LEVY ON MALAYSIANS WHO WORK IN SINGAPORE
Bad boy
in Jurong will have to pay a levy up to RM250, if a
brainless Malaysian Minister's proposal is passed
as law.
These workers will demand higher wages to compensate
for their extra financial burden.
In most cases, it will end up as higher cost of production
for their employers in Singapore who can ill afford
the extra expenses in these hard times.
Singapore government should review the rules on
granting work permits to foreign workers. The preferential
treatment for Malaysians should be opened to foreign
workers from "non-traditional sources", such as China,
Bangladesh, Indonesia and Burma.
Workers from these countries are willing to work at 1/3
the wages paid to Malaysian workers. Even if the
employers were to pay for housing and home trips
at the end of their contract, it will still be cheaper than
employing Malaysians.
Malaysia is exploiting the preferential treatment granted
to Malaysians. If it means higher costs to us, it is time to
help our employers.
It is estimated the Malaysian workers bring home about
3 billions in foreign currency annually from Singapore.
The expected levy of MR61 millions will come to a fat zero
if the jobs now held by Malaysians are given to other
nationals.
Most Malaysians do not come with the necessary skills
for their jobs. Singapore employers send them for courses
or provide them with on the job training. Their skills will
be wasted because in JB, there are not such factories.
The Minister's claim that they were trained using Malaysian
resources is a myth. It shows that he is an absolute idiot.
Bad boy.
Starhub
work. And Malaysian come to Singapore and work.
Actually Singaporean should thank them for filling up all the manufacturing
jobs which would otherwise vacant that manufacturer would not want to setup
plant here. But things are changing as manufacturing are shifting to China.
Onggard
When everywhere becomes expensive, where would they go? Moon is the nearest
;p
-=_Duke of Fly_=-
What?
"Starhub" <ironm...@hotmail.com> wrote in message
news:3c1a...@news.starhub.net.sg...
Jason Chong
>
> These workers will demand higher wages to compensate
> for their extra financial burden.
> In most cases, it will end up as higher cost of production
> for their employers in Singapore who can ill afford
> the extra expenses in these hard times.
>
The reason why Malaysian (Especially Non-Malay) workers are
sought after by S'pore PAP govt is not solely because of their
knowledge.
The S'pore govt wants to win over the hearts of these people and
expect them to be grateful (better still take up arms) to betray
Malaysia and fight for S'pore in case war happens one day between
S'pore and Malaysia.
S'pore wants the 'support' of as many Malaysians(Johoreans especially)
during the war.
Also because Malaysian non-malays (Chinese) are the next best thing there
is available to control population ratio of Malay Muslims in S'pore and
the best spouse choices available to existing S'poreans who are sick of
each other where marriage partners are concerned.
Di Da Di
entering singapore to work one is that the employer here either help pay the
levy for them or have them sent home. If they pay the levy for them, then
the cost will be treated as tax deductable from their annual account book.
That means the IRAs will get less tax from these local companies. That
meansthere will be a outflow of the money to elsewhere - like paying tax to
the other side of the govt who just need to put a man at their border booth
to count their workers entering singapore. The second scenario is that if
local companies refuse to help pay for their malaysian workers, then the
workers either resign or be terminated by their companies. When there is
less malaysian workers being employed in Singapore, there will be vacancies
to the thousands of unemployed singaporean . However, that may not
necessarily mean more jobs are avialable or the pay will be good enough for
the singporeans as employers would still have their final say.
--
-----------------------------------------------------
Click here for Free Video!!
http://www.gohip.com/freevideo/
Bad boy <bd...@yahoo.com> wrote in message
news:9ve4gb$ql0$1...@newsie.singa.pore.net...
Charlemagne
wrote:
What awful and illogical fartings
Charlemagne
On Sun, 16 Dec 2001 01:07:04 -0000, "Di Da Di" <DiD...@niko.com>
wrote:
Mat Lembu
happy. Thank you the government of Malaysia. You sacrifice 3bil dollars of
income anually for our profits. This is the true "profit thy neighbours"
spirit.
Di Da Di <DiD...@niko.com> wrote in message
news:3c1a...@news.starhub.net.sg...
Charlemagne
Good idea, we do a pre-emptive.........charge the M govt the levy if
they allow their citizen to work here!!
On Sat, 15 Dec 2001 09:39:26 +0100, "Mat Lembu" <le...@excite.com>
wrote:
Bad boy
For certain jobs, employers could not recruit
workers from "non traditional" sources. Work
permits are granted to Malaysians only.
If the Levy is imposed, this work permit policy
should be reviewed.
In these hard times, employers should be given
help, ie to employ workers from non traditional
sources, so as to protect the others jobs held by
Singaporeans in the factories.
Bad boy.
Di Da Di <DiD...@niko.com> wrote in message
news:3c1a...@news.starhub.net.sg...
> However, that may not
michael
[deleted]
>Also because Malaysian non-malays (Chinese) are the next best thing there
>is available to control population ratio of Malay Muslims in S'pore and
>the best spouse choices available to existing S'poreans who are sick of
>each other where marriage partners are concerned.
The Chinese from Malaysia are favoured because there is no
cultural difference between the Malaysian Chinese and the
Singaporean Chinese. The Chinese from Malaysia will blend
in seamlessly with those in Singapore.
regards,
michael ... afn2...@afn.org
Yap Yok Foo
>each other where marriage partners are concerned.
I could have sworn Robert Ho Chong has been committed to an asylum
What's he doing here, posting under another name???
Ooops, this is from Jason Chong posting from this side of the Causeway
Sorry, must have been confused by the similar tack of stirring shit
and inciting hatred between the people of Malaysia and Singapore
*************From Uncle Yap**************
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angus
by car while most go by motor-bikes.
The car owners are mainly Chinese while the bikers are a more mixed lot and
they provide much of the muscle that makes Singapore work.
Not only the Chinese have cross-border connections. Many Malaysians have some
relatives who are Singaporeans.
H J Angus
Bad boy
and service workers.
The Chinese Malaysian are employed mainly in technical
jobs and construction works. The majority of clerical,
sale and services workers from Malaysia are not Chinese.
Work permits for these jobs are given to only Malaysians.
It is time to open the job vacancies to other nationals who
are willing to accept much lower wages, to reduce our
operating/production costs.
Bad boy.
angus <an...@pd.jaring.my> wrote in message
news:3C1C09F4...@pd.jaring.my...
> while the bikers are a more mixed lot and
> they provide much of the muscle that makes Singapore work.
>
>
michael
>
>If you observe the types of workers who travel daily to Singapore, some travel
>by car while most go by motor-bikes.
>The car owners are mainly Chinese while the bikers are a more mixed lot and
>they provide much of the muscle that makes Singapore work.
>
>Not only the Chinese have cross-border connections. Many Malaysians have some
>relatives who are Singaporeans.
Oh ... I am referring to those those who qualify to be PR and
citizens of Singapore.
Sorry for the ambiquity.
regards,
michael ... afn2...@afn.org
Bad breath
wrote:
>Singapore is short of technicians, construction, clerical, sale
>and service workers.
>The Chinese Malaysian are employed mainly in technical
>jobs and construction works. The majority of clerical,
>sale and services workers from Malaysia are not Chinese.
>
>Work permits for these jobs are given to only Malaysians.
>It is time to open the job vacancies to other nationals who
>are willing to accept much lower wages, to reduce our
>operating/production costs.
>
>Bad boy.
And based on what did you write this load of bullshit that is
most fitting for the toilet bowl?
Yap Yok Foo
4 February 2002
Eye of the Storm
Disturbing revelations throw a spotlight on Malaysia as the region's
key meeting place for al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorists and an exporter
of jihad
SIMON ELEGANT Kuala Lumpur
Ever since the Sept. 11 attacks in the U.S., speculation has been
rampant about the extent of al-Qaeda's ambitions in Southeast Asia.
Some analysts fingered sprawling, chaotic Indonesia as the possible
nexus of an Asian network, pointing to its thousands of radical
Muslims fighting bloody private wars against their Christian
neighbors. Others suggested the Philippines, whose lawless,
predominantly Muslim south harbored well-armed Islamic militias that
have been waging war against the central government for decades. Very
few suspected peaceful, relatively prosperous Malaysia, where Muslims
make up two-thirds of the population but seemed to have bought into
the consumerist, essentially pro-Western views espoused by their
leaders.
But after months of investigation and hundreds of hours interrogating
detained terrorist suspects, even government officials in Kuala Lumpur
can no longer deny that Malaysia was the financial and planning center
for the region's main al-Qaeda-linked terrorist network, the place
Osama bin Laden's proselytizers chose to recruit a core of loyal
followers, launch new groups into neighboring countries, and
coordinate with Southeast Asia's existing Islamic radicals.
Increasingly, it seems clear Malaysia was one of a number of hubs used
in the worldwide preparations for the carnage of Sept. 11 in the U.S.
If that isn't shocking enough, consider this: the networks are still
thriving. Underworld figures involved in Southeast Asia's flourishing
illicit trade in arms assert—and senior Malaysian government officials
acknowledge—that representatives from the region's most notorious and
violent radical Islamic groups still regularly gather in Malaysia to
meet with their al-Qaeda backers. Listen to Mat, a pony-tailed
Indonesian who has been trading illegal arms for 20 years. "How stupid
can you be? Of course al-Qaeda is still here in Malaysia," he snorts.
"This is their favorite place to have meetings with the other radical
Islamic groups in the region."
Mat says the crackdown by police since the Sept. 11 attacks has yet to
interfere seriously with his business, either with ordinary criminal
groups or with regular customers from a laundry list of Asian Islamic
militant organizations that he says are funded in part by al-Qaeda:
the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) and Abu Sayyaf from the
Philippines, the Laskar Jihad and Free Aceh Movement from Indonesia
and Malaysia's own Kumpulan Mujahideen Malaysia (KMM).
To learn that terrorist groups continue to hold such meetings with
apparent impunity is especially alarming in light of new details
interrogators have gleaned from the roughly 50 terrorist suspects
being held in Malaysian jails. For the first time, police have a
detailed picture of how al-Qaeda stepped in and—mostly through the
liberal use of cash and the services of two Indonesian clerics who
acted as proxies—managed to transform a radical Muslim group
preoccupied with domestic concerns into a band of foot soldiers in
Osama bin Laden's crusade against the U.S.
Malaysia is, in the words of one U.S. official, "a perfect place for
terrorist R. and R.," where Islamic radicals from around the region
and their al-Qaeda backers can meet. The most notorious gathering of
al-Qaeda operatives took place in January 2000 and involved two
hijackers who died in the suicide attack on the Pentagon, the roommate
of a third hijacker and at least one of the suspects in the U.S.S.
Cole bombing. Zacarias Moussaoui, the Algerian-born French citizen now
in custody in Virginia—the so-called 20th hijacker—also made several
visits to Malaysia. Last week Washington labeled the country a staging
area for the U.S. attacks, a charge that has put the Malaysian
government on the defensive. "Malaysia is definitely not a primary
launchpad for terrorists' activities," says a government official.
"But it appears that Malaysia was used as a convenient meeting and
transit point by some of these people from the radical groups."
Despite the semantic disagreement, there's little doubt that Malaysia
is cooperating with the U.S. in seeking to apprehend militants.
Although Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad is known to rail
against U.S. policy in the Middle East and its conduct of the war in
Afghanistan, he has long warned of the threat of radical Islam.
Malaysian police made their first arrests—of 12 KMM members—in early
August 2001, well before last year's attacks, at the time raising a
chorus of complaints from human rights advocates who said the arrests
were politically motivated to stamp out opposition.
That tough antiterrorist line has continued. Since September, as part
of the global crackdown on extremist Islamic groups, Malaysian police
have arrested some 50 alleged members of the KMM, which they say
sought the violent overthrow of the government for the purposes of
installing a fundamentalist Islamic administration. Despite the
arrests, as the Malaysian official notes, even with new, stringent
surveillance of visitors and tightened-up immigration checks, it's
nearly impossible to track what he estimates are "several hundred"
al-Qaeda-linked businessmen, bankers, traders and tourists—many of
them Arab—who pass through or live in the country.
"Let's draw parallels with, say, the Tamils and LTTE," another
official explains, referring to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam,
who have been waging a bloody campaign for two decades for an
independent state in Sri Lanka. "If Tamils set up businesses in Sri
Lanka and then support the Tamil Tigers, what can the Sri Lankan
government do? It can only monitor these businessmen but cannot arrest
them without concrete proof. It's the same here. Al-Qaeda
representatives are sent to ensure the radical groups in the region
have the necessary funding to buy arms and don't have to worry about
other logistics. You must always remember that Osama's main aim is to
see powerful radical groups emerging."
Police in Malaysia say they now have a clear picture of how al-Qaeda
managed to reprogram just such a radical group. The Malaysian
authorities had been tracking the KMM for months before they moved to
arrest the 12 alleged ringleaders under suspicion of a rash of crimes,
including a bank robbery that left several members dead, a political
assassination and bombings of temples and churches.
The KMM, which official sources allege was founded and led by the son
of opposition leader Nik Aziz, had established branches in all nine
states in peninsular Malaysia. KMM members were told that the group
was conducting militia-style training to protect Nik Aziz's
fundamentalist Islamic Party of Malaysia in the event of a government
crackdown. But top KMM leaders were actively planning the violent
overthrow of the country's government in favor of an Islamic regime,
police say.
In the mid-'90s, that domestic focus changed with the appearance in
Malaysia of two Indonesian ulema, or Islamic teachers. The two men,
Abubakar Ba'asyir and Riduan Isamuddin, better known as Hambali,
preached a radical new vision of Islam, heavily influenced by the
worldview of Osama bin Laden, a man Hambali claimed to have met
personally on two occasions. The militant clerics found a receptive
audience among many KMM members, government officials say, focusing
their attention on a KMM branch in the state of Selangor, outside the
capital Kuala Lumpur.
With Abubakar acting as the spiritual leader and controller of the
purse strings and Hambali responsible for most of the planning and
day-to-day administration, the two men wooed KMM members in Selangor
and elsewhere into a new organization they established in the late
1990s, called the Jemaah Islamiah. Abubakar hammered home the themes
he still preaches at his school in central Java today: the glory of a
martyr's death and the overriding goal of setting up a Muslim
government. Officials say he espoused the formation of a new Islamic
state encompassing Malaysia, Indonesia, the southern Philippines,
Singapore and Brunei. To fund such an ambitious vision, he was in
contact with al-Qaeda paymasters and responsible for funneling money
through branches of some Middle Eastern banks in Malaysia to his own
newly founded cells of Jemaah Islamiah, which gradually stretched
through peninsular Malaysia to Singapore, as well as to other Islamic
groups in the region.
If Abubakar was the founding father and spiritual leader, Hambali was
his chief executive officer. A 36-year-old veteran of the Afghan
struggle against the Soviet Union, Hambali was the practical man who
made the plans and gave the orders. Officials say he was responsible
for organizing paramilitary training stints for Jemaah Islamiah
members in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
These sources also say he was the mastermind behind a series of
bombing missions around the region. In one example, Hambali sent a
known associate, Malaysian Taufik Abdul Halim to Jakarta, where he was
arrested on Aug. 1, 2001, after a bomb he was carrying exploded and
blew off one of his legs. Last fall in Malaysia itself, Hambali
instructed Yazid Sufaat, a former Malaysian army captain now under
detention in Kuala Lumpur, to place an order for four tons of ammonium
nitrate, a fertilizer that can be used as a bombmaking ingredient. The
current whereabouts of the chemical remains a mystery.
The role of bombmaker was a surprising one for Yazid, who officials
say was a minor figure in the Selangor branch of the KMM, a "runner"
as one puts it. But Yazid flourished in the Jemaah Islamiah, rising to
become Hambali's most trusted lieutenant. Hambali ordered Yazid to
host the two hijackers who died in the Pentagon attack at his condo in
Kuala Lumpur. Yazid has told his interrogators that he had no
knowledge of the Sept. 11 attacks but, one official says, he suspected
the men who stayed at his apartment had some role in the attacks
because "they had asked if there were flying schools in Malaysia.
Yazid recommended one in [BRACKET {Melaka}] but they said it would not
be suitable for them."
Yazid has admitted to giving suspected hijacker Moussaoui a cover
letter from a Malaysian company introducing him as its U.S. marketing
consultant. The letter, U.S. sources say, contained a guarantee that
Moussaoui would be paid $35,000 for his services. Malaysian officials
deny reports, however, that Yazid confessed to actually giving money
to Moussaoui during his visits to Malaysia. "Yazid has told us no
money changed hands," one official says.
Despite the growing list of allegations against Abubakar and Hambali,
Indonesian officials have been circumspect in dealing with Abubakar,
who recently moved back to Indonesia after 15 years. (Hambali, who is
wanted by police in Indonesia and Malaysia, has disappeared). Recently
questioned by police, Abubakar was released after two days and
continues to teach at his religious school in the town of Solo. In an
interview with Time, the soft-spoken 63-year-old vigorously denies any
connection with a terrorist network. "I am not advocating the
overthrow of any government," Abubakar says. "What I want to see is a
government committed to Islam." He blames Mahathir, the U.S. and a
worldwide Jewish conspiracy for his problems (see interview). "This is
just a political game," he says of the charges. "Jemaah Islamiah is an
invention by Mahathir to instill fear [BRACKET {into}] the Muslim
community."
But the Jemaah Islamiah's reach extends far beyond just Malaysia. In
December, Singaporean police arrested 13 alleged members of the Jemaah
Islamiah and uncovered detailed plans to bomb U.S. targets in the
city-state. In addition to the scheme involving the missing tons of
ammonium nitrate that were destined for Singapore, police there have
unearthed another Jemaah Islamiah plot to order a further nine tons of
the chemical. (For comparison, the devastating Oklahoma City bombing
required only one ton of ammonium nitrate.)
More arrests might be in store. Malaysian officials say that despite
the 50 previously detained suspects, several hundred more are still at
large. And in Singapore, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong recently warned
residents that despite the arrests there could well still be
terrorists in their midst. "I do not want to alarm you," he said, "but
it is prudent for us to work on the assumption that a bomb may go off
somewhere in Singapore someday."
There is plenty of evidence that al-Qaeda operatives, or their
proxies, are still active in the region. According to sources at all
levels of the clandestine arms trade in Southeast Asia,
meetings—sometimes several a month—between representatives of militant
Islamic groups and their al-Qaeda financiers continue to take place in
Malaysia: in cheap hotels and guest houses outside Kuala Lumpur, in
the beach resort of Port Dickson and in the cities of Melaka and
Johore Baru across the strait from Singapore. "These groups use the
Internet to set up the venue and date for their meetings," says Mat,
the arms trader. "The messages are sent in encrypted codes. For
example, MILF might want 3,000 M-16s and the al-Qaeda member will
agree to pay for the weapons."
Just how effectively this system operates is made clear by a spokesman
for the fundamentalist Free Aceh Movement, better known by its
Indonesian acronym gam. Agreeing to talk only by telephone and
refusing to give even a nickname, the 10-year veteran of the murderous
struggle—his wife and three children have all been killed in the
fighting—says that he regularly places orders with arms syndicates for
hundreds of weapons: M-16 and AK-47 automatic rifles, handguns and
ammunition. Tracing a well-worn route, the weapons are bought in
Thailand, sent down to Malaysia and then carried on boats through the
Strait of Malacca.
But, he adds, he has nothing to do with the financing of the deals. He
doesn't have any idea how much the weapons cost. Payment is taken care
of by sympathizers, such as al-Qaeda. "My job is only to place orders
with the arms brokers," he says. "When the weapons arrive, I will be
notified."
That notification comes from middlemen like Mat, who are present at
the initial meetings, then take over the ordering and delivery,
working through the several criminal syndicates that control the
region's flow of illegal arms. Due to the sensitivities and dangers
involved, only one syndicate actually buys arms for the radical
groups. Because the profits for the transactions are so high, official
sources say, and al-Qaeda is still apparently able to command
significant funds, non-Muslim criminals—some of them outwardly
respectable businessmen—are a key part of the process. "The syndicate
is based in Malaysia," says Mat, "and is made up largely of Overseas
Chinese and some Malaysian Chinese." The middlemen and their sponsors
represent the murky underworld where Islamic ideology becomes entwined
with the straightforward criminal activity of gunrunning. The size and
complexities of that network illustrate the difficulties of an
effective government crackdown.
Malaysian officials say the security problem is compounded by the
country's successful push in recent years to boost the numbers of
visitors from the Middle East, attracted in part by Malaysia's policy
of visa-free entry for citizens of most Islamic countries. "How do we
stop these Arabs?" asks one official. "Even if we suspect them we
can't just arrest people."
While the scope and reach of Malaysia's terror network is alarming,
what is more surprising is that fundamentalist and separatist
movements throughout Southeast Asia have been funded and armed by
al-Qaeda operatives, sometimes without the guerrillas themselves
knowing the identity of their backers. Equally troubling is the fact
that the al-Qaeda terror network is linked with not only extremist
Islamic groups but a host of criminal syndicates. Kuala Lumpur and the
other governments can no longer blame foreigners, especially Arabs,
for their domestic terrorist problems. The money might come from
abroad, but the extremism and criminal support networks are largely
homegrown. How Malaysia and the other countries counter this threat
will become increasingly the concern not just of the U.S. and other
potential targets of terrorism, but of other Asian populations and
governments that will face persistent unrest until the War on Terror
is finally won.
—With reporting by Robert Horn/Bangkok, Mageswary Ramakrishnan/Kuala
Lumpur, Elaine Shannon/Washington, Jason Tedjasukmana/Solo and Douglas
Wong/Singapore
>Uncle Yap's note
>see the url for this story below
http://www.time.com/time/asia/features/malay_terror/cover2.html
http://www.time.com/time/asia/
fairplay
What is going on!!
Yap Yok Foo wrote:
> From Time Magazine
> 4 February 2002
>
> Eye of the Storm
> Disturbing revelations throw a spotlight on Malaysia as the region's
> key meeting place for al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorists and an exporter
> of jihad
> SIMON ELEGANT Kuala Lumpur
>
>
>
> There is plenty of evidence that al-Qaeda operatives, or their
> proxies, are still active in the region. According to sources at all
> levels of the clandestine arms trade in Southeast Asia,
> meetings—sometimes several a month—between representatives of militant
> Islamic groups and their al-Qaeda financiers continue to take place in
> Malaysia: in cheap hotels and guest houses outside Kuala Lumpur, in
> the beach resort of Port Dickson and in the cities of Melaka and
> Johore Baru across the strait from Singapore. "These groups use the
> Internet to set up the venue and date for their meetings," says Mat,
> the arms trader. "The messages are sent in encrypted codes. For
> example, MILF might want 3,000 M-16s and the al-Qaeda member will
> agree to pay for the weapons."
>
> Just how effectively this system operates is made clear by a spokesman
> for the fundamentalist Free Aceh Movement, better known by its
> Indonesian acronym gam. Agreeing to talk only by telephone and
> refusing to give even a nickname, the 10-year veteran of the murderous
> struggle—his wife and three children have all been killed in the
> fighting—says that he regularly places orders with arms syndicates for
> hundreds of weapons: M-16 and AK-47 automatic rifles, handguns and
> ammunition. Tracing a well-worn route, the weapons are bought in
> Thailand, sent down to Malaysia and then carried on boats through the
> Strait of Malacca.
>
Another Zaphod
> Serious charges/ allegations...
> What is going on!!
>
Yes definitely very serious, but our people are simply too busy making
arguments about little schoolgirls wearing tudung.
Too busy fiddling while the real terrorists and fanatics try to burn
our countries down.
YF Yap
Zaphod) w
>> What is going on!!
>Yes definitely very serious, but our people are simply too busy making
>arguments about little schoolgirls wearing tudung.
>Too busy fiddling while the real terrorists and fanatics try to burn
>our countries down.
The cover design of this Time issue has a backdrop of a Malaysian flag
This is setting us back many years of international goodwill & image
**************From Uncle Yap**************
Berita Malaysia - The Malaysian News & Discussion Group
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YF Yap
9 February 2002
Malay MPs do take stands on 'deep-seated' issues
I REFER to Miss Chua Lee Hoong's column, 'Muslim leaders must be seen
to speak their minds' (ST, Feb 6).
Miss Chua made the observations that 'official' Malay/Muslim
leadership merely repeats the government line, that they do not voice
the real concerns of the community, especially the 'deep-seated' ones;
and, if they do at all, it is done perfunctorily.
Hence, she concludes, this leadership is perceived as colourless, and
risks, if not already, losing 'genuine leadership' of the community.
My Malay/Muslim MP colleagues and I see our role as moving our
community forward within the realities and context of a multi-racial,
multi-cultural Singapore.
For instance, we took an early initiative to organise a convention and
started discussions and meetings to increase the community's awareness
of the need to prepare for the knowledge economy. We stressed - and
still do - the importance of education in the community's journey
ahead.
Surfacing and articulating the concerns (including the 'deep-seated'
ones) of the community is part of the role we play as leaders.
Malay/Muslim MPs have never shied away from taking positions and
stating them publicly. On what is now popularly known as the tudung
issue, it is public knowledge that my colleagues and I had raised it
with the Government and asked for the headscarf to be allowed in
schools. We also had two meetings with the Prime Minister to discuss
the government stand.
Ultimately, however, the Malay/Muslim MPs have to decide on their own
position, explain it to the community, and show the way forward. When
and how we do so, is a matter of judgment.
But must our position be always different from the Government's, for
it to be credible or to show leadership?
'Deep-seated' concerns and issues are serious and complex. They can
strike deep into the emotions. Hence, my colleagues and I do not deal
with them or reflect them 'perfunctorily', as they require, in our
view, measured, considered, thoughtful and responsible handling.
Can Miss Chua imagine the effect on the current debate on the tudung,
had Malay/Muslim MPs reflected the concerns and emotions of the four
parents involved in the controversy in more colourful and assertive
ways?
She concluded that because the parents concerned preferred to seek
counsel from family and friends and not from 'official leaders', it
showed an erosion of the leadership of the Malay MPs.
But must this be the only barometer? Given their strong stand, does
she seriously think these parents would come to us for counsel?
Don't the various requests for our assistance from many more families
on this and other issues count in judging our effectiveness or
leadership?
My colleagues and I are very mindful of the role we play, both within
our community and vis-a-vis the nation. This is something we face
every day. We endeavour to do what is in the best and long-term
interest of the community and country. I am confident that my Chinese
and Indian colleagues in Parliament are tackling their community's
interests in ways which suit them best.
Still, we agree with Miss Chua on the changes taking place in the
Malay/Muslim community, and the need to change leadership styles to
suit the new situation.
Indeed, we have made a start. Dialogues on topics such as Malays in
the Singapore Armed Forces, madrasahs and, now, the tudung were
unthinkable not so long ago.
Also, since prior to the last General Election, for example,
Malay/Muslim MPs had stepped up our efforts to reach out to a wide
cross-section of our community. We met and held dialogue sessions with
Malay/Muslim organisations and groups on various sensitive issues.
This process will continue. We will continue these and other efforts
to reach out to and gel better with the community. Let me also address
a point Miss Chua made on the Islamic Religious Council (Muis).
The timing of Muis' response had nothing to do with the PM's remarks
made at the recent Mendaki Club dialogue. Muis was ready to make its
position public earlier on, but held it back after I asked it to do
so. It made its stand public only when one of the parents involved
asked for its interpretation of the matter.
The suggestion that Muis (and, by implication, the Mufti, too) made
its pronouncement only after the PM made his stand clear is, at best,
a mischievous one. It demeans the office of the Mufti, an institution
which the Government and Malay/Muslim MPs respect.
Ultimately, someone must take the lead. My colleagues and I do not
flinch from this task, difficult as it is, and even as we are mindful
that not everyone in the community may agree with us in approach or
substance.
We will continue to exercise this responsibility, guided by the
long-term interests of our community and the nation. Many challenges
await the Malay/Muslim community. Let us move on. I hope the media
would help by not prolonging the tudung issue.
ABDULLAH TARMUGI
Minister-in-charge of Muslim Affairs,
Minister for Community Development and Sports
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YF Yap
9 February 2002
Ex-President Ong dies
Body will lie at his home till funeral on Tuesday; State flag will fly
at half mast at all govt buildings as a mark of respect
FORMER President Ong Teng Cheong died last night at his Dalvey Estate
home just four days after his discharge from hospital. He was 66.
Tributes poured in last night for the late Mr Ong, who had spent most
of his adult life in public service.
His body will lie at his home at 1, Dalvey Estate, until the funeral
on Tuesday.
In a statement late last night, Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and the
Cabinet expressed sadness at the news of Mr Ong's passing and conveyed
their condolences to the family.
As a mark of respect, the State flag on all government buildings will
be lowered to half mast on the day of the funeral.
Mr Ong was warded at the National University Hospital just a day
before his 66th birthday on Jan 22, after he was reported to have
fallen at home.
He left hospital on Monday, but there was no word about his condition
until news of his death broke last night.
He died at 8.14 pm, surrounded by his family. A widower, he left two
sons, Tze Guan, 36, and Tze Boon, 33, both trained as architects, and
married.
Mr Ong was diagnosed with cancer of the lymphatic system in 1992, a
year before he became Singapore's first elected President. He suffered
from low-grade malignant lymphoma since, and went to the United States
frequently for treatment.
The architect-turned-politician entered politics in 1972 when he
became MP for Kim Keat, a seat he held for 21 years.
Former MP Hwang Soo Jin, 65, who met and introduced Mr Ong to politics
in 1969, told The Straits Times last night that the former president
attended a family party he hosted on Dec 8, just days before he was
due to go to the US again for treatment.
''He was still looking well with his hair fully grown and he told me
that he was looking forward to trying a new drug in the US,'' he said.
Mr Ong, who was Deputy Prime Minister and Secretary-General of the
National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) before running for president,
stepped down from the presidency after completing a six-year term in
August 1999.
Tributes to Mr Ong Teng Cheong
'He was a devoted family man, upright, caring and gracious. He was a
Confucianist scholar, a mandarin, a righteous and accomplished man.'
- PM Goh Chok Tong
'It's very sad. As colleagues, we worked well together even on quite
difficult matters. For example, when I was in MTI and he in NTUC. In
the 1985 recession, when we had to sell the CPF cut and urge
restraint, without his help, I would have had a difficult job.
We worked together for many years and also, we both had lymphoma at
the same time. I think he's had a difficult time with his illness. My
heart goes out to his family.'
- DPM Lee Hsien Loong, speaking to Singapore reporters in London
yesterday
'He was a devoted husband and a caring father. He was a good employer
and a friend to everyone. He was a jun zi - a moral gentleman in his
dealings with people.'
- Lawrence Sia, former NTUC deputy secretary-general
'He was always on the side of labour without overlooking the wider
national interests. I was president of the Economic Society and was at
one annual dinner when he announced the setting up of the Institute of
Labour Studies. I am glad the NTUC has decided to call the institute
the Ong Teng Cheong Institute of Labour Studies.'
- Professor Lim Chong Yah, former chief of the National Wages Council
Weeks earlier, his wