Krishna Bhattachan on Aama Samuha, etc
Sage
people's power. This is an excellent article on the phenomenon of women's
groups called Aama Samuha among other things.
http://www.fesnepal.org/topics/2002/topic_june02.htm
TRADITIONAL LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN NEPAL
Krishna B. Bhattachan, Ph.D.
Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology
Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu
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Paper presented in a national seminar on Strengthening Decentralization and
Good Governance in Nepal organized by the Political Science Association of
Nepal (POLSAN) and Firedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), Kathmandu, April 21,
2002.
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INTRODUCTION
Nepal is a small country characterized by both bio-diversity and
socio-cultural diversity. Nepal indeed is a multi racial or
multi-caste/ethnic, multi lingual, multi-religious and multi-cultural and
more recently multi-(political) party country. Prior to the "territorial
unification" under the Gurkha imperialism or internal colonization of 1768,
different indigenous nationalities had their own homeland and self-rule. It
was during those times that different indigenous nationalities had evolved
and sustained different voluntary organizations. After 1768, the rulers
imposed the policy of domination of one caste, one language, one religion
and one culture over many others. Unfortunately, the Nepalese people had to
go through different variety of autocratic rules for 122 out of 134 years.
Despite of predatory State most of the indigenous nationalities sustained
their ethnic identity, language, religion and culture due to underdeveloped
transportation and communication system in the country. Also, it is a
historical reality that rapidly expanding process of globalization and
intensification of previous policy of cultural violence through the
domination of one caste, one religion, one language and one culture, the
very process of marginalization or preipheralization, grinding poverty, and
isolation from a lack of transportation, communication and education have
indeed helped, on the one hand, to maintain some of the traditional local
governance intact, and on the other hand, many of them were either lost or
at the verge of extinction.
Traditionally Nepal used to rely heavily on voluntary local governance on
everything. It used to be an ideal way of every-day-life. Local governance,
therefore, helped to fulfill the needs of the community and to be
self-reliant. Since the fifties, several efforts have been made for
decentralization but in the name of decentralization the process of
centralization has been intensified.
SELECTED TRADITIONAL LOCAL GOVERNANCE
There are 61 indigenous nationalities (21 in the Mountain, 23 in the Hill, 7
in the Inner Terai and 10 in the Terai regions) and about 125 languages and
dialects that are still alive in Nepal. Traditional voluntary local
governance has neither attracted the attention of social scientists,
including anthropologists, nor of development practitioners. So far, very
few articles have trickled on the issue (Bhattachan 1996; and 1997; Chhetri
1995; Dhakal 1996; Gurung 1999; Gellner 1995; Manandhar-Gurung 2000;
Messerschmidt 1978; and 1981; Pradhan 1980; Regmi 1998; Uphoff 1986; Vinding
1998). We all know that there are different types of traditional voluntary
local self-governance of different caste and ethnic groups. There has not
been yet any effort to study in detail about such organizations in a single
study. I will try to bring together all available but scattered information
in this paper that would give us a fairly reasonable picture about the
situation of traditional local governance in Nepal.
Grassroots Democracy of the Syangtan: Posang [1]
Posang is one of the best example of democracy voluntarily practiced by
indigenous peoples is that of the Syangtan (Panch Gaule), one of 61
indigenous nationalities of Nepal. They live in the southern part, few
hundred meters away at the south-west of the Jhongsamba ("Jomsom") airport,
of the Mustang District. The total number of households and population has
always been very low, that is about 100 households. Each and every Syangtan
household automatically becomes member of the Village Assembly called Yhul
Jhompa. The whole community is divided in two phajan or groups, the big
group (phajan thyowa) and (phajan cyanpa), with different clans. The Village
Assembly meets every two years. Each group meets in separate but adjoining
courtyards. Each and every household must take responsibility of headmen
sooner or later. Aliens or non-Syangtan people may reside in the village but
they can not take part in the Village Assembly.
During the Village Assembly, each group elects headman for the other group
from among the households who have volunteered to take the responsibility
for the next two years. As stones are used as ballots, the candidates who
receive maximum number of stones are declared elected. The announcement is
made during the after lunch plenary. Between the two headmen elected,
whoever is elder becomes thyumi thyowa (senior headman) and junior thyumi
cyangpa (junior headman). Headmen take oath at the end of the tenure.
According to Vinding (1998:255), "The outgoing headmen take an oath (kyang
chinpa) by placing a hand on a religious text and promising that they have
not done anything wrong during their tenure." During the plenary the
outgoing headmen are kept locked in adjoining rooms and public auditing is
done by the plenary. If the members have any complain against wrong doings
by the headmen, these issues would be thoroughly discussed and if found
guilty they determine punishment accordingly. Then only the headmen are
brought back to plenary, charged with the wrong doings, declared punishments
and they are given an opportunity to defend themselves. If the plenary
should still find them guilty, they would be punished-theoretically it may
be as extreme as a death punishment, that is, put in a sack and throw in the
nearby Kaligandaki river.
The Assembly also meets every year to appoint village workers and every
three-year to take Census of the community. The community members are
divided in three groups based on age groups. The headmen along with village
workers are responsible for everything of the community, including
agriculture, irrigation, pasture, food security, animal husbandry, marriage,
festivals, worship, justice, and so on.
During the autocratic partyless Panchayat rule, the imposition of local
bodies such as the Village Panchayat and after the re-establishment of
multi-party political system in 1990 the Village development Committee
(VDC), traditional voluntary organizations such as Posang has been
marginalized.
Bheja [2]
Bheja is a multipurpose voluntary organization of the Magars of Western
Nepal. One or more than one community may forma a Bheja. Each household of
the community becomes member. If a member does not attend a puja (worship)
organized by the Bheja, the member is either suspended or purged (Dhakal
1996:40). There are different types of Bheja which includes Susupak Bheja
("General Assembly"), Riti-Thiti-Baslane-Bheja ("Rules and regulation
establishment") and Chandi Bheja ("Discussion about Villagers' Concerns").
Bheja is headed by an elected Mukhiya and religious activities are taken
care by Poojari. Bheja performs many functions that pertain to religion,
agriculture, resource management, entertainment, and conflict management.
Although Bheja has begun disappearing, Dhakal (1996:48) writes, "All,
however, is not lost yet. Revival and renovation can still put back life
into this time-honored institution."
Land Management: Kipat [3]
Land, water, forest, and pasture are life and blood of indigenous peoples.
Mahesh Chandra Regmi (1998:534) writes, "Land is held on a tribal, village,
kindred or family basis, and individuals have definite rights in this land
by virtue of their membership in the rlevant social unit. Hence, title to
land has a communal character and it is usufructuary, rather than absolute."
Regmi (1978:538) writes, "the Indo-Aryans have migrated from the Indian
plains to the south and from the sub-Himalayan hill areas to the west of
Nepal, it is also probable that the Kipat system in its present form is a
relic of the customary land tenure that the Mongolian communities
established in the areas occupied by them prior to Indo-Aryan penetration."
According to Mahesh Chandra Regmi (1998:88), the Kipat owning communities
included Limbu, Rai, Majhiya, Bhote, Yakha, Tamang, Hayu, Chepang, Baramu,
Danuwar, Sunuwar, Kumhal, Pahari, Thami, Sherpa, Majhi, and Lepcha. However,
the State reconfirmed "traditional customs and privileges" in 1961 but Kipat
was abolished, that is turned into Raikar, through back door in the name of
land reform in 1968.
"Although we have conquered your country by dint of our valor, we have
afforded you and your kinsmen protection. We hereby pardon all of your
crimes, and confirm all the customs and traditions, rights and privileges of
your country. . . . Enjoy the land from generation to generation, as long as
it remains in existence. . . . In case we confiscate your lands . . . may
our ancestral gods destroy our kingdom." (Regmi 1978:540).
Regmi has quoted Prithvi Narayan Shah swearing for destruction of the
"kingdom" but in Nepali text made public by Mr. Bir Nembang, the leader of
the Limbuan Liberation Front, the swearing is for the destruction of the
"descent." It may be merely a coincidence that King Birendra's desecent was
destroyed indeed on June 1, 2001.
The main actors of the Kipat system were Subba, Karta, Karbari, Budhauli,
Bhaiyad, Thari and Raiti/Sukumbasi. The main activities included tax
collection, settlement (Raiti basaune), land translator, dispute resolution,
distribution natural resources/ management, legal (dejure/defaeto), chardam/
kharchari (Raiti, Subba relation), thekibethi/ beth/ begar, bhag / bandhaki
(bad / badkara), chhinti / pharse / rajinama (16 ane / damasahi/ tiro ),
hale / kodale ( raikar) and occupational tiro.
Forest Management: Mirchang of Marphalis [4]
Mirchang (the Committee of 15 Members) is a traditional voultary
organization of the Marhpatan (Pacnhgaule), one of the indigenous
nationalities of Nepal. They live in the southern part of Mustang adjoining
the Thakalis of further south. They are divided into four clans: Hirachan,
Lalchan, Pannachan and Juharchan. More than 100 households are in Marpha.
Mirchang's main responsibility is management of natural resources, including
forest. All four clan groups are equally represented in Mirchang. As forest
is very precious for these people, Mirchang makes rules and regulations
concerning the use of the forest. No one can enter forest without its
permission. They have authority to fine if members violate rules. They are
supervised by the Village Headman. If they too violate rules, headman is
authorized to carry out investigation. Village headman, just like in Syang,
take oath at the end of his tenure. Mirchang used to function well even
without any written laws, rules and regulations. According to Dr. Sumitra
Manandhar-Gurung (2000), Mirchang was "weakened and lost" after
implementation of much publicized but failed USAID funded project called
Resource Conservation and Utilization Project (RCUP) in 1978.
Economic Management: Dhikur [5]
Dhikur originated with the three indigenous nationalities, namely, Thakalis,
Gurungs and Bhotes of the western mountain and Hill. Dhikur has been a prime
example of voluntary credit associations that has sustained for centuries
and still continue to expand to other different communities, including the
Dalits and professional groups, including teachers. It is estimated that the
volume of transaction exceeds transactions through banking system. One may
compare Dhikur with the western credit card system, the former is informal
and group-trust based while the latter is formal and high-tech based.
Dhikur actually originated with the collection of food grains but it has
turned into a mechanism to raise capital for investment in trade and
business. Traditionally, relatives of an individual who desperately need
some capital to run a business becomes ghopa and find out interested
relatives and other community members to participate in the Dhikur. Within
few days, organizer finds out enough number of participants to raise enough
capital. If the number of interested volunteers are many, the amount of
installment would be less and if the number is less the amount would be
high. They volunteer group may meet at certain specified interval of time,
say for example, every month. Every month each volunteer deposit money and
all money collected would be given to one of the participants, first with
the most needy ones. The interest rate is low compared to profit made after
its investment. As the turn completes the volunteer Dhikur group
automatically terminates.
Thus, Ghopa (Coordinator) invite members, call meetings, keep records,
collect installments, distribute the fund, collect fines, settle disputes
and make the Dhikur a success. Close relatives, other relatives, friends,
and acquaintances are invited for membership. Jamani (Guarantor) functions
as collateral. The size and amount of Dhikur differs from one Dhikur to
another but in each Dhikur both are fixed. Those who get funds pay shiku
(interest). The order of recipient of the fund is determined by giving first
turn to the organizer (ghopa) and the subsequent funds to needy shareholders
or whoever is lucky to win lottery or open bidding or closed bidding. Each
constellation of Dhikur terminates with end of the cycle. New constellations
of Dhikurs with new members are created. It goes on and on.
Agriculture Management: Chaatis Mauja Irrigation System of the Tharus [6]
The Tharus who lived in the Chatis Mauja area in Rupandehi district had
developed a voluntary irrigation system about 150 years ago. Until the
fifties it was owned and controlled by the Tharus. As hill to Terai
migration became intensified since the sixties and Butwal and Bhairawa
became trading centers, many hill caste and ethnic groups migrated to this
area. Thus the Chatis Mauja irrigation system has now been run and
controlled by mixed groups. After 1979 the rules and regulations has been
formalized. The entire activities concerning operation and maintenance of
the irrigation system are done by the villagers themselves.
At the grass roots level, groups are formed with 2-5 members. They elect a
headman (these days the position is referred to as Chairperson) of the
irrigation system is called Mukhtiyar in annual meetings for one year. They
also elect vice-chairperson and nine regional members. Two Meth Mukhtiyars,
a Secretary and two messengers are appointed by the committee.
The Committee decides rules and implements accordingly. The Committee is
responsible for water distribution, labor contribution, and other needed
works.
Prof. Norman Uphoff (1986) has cited Chattis Mauja Iirrigation Sytem as one
of the four best model of irrigation system in the world.
Labor Management: Parma/Nogyar/Porima
Voluntary labor organization called Nogyar by the Gurungs, Porima by the
Limbus and Parma by the caste groups are most ubiquitous in the Hills. It
basically a reciprocal labor exchange system used mostly during peak
agricultural season. The basis of recruitment, according to Messerschimdt
(1981:43), includes neighborhood, gender, age, clan and moiety.
Socio-cultural Forum: Khel [7]
Khel is a voluntary social organization of the Tharus of mid-western Terai
region of Nepal. Many Tharus are not aware about such organization. It,
therefore, indicates that it is close to extinction. It is basically an
organization where community members participate in various social and
cultural activities.
Religious cum Social Management: Guthi the Newars [8]
Newars are the indigenous nationalities of the Kathmandu Valley. They are
one of the very few indigenous nationalities who have been urban oriented
and made great success in politics, bureaucracy, arts and architecture.
Guthi by now has been associated with a kind of land tenure system,
religious and philanthropic endowments, foundations, trusts, oil-processing
cooperatives etc. (Messerschmidt 1981:42). The traditional Newar Guthis are
basically of three types: clan based, lineage based and territory based.
There are many varieties of Guthis which includes Si Guthi realted to death
rituals, Dewali Guthi related to worship of the clan deity, Nasa Guthi
related to music and so on. Each and every Newar household voluntarily
becomes member of one or the other Guthis, often of multiple Guthis. They
are called Guthiyars and the headman is called Thakali. If members violate
norms and values they would be denied of services or of participation and
social boycott as an extreme punishment.
Local Administration: Choho of Tamang [9]
Tamangs are the indigenous nationalities who reside in adjoining parts of
the Kathmandu Valley. Their traditional homeland is called as Tambasaling.
Their one of the important traditional voluntary local governance system is
called Choho. Choho is a way of life of the Tamangs. Also, Choho is a clan
leader first selected by the community members and later continue with
heredity succession. Choho plays multiple roles, including that of the
administrator, judiciary and spiritual leader. For his voluntary services,
the community members give gifts of alcohol and head of sacrificed animal.
Socio-economic Management: Ttho of the Gurungs [10]
Ttho is a social organization of the Guurngs where membership is voluntary
and have no officials as such. According to Gurung (1999:39) it is the
indigenous village assembly of the Gurung community. Resources are generated
through voluntary contributions of food grains, called Ttho Syor, by its
members. Such contributions are used mainly for community priests such as
Lama, Gyabre, Jhankri and community messenger called katuwal. They spend
some of these resources for socio-cultural activities, including life cycle
rituals. Ttho strictly follow the traditional unwritten rules and
regulations concerning natural resource management, agriculture and
irrigation, animal husbandry, repair of trails and collection of honey.
Gola functions within the Ttho organization. Gola is based primarily on
volunteer cooperative labor mobilization (Gurung 1999:40). Each Ttho has its
own Gola. Ttho members contribute their labor voluntarily if they should
build house, construct trails, resting places such as chautari and
pati-pauwa. Gola members have now begun to save money and use it for needy
members or for emergency services. Gola is rapidly disappearing in the
Gurung community.
Socialization and Information Management: Ro-Dhin ("Rodi") of the Gurungs
Both teenagers and young adult boys and girls voluntarily gather in a
specific house in the evening. They enjoy singing, dancing, story telling,
etc. This functions like a media center where all boys and girls share
information about firewood and fodder collection, pasture, animal husbandry,
agriculture, irrigation, forest, etc. During the day time all of them get
engaged in different household and agricultural works. They, therefore,
cannot communicate with each other. Older members also attend and most of
them do works related to weaving wollen blankets called radi pakhi.
Sometimes, boys and girls who like each other do get married. This is the
reason why some western anthropologists have portrayed Rodi as a dormitory
organization with offensive meaning in the Nepalese cultural context.
Social Welfare Management: Aama Samuha (Mother's Group)
Mother's groups is perhaps one of the most universalized traditional
voluntary organizations in Nepal. It first started with the Gurungs of
Western Nepal. As most of the Gurung men used to join in the British Army,
and more recently, in Indian Army, for the last two centuries, Gurung women
formed mother's group to sing, dance, and organize cultural activities in
the evening. One of the most interesting activities they perform is to
welcome returnee Lahures and guest visitors. They Lahures (returnee British
or Indian Army Men) and guest visitors donate money to the Aama Samuha. Ama
Samuha usually organize signing and dancing programs in the evening and
collected money is used to build trails, temples, etc. Many INGOs and NGOs
have formed and promoted Aama Samuha across the country among different
caste and ethnic groups. The Aama Samuha of Bahun-Chhetri castes have very
aggressively raised anti-alcohol movement in the villages.
CONCLUSION
By now it is clear that there are many traditional local governance
practices that are either extinct or there are threats of extinction.
Despite of predatory State policy of the Bahun-Chhteri rulers of the last
233 years, which is based on the theory of Bahunism (See Bista 1991 for
detail) or domination of one- caste, one language, one religion and one
culture, and also despite of lack of attention of donors and INGOs to
preserve and promote traditional local governance, most of the useful
traditional system of local governance are either expanding its boundaries
or at the least surviving. There is no doubt whatsoever that traditional
system of local governance continue to be marginalized by the State.
There is definitely a need to conduct more serious and intensive research
about such traditional local governance systems and grassroots democracy.
Also, there is a need to make an inventory of such systems. There is indeed
tremendous opportunity to use traditional local governance practices not
only for grass-roots development but also for national development.
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* 1997 "People/Community-Based Development Strategy in Nepal,"
pp.100-148, in Developmental Practices in Nepal, Edited by Krishna B.
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Anthropology, Tribhuvan University, Kathamdnu in cooperation with Friedrich
Ebert Stiftung (FES), Nepal Office, Kathmandu,
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Rural Development: A Case Study of the GTZ Supported Self-Help Promotion
programs in Nepal," in Social Economy and National Development, Edited by
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Bista, Dor Bahadur
* 1991 Fatalism and Development. Nepal's Struggle for Modernization.
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* 1995 Contested Hierarchies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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End Notes:
1. This part is based on a book by Michael Vinding (1998) and personal
communication with Mr. Omkar Prasad Gauchan.
2. This part is based on an article by Suresh Dhakal (1996).
3. This part is based on books by mahesh Chandra Regmi (1978; 2000) and
personal communication with Pragya Bairagi Kainla (Poet Til Bikram nembang),
Dr. Chaitannya Subba, Mr. Arjun Limbu and Mr. Mahendra Lawoti.
4. This part is based on a draft report prepared by Sumitra
Manandhar-Gurung (2000).
5. This is based on my own personal observation. For detail see
Messesrchmidt 1978; 1981; Chhetri 1995)
6. This section is based on Uphoff (1986).
7. Based on personal communication with Dr. Keshav Shakya and Mr. Dhruba
Manandhar.
8. This part is based on articles by Donald A. Messerschmidt (1981) and
David Gellner (19 ).
9. This part is based on a draft report prepared by Sumitra
Manandhar-Gurung (2000).
10. This part is based on an article in Nepali by Rajendra Gurung (1999).