them in the redress of wrongs and to exact vengeance or
compensation in case of death, Hence to have a numerous kindred was a
guarantee of security and influence. The large amounts fixed for the
wergelds of nobles and even of freemen were paid no doubt, as in later
times, not only by the slayer himself, but by every member of his
kindred in proportion to the nearness or remoteness of his
relationship; and in like manner they were distributed among the
kindred of the slain. The importance of the kindred, however, was not
limited to purposes of mutual protection. It appears also in the
tenure of land, and according to Tacitus the tribal armies were drawn
up by kindreds. As to the nature of these organizations the evidence
is not altogether consistent. It is clear that agnatic succession
prevailed among the princely families of the Cherusci, and the general
account given in the Germania seems to imply that this type of
organization was normal. On the other hand there are distinct traces
of cognation not only in Tacituss works but also in Northern
traditions and more especially in the Salic law. On the whole it seems
not unlikely that at the beginning of the Christian era the Teutonic
peoples of the continent were in a state of transition from cognatic
to agnatic organization.

All the usual forms of marriage were known, including marriage by
capture and marriage by purchase. The latter Al ~ appears most
prominently in Kent and among the a a~. Old Saxons, Langobardi and
Burgundians. In other nations, eg. the Franks, we find the payment of
a very small sum, which is often regarded as sythbolic and as a relic
of real purchase. Yet this explanation is open to question owing to
the very early date at which the regulation appears, and to the fact
that in the case of widows the sum specified had to be paid to
relatives of the widow herself on the female side, and by preference
to those of a younger generation. Again, Tacitus states that the
presents of arms and oxen given by the bridegroom at marriage were
made to the bride herself and not to her guardian, and such appears to
have been the case in the North also from early times. It is not
certain, therefore, that marriage by purchase was a universal and
primitive Teutonic custom. Of the actual ceremonies practised at
marriage not very much is known. It was preceded, however, by a formal
betrothal and accompanied by a feast. Moreover, even among those
peoples with whom purchase prevailed it was customary for the
bridegroom to present the bride with a morning-gift, which in the case
of queens and princesses often took the form of considerable estates.
There is no doubt thaf the marriages of heathen times were often of a
kitid which could not be permitted after the adoption of Christianity.
Among these may be mentioned marriages with brothers widows and
stepmothers, the latter especially in England. Polygamy was known, but
limited, both in early and late times, to persons of exceptionally
high position, while of polyandry there is hardly any trace. Indeed,
the sanctity attached to marriage seems to have struck the Romaris as
remarkable. On the other hand strife between persons connected by
marriage appears to have been of extremely frequent occurrence, and no
motive plays a more prominent part in Teutonic traditions.

4. State of Civilizationit is a much disputed question whether the
Teutonic peoples were really settled agricultural communities at the
time when they first came into contact with the Romans, shortly before
the beginning of our era. That agriculture of some kind was practised
is clear enough from Caesars account, and Strabos statement to the
contrary must be attributed to ignorance or exaggeration. But Caesar
himself seems to have regarded the Germani as essentially pastoral
peoples and their agriculture as of quite secondary importance, while
from Tacitus we gather that even in his time it was of a somewhat
primitive character. For not only was the husbandry co-operative, as
in much later times, but apparently the ploughlands were changed from
year to year without any recognition of a two-course or three- course
system. Caesar, moreover, says that the clans or kindreds to whom the
lands were allotted changed their abodes also from year to yeara
statement which gives a certain amount of color to Strabos description
of the Germani as quasi-nomadic. Yet there is good reason for
believing that this representation of early Teutonic life was by no
means universally true. We have evidence, both archaeological and
linguistic, that the cultivation of cereals in Teutonic lands goes
back to a very remote period, while the antiquity even of the
ox-plough is attested by the rock-carvings at Tegneby in Bohusln
(Sweden), which are believed to date from early in the bronze age.
Further, that the tribes were not normally of a migratory character,
as Strabo seeni~ to imply, is shown by the existence of sanctuaries of
immemorial age and by frontier ramparts such as that raised by the
Angrivarii against the Cherusci. It would seem that Julius Caesar
encountered the Germani under somewhat abnormal conditions. Several of
the tribes with which he came into collision had been expelled from
their own territories by other tribes, and we are expressly told that
Ariovistuss troops had not entered a house for fourteen years.
Further, there is satisfactory evidence that the basin of the Rhine,
perhaps also a considerable area beyond, had been conquered from
Celtic peoples not very long beforefrom which it is probable that
western Germany was still in a more or less unsettled condition.
Indeed Caesar himself seems to have regarded the prevalence of the
military spirit as the chief hindrance to the development of
agriculture. From this time onwards it was from the west mainly that
Roman civilization made its way into Germany; but in earlier ages, as
we have already noticed, there are more abundant traces of
civilization in the basin of the Elbe than in the districts farther to
the west. Hence it is not so surprising as might at first sight appear
that the remote Aestii, a non-Teutonic people settled about the mouth
of the Vistula, are represented by Tacitus as keener agriculturists
than any of the other inhabitants of Germany.

All ancient writers emphasize the essentially warlike character of the
Germani. Yet Tacitus seems to represent their military equipment as
being of a somewhat primitive type. Swords, helmets and coats of mail,
he says, were seldom to be seen; in general they were armed only with
huge shields, unwieldy spears and darts. Here again he appears to be
thinking of the western tribes; for elsewhere he states that some of
the eastern peoples were armed with short swords and round
shieldswhich probably were of comparatively small size, like those
used in later times. This latter type of equipment prevailed also in
the North, as may be seen, e.g. from the figures of warriors on the
inscribed golden horn found at Gallehus (Jutland) in 1734. The
favorite method of attack was by a wedge formation (known later in the
North as svinfylking), the point being formed by a chosen band of
young warriors. Certain tribes, such as the Tencteri, were famous for
their horsemen, but the Germani in general preferred to fight on foot.
Sometimes also we hear of specially-trained forces in which the two
arms were combined. Naval warfare is seldom mentioned. The art of
sailing seems to have been unknown, and it is probable that down to
the 3rd century the only peoples which could truly be described as
seafaring were those of the Baltic and the Cattegat.

There is no doubt that Roman influence brought about a considerable
advance in civilization during the early centuries of our era. The
cultivation of vegetables and fruit trees seems to have been
practically unknown before this period, and almost all their names
testify to the source from which they were derived. We may notice also
the introduction of the mill in place of the quern which hitherto had
been in universal use. In all such cases the tribes subject to the
Romans, in the neighborhood of the Rhine, were probably the chief
channel by which Roman influence made its way, though account must
also be taken of the fact that considerable numbers of warriors from
remoter districts were attracted to serve in the Roman armies. Great
improvements took place likewise in armour and weapons; the equipment
of the warriors whose relics have been found in the Schleswig
bog-deposits, dating from the 4th and 5th centuries, appears to have
been vastly superior to that which Tacitus represents as normal among
the Germani of his day. Yet the types, both in armour and dress,
remained essentially Teutonicor rather Celtic-Teutonic. Indeed, when
in the course of time uniformity came to prevail over the greater part
of Europe, it was the Teutonic rather than the Roman fashions which
were generalized.

The antiquity of the art of writing among the Teutonic peoples is a
question which has been much debated. Tacitus writing says that
certain marks were inscribed on the divining chips, but it cannot be
determined with certainty whether these were really letters or not.
The national type of writing, generally known as Runic, must have been
fully developed by the 4th century, when some of its letters were
borrowed by Ulfilas (Wulfila) for his new alphabet (see Govus:

C.). Indeed, by this time it was probably known to most of the
Teutonic peoples, for several of the inscriptions found in Jutland and
the islands of the Belt can hardly be of later date. As to the source
from which it was derived opinions still differ, some thinking that it
was borrowed from the Romans a century or two before this time, while
others place its origin much farther back and trace it to one of the
ancient Greek alphabets. Many of the earliest inscriptions read from
right to left, and the ~Sousrpo4~6v type is also met with
occasionally. It is clear both from literary and linguistic evidence
that the character was chiefly used for writing on wood, but the
inscriptions which have survived are naturally for the most part on
metal objectsin Sweden, Norway and England also on monumental stones.
In Germany very few Runic inscriptions have been found, and there is
nothing to show that the alphabet was used after the 8th century. In
England also it seems not to have lasted much longer, but inscriptions
are far more numerous. On the other hand, in Scandinavian countries it
continued in use through the greater part of the middle agesin Gotland
till the 16th century; indeed, the knowledge of it seems never to have
wholly died out. In the course of time, however, it underwent many
changes, and the earliest inscriptions must have been unintelligible
for over a thousand years until they were deciphered by scholars
within the last half century. The Roman alphabet first came into use
among the western and northern Teutonic peoples after their adoption
of Christianity.

~. Funeral Customs.Icelandic writers of the 12th and 13th centuries
distinguished between an earlier age of burning and a later age of
barrows, and the investigations of modern archaeologists have tended
in general to confirm the distinction, though they have revealed also
the burial-places of times antecedent to the age of burning.
Throughout the stone age inhumation appears to have been universal,
many of the neolithic tombs being chambers of considerable size and
constructed with massive blocks of stone. Cremation makes its
appearance first in the earlier part of the bronze age, and in the
latter part of that age practically displaces the older rite. In. the
early iron age there is less uniformity, some districts apparently
favoring cremation and others inhumation. The former practice is the
one recognized by Tacitus. In the national migration period, however,
it fell into disuse among most of the continental Teutonic peoples,
even before their conversion, though it seems to have been still
practised by the Heruli in the 5th century and by the Old Saxons
probably till a much later period. It came Into Britain with the
Anglo-Saxon invaders and continued in use in certain districts perhaps
until nearly the close of the 6th century. In Scandinavian lands the
change noted by Icelandic writers may be dated about the 5th and 6th
centuries, though inhumatioll was certainly not altogether unknown
before that time. After the 6th century cremation seems not to have
been common, if we may trust the sagas, but isolated instances occur
as late as the 10th century. It is to be observed that cremation and
the use of the barrow are not mutually exclusive, for cremated
remains, generally in urns, are often found in barrows. On the other
hand inhumation below the surface of the ground, without perceptible
trace of a barrow, seems to have been the most usual practice during
the national migration period, both in England and on the continent. A
special form of funeral rite peculiar to the North was that of
cremation on a ship. Generally the ship was drawn up on land; but
occasionally we hear, in legendary sagas, of the burning ship being
sent out to sea. Large ships containing human remains have sometimes
been found in barrows of the viking age. Arms and ornaments are
frequently met with, sometimes also horses and human remains which may
be those of slaves, the belief being that the dead would have all that
was buried with him at his service in the life beyohd. Usage, however,
seems to have varied a good deal in this respect at different times
and in different districts.

6. Religion.The conversion of the Teutonic peoples to Christianity was
a gradual process, covering some seven centuries. The first to accept
the new religion seem to have been the Goths, beginning about the
middle of the 4th century, and the Vandals must have followed their
example very quickly. In the course of the 5th century it spread to
several other nations, including the Gepidae, Burgundians, Rugii and
Langobardi. In all these cases the Arian form of Christianity was ,the
one first adopted. The first conversion to the Catholic form was that
of the Franks at the end of the 5th century. The extension of Frankish
supremacy over the neighboring Teutonic peoples brought about the
adoption of Christianity by them also, partly under compulsion, the
last to be converted being the Old Saxons, in the latter half of the
8th, century. The conversion of England began in 597 and was complete
in less than a century. In the north, after several attempts during
the 9th century which met with only temporary success, Christianity
was established in Denmark under Harold Bluetooth, about 940960, and
in Norway and Sweden before the end of the century, while in Iceland
it obtained public recognition in the year 1000. Many districts in
Norway, however, remained heathen until the reign of St Olaf
(1014-1028), and in Sweden for half a century later.

The subsequent religious history of the various Teutonic peoples will
be found elsewhere. Here we are concerned only with the beliefs and
forms of worship which prevailed before the adoptionof Christianity.
For our knowledge of this subject we are indebted chiefly to Icelandic
literary men of the 12th and j3th centuries, who gave accounts of many
legends which had come down to them by oral tradition, besides
committing to writing a number of ancient poems. Unfortunately
Icelandic history is quite unique in this respect. In. the literatures
of other Teutonic countries we have only occasional references to the
religious rites of heathen times, and these are generally ill no way
comparable to the detailed accounts given in Icelandic writings. Hence
it is often difficult to decide whether a given rite or legend which
is mentioned only in Icelandic literature was really peculiar to that
country alone or to the North generally, or whether it was once the
common property of aU Teutonic peoples.

A number of gods were ~certainly known both ~n England and among many,
if not all, the Teutonic peoples of the continent, as well as in the
North. Among these were Odin (Woden), Thor (Thunor) and T~r (Ti); so
also Frigg (Frig), the wife of Odin (see FRIGG, ODIN, WODEN, THoR,
TYR). Some scholars have thought that Balder, the son of Odin, was
once known in Germany, but the evidence is at least doubtful.
Heimdall.r, the watchman of the gods and UlIr, the stepson of Thor, as
well as Hoenir, Bragi and most of the other less prominent gods.

were also probably peculiar to the North, though TJllr at least was
known in Denmark. Some of these deities may originally have been quite
local. Indeed, such may very well have been the case with Frey, the
chief god of the North after Thor and Odin. Tradition at all events
uniformly points to Upsala as the original home of his cult. But it is
probable that both he and his sister Freyia were really specialized
forms of a divinity which had once been more widely known. Their
father, Nibr~r, the god of wealth, who is a somewhat less important
figure, corresponds in name to the goddess Nerthus (Hertha), who in
ancient times was worshipped by a number of tribes, including the
Angli, round the coasts of the southern. Baltic. Tacitus describes her
as Mother Earth, and the account which he gives of her cult bears a
somewhat remarkable resemblance to the ceremonies associated in later
times with Frey. This family of deities were collectively known as
Vanir, and are said to have once been hostile to the Aesir, to whom
Odin. belonged. Their worship was generally connected with peace and
plenty, just as that of Odin was chiefly bound up with war. Gefion was
another goddess who may represent a later form of Nerthus. In her case
tradition points distinctly to a connection with Denmark (Sjaelland).
On the other hand, the portraiture of Ska~i, the wife of Nir~r, seems
to point to a Finnish or Lappish origin. The rest of the northern
goddesses are comparatively unimportant, and only one of them, Fulla,
the handmaid of Frigg, seems to have been known. on the continent.

Some of the deities known. to us from German and English sources seem
also to have been of a local or tribal character. Such doubtless was
Fosite, to whom Heligoland was sacred. Saxnot (Seaxneat), from whom
the kings of Essex claimed descent, was probably a god of the Saxons.
Holda, who is known only from the folklore of later times, appears to
have been a German counterpart of Nerthus. Ing, who is connected with
Denmark in Anglo-Saxon tradition, was in all probability the eponymous
ancestor of the Inguaeones (see above). His name connects him, too,
with the god Frey, who was also called Yngvifreyr and Ingunarfreyr,
and he must at one time have been closely associated with Nerthus. The
relationship of Ing to the Inguaeones is paralleled by that of Irmin
to the Hermiones (see above). He may be the deity whom Tacitus called
Hercules.

Some of these eponymous ancestors may be regarded as heroes rather
than gods, and classed with such persons, as Skioldr, the eponymous
ancestor of the Danish royal family, who is not generally included in
the Northern pantheon. But the line of division between the human and
the divine is not very definite. The royal family of Norway claimed
descent from Frey, and many royal families, both English and Northern,
from Woden (Odin). Indeed, several legendary kings are described as
sons of the latter. Sometimes, again, the relationship is of a
conjugal character. Skildr, though hardly a god himself, is the
husband of the goddess Gefion. So we find Freyias priest described as
her husband and Freys priestess as his wife, and there is no reason
for regarding such cases as exceptional.

If it is not always easy to distinguish between gods and heroes, there
is still greater difficulty in drawing a line between the former and
other classes of supernatural beings, such as the giants (O.N. Utnar,
AS. eotenas). Here again we have intermarriage. Ska5i, the wife of
Nir~r, and Ger~r, the wife of Frey, were the daughters of the giants
Thiazi and Gymir respectively, though Ska~i is always reckoned as a
goddess. Loki also was of giant birth; but he is always reckoned among
the gods, and we find him constantly in their company, in spite of his
malevolent disposition. In. general it may be said that the giants
were regarded as hostile to both gods and men. Often they are
represented as living a primitive life in caves and desolate places,
and their character is usually ferocious. But there are exceptions
even among the male giants, such as Aegir, whom we find on friendly
terms with the gods. It is worth noting also that some of the leading
families of Norway are said to have claimed descent from giants,
especially from Thrymr, the chief opponent of Thor. In such cases
there may be some connection between the giants and the semi-civilized
(Finnish or Lappish) communities of the mountainous districts. This
connection is more clear in the case of Thrger~r Holgabrfl~r, who is
known chiefly from the extreme veneration paid to her by Haakon, earl
of Lade (+995). According to one story she was the daughter of Holgi,
the eponymous king of Halogaland (northern Norway); according to
another she was the wife of Holgi and daughter of Gusi, king of the
Fins. She ought perhaps to be regarded rather as a goddess than as a
giantess, but she is never associated with the other deities.

Another class of supernatural beings was that of t~ie dwarfs. They
were distinguished chiefly for their cunning and for skill in working
metals. More important than these from a religious point of view were
the elves (O.N. alfar, A.S. ylfe), who certainly received worship, at
all events in the North. They are almost always spoken of collectively
and generally represented as beneficent. In some respects~ e.g. in the
fact that they are often said to inhabit barrows, they seem to be
connected with the souls of the dead. In other cases, however, they
are hardly to be distinguished from spirits (the lcd. landvaettir,
&c.), which may be regarded as ge si-i locorum.

In addition to the above there were yet other classes of supernatural
beings (see NORNS and VALKYRTES). Mention, however, must be made here
of the fylgiur and hamingiur of Northern belief. These are of two
kinds, though the names seem not always to be clearly distinguished~
Sometimes the fylgia is represented as a kind of attendant spirit,
belonging to each individual person. It may be seen, generally in
animal form, in visions or by persons of second sight, but to see ones
own fylgia is a sign of impending death. In other cases the fylgiur
(or perhaps more correctly the ha~,nin g-iur) apparently belong to the
whole family. These generally appear in the form of maidens.

Human beings, especially kings and other distinguished persons, were
not infrequently honored with worship after death. In. Sweden during
the 9th century we have trustworthy record of the formal deification
of a dead king and of the erection of a temple in his honor. In
general the dead were believed to retain their faculties to a certain
extent in or near the place where they were buried, and stories are
told of the resistance offered by them to tomb-robbers. It would seem,
moreover, that they were credited with the power of helping their
friends (and likewise of injuring other people) very much in the same
way as they had done in life. Hence the possession of the remains of a
chief who had been both popular and prosperous was regarded as highly
desirable.

The blessings which kings were expected to bestow upon their subjects,
in life as well as after death, were partly of a supernatural
character. Chief among them was that of securing the fertility of the
crops. The prevalence of famine among the Swedes was attributed to the
kings remissness in performing sacrificial functions; and on more than
one occasion kings are said to have been. put to death for this
reason. Under similar circumstances Burgundian kings were deposed.~,
In connection with this attribution of superhuman powers, we may
mention also the widespread belief that certain persons had the
faculty of .hanging shape, and especially of assuming the forms of
animals.

Besides the various classes of beings to the worship of which we have
already referred, we hear occasionally also of sacred animals. Tacitus
tells of horses consecrated to the service of the gods, and of omens
drawn from them, and we meet again with such horses in Norway nearly a
thousand years later. In the same country we find the legend of a king
who worshipped a cow. Besides the anthropomorphic giants, mentioned
above, Northern mythology speaks also of theriomorphic demons, the
chief of which were Midgar~sormr, the worldserpent, and Fenrisulfr, a
monster wolf, the enemies of Thor and Odin respectively. These beings
are doubtless due in part to poetic imagination, but underlying this
there may be a substratum of primitive religious belief. In contrast
with later Scandinavian usage Tacitus states that the ancient Germans
had no images of the gods. But he does speak of certain sacred symbols
which he defines elsewhere as figures of wild beasts. One of the chief
objects of veneration among the Cimbri is said to have been a brazen
bull.

Figures of animals, however, were not the only inanimate things
regarded in this way. The Quadi are said to have considered their
swords divine. More important than this was the worship paid,
especially in the North, to rocks and stone cairns, while springs and
pools also were frequently regarded as sacred in all Teutonic lands.
But, on the whole, there is perhaps no characteristic of Teutonic
religion, both in early and later times, more prominent than the
sanctity attached to certain trees and groves, though it is true that
in such cases there is often a doubt as to whether the tree itself was
worshipped or whether it was regarded as the abode of a god or spirit.
The sanctuaries mentioned by Tacitus seem always to have been groves,
and in later times we have references to such places in all Teutonic
lands. One of the most famous was that in or beside which stood the
great temple of Upsala. Here also must be mentioned the Swedish
V~.rdtrd or guardian tree, which down to our own time is supposed to
grant protection and prosperity to the household to which it belongs.
One of the most striking conceptions of Northern mythology is that of
the world-tree, Yggdrasils Ash, which sheltered all living beings (see
YGGDRASIL). The description given of it recalls in many respects that
of a particularly holy tree which stood beside the temple at Upsala.
For the idea we may compare the Irminsul, a great wooden pillar which
appears to have been the chief object of worship among the Old Saxons,
and which is described as universalis columna quasi sustinens omnia.

The Northern sanctuaries of later times were generally buildings
constructed of wood or other materials. A space apparently partitioned
off contained figures of Thor or Frey and perhaps other gods, together
with an altar on which burned a perpetual fire. In the main body of
the temple were held the sacrificial feasts. The presiding priest
seems always to have been the chief to whom the temple belonged, for
there is no evidence for the existence of a special priestly class in
the North. In England, however, the case was otherwise; we are told
that the priests were never allowed to bear arms. There is record also
of priests among the Burgundians and Goths, while in Tacituss tOne
they appear to have held a very prominent position in German society.
Among all Teutonic peoples from the time of the Cimbri onwards we
frequently hear also of holy women whose duties were concerned chiefly
with divination. Sometimes, indeed, as in the case of Veleda, a
prophetess of the Bructeri, during Vespasians reign, they were
regarded practically as deities. After the adoption of Christianity,
and possibly to a certain extent even before, such persons came to be
regar(led with disfavourwhence the persecutions for witchcraft but it
is clear from Tacituss works and other sources that their influence in
early times must have been very great. In the North the sanctuaries
called horgar seem to have been usually under the charge of the wives
and daughters of the household. But there is some evidence also for
the existence of special priestesses at certain sanctuaries.

Of religious ceremonies the most important was sacrifice. The victims
were of various kinds. Those offered to Odin (Woden) were generally,
if not always, men, from the time of Tacitus onwards. Human sacrifices
to Thor and the other gods are not often mentioned. Of animals, which
were consumed at the sacrificial banquets, we hear chiefly of horses,
but also of oxen and boars-. At human sacrifices, however, dogs and
hawks were often offered with the men. At all sacrifices it seems to
have been customary to practise divination; in connection with human
sacrifice we have record of this rite from the time of the Cimbri. One
barbarous custom which was regarded as a sacrifice was the dedication
of an enemys army to the gods, especially Odin. This custom, which is
likewise known to have prevailed from the earliest times, involved the
total destruction of the defeated army, together with everything
belonging to them. In general the chief sacrificial festivals seem to
have taken place at fixed times in the year, one in early or
mid-autumn, another at mid-winter and a third during the spring.
Sacrifices on ai exceptionally large scale were held at Upsala and
Leire every nine years, at the former place about the time of the
spring equinox, at the latter in. the early part of January. Besides
these fixed festivals sacrifices could of course be offered in all
time of public or private need. In. the latter case resort was very
frequently had also to sorcery and necromancy.

Mention has been made above of the belief that the dead retained a
conscious existence in. or near the place where they were buried, and
that they were able to confer blessings upon their friends. Beside
this belief, however, we find another which seems hardly to be
compatible with it, viz., that the souls of the dead passed to the
realm of Hel, who in. Northern mythology is represented as the
daughter of Loki. Again, those who had fallen in battle were supposed
to go to Valhalla, where they became warriors in Odins service. This
last belief seems to have been connected at one time with the practice
of cremation. In conclusion it must be mentioned that even the life of
the gods was not to be for ever. A day was to come when Odin and Thor
would fall in. conifict with the wolf and the world-serpent, when the
abode of the gods would be destroyed by fire and the earth sink into
the sea. But the destruction was not to be final; in the future the
gods of a younger generation. would govern a better world. How far
these beliefs were common to the Teutonic peoples as a whole cannot be
determined with certainty. Some scholars, hold that they were peculiar
to the mythology of Norway and Iceland and that they arose at a late
period, largely through Christian influence. But a serious objection
to this view, is presented by the fact that very similar ideas in some
respects were current among the ancient Gauls.

AUTH0RITIEs.I. Ancient. The most important of the early authorities
(down to the 2nd century) are Caesar (esp. B. Gall.

i. 3154, iv. 119, vi. 2124), Strabo (esp. p. 290 if.) Pliny, Hist.

Nat. (esp. iv. 96 if., xvi.. i if ., xxxvii. 42 if.), Tacitus (esp.
Germania), Plutarch, Marius, and Ptolemy, Geogr. ii. I I. Among later
writers much valuable information is given by Ammianus Marcellinus, J
ordanes, Procopius, Gregory of Tours, Bede, Paulus Diaconus, Widukind,
Thietmar, Adam of Bremen and Saxo Grammaticus, as well as by the early
laws and charters. To these must be added a large number of Old Norse
writings including the older Edda and the prose Edda (the chief
authorities for Northern mythology), Islands Landnhmabk and many sagas
dealing with the history of families in Iceland (such as Eyrbyggia
Saga) or with the lives of Norwegian and other kings, both historical
and legendary (in Heimskringla, Fornmanna Sogur and Rafns Fornaldar
Sogur Norrlanda). For further references see BRITAIN (Anglo-Saxon),
GERMANY (Ethnography and Early History), and SCANDINAVIAN

CIVILIZATION.

II. Modern Authorities. (a) Archaeology. L. Lindenschmit, Die
Altertdmer unserer heidnischen Vorzeit (Mainz, 1864 ); Handbuch d.
deutschen Altertumskunde (Brunswick, 1880); S. Muller Vor Oldtid
(Copenhagen, 1897); Nordische Altertumskunde (Strassburg, 189798);
Urgeschichte Europas (Strassburg, 1905). See also BRITAIN
(Anglo-Saxon), GERMANY (Archaeology) and ScANDINAVIAN CIVILIZATION.

(b) History and Ethnography. K. Zeuss, Die Deutschen und die
Nachbarstdmme (Munich, 1837); K. MUllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumsleunde
(Berli0, 1870-1900); H. dArbois de Jubainville, Les Premiers Habitants
de lEurope (Paris, 188994); 0. Bremer, Ethnographie d. germ. Stmme in
H. Pauls Grundriss d. germ.

Phiologie, 2nd ed., vol. iii. (Strassburg, 1900); H. M. Chadwick, The
Origin of the English Nation (Cambridge, 1907); G. Schutte, Oldsagn om
Godtjod (Copenhagen, 1907); Germanische Ethnographie.

See also ALAMANNI, ANGLI, BRITAIN (Anglo-Saxon), CSIATTI,

C nERuscI, CIMBRI, DENMARK, FRANKS, FRI5IAN5, GERMANY

(Ethnography and Early History), GOTIlS, HERULI, LOMBARDS,

NETHERLANDS, NORWAY, SAxoNs, SuEBf, SWEDEN, TEUTONI,

VANDALS.,

(c) Government, Social Organization and State of Civilization.

J. Grimm, Rechtsaltertmer (1828, 4th ed., Leipzig, 1899); F. Dahn, Die
Konige d. Germanen (Munich, 1861-1905); G. Waitz, Deutsche
Verfassungsgeschichte (Kiel, i86o; 3rd ed. 1880); M. Brunner, Deutsche
Rechtsgeschichte (Leipzig, 1887); K. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen
(Vienna, 1851; 2nd ed. 1882); Altnordisches Leben (Berlin, 1856); R.
Keyser, Efterladte Skrifter (ii. I, 2, Christiania, 1867);

A. Meitzen, Siedelung u. Agrarwesen (Berlin, 1895); F. B. Gummere,
Germanic Origins (New York, 1892); K. Th. von Inama-Sternegg, K. von
Amira, V. Gudmundsson and Kr. Kalund, articles

--

Alistair Sim

"I am the Whistler, and I know many things, for I walk by night. I
know many strange tales, many secrets hidden in the hearts of men and
women who have stepped into the shadows. Yes, I know the nameless
terrors of which they dare not speak."

They seek him here
They seek him there.
Those Frenchies seek him everywhere.
Is he in heaven?
Or is he in hell? That damned elusive Pimpernel!

"How often have I said to you that when you have eliminated the
impossible, whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth?"

The little things are infinitely more important."

"I am an omnivorous reader with a strangely retentive memory for
trifles."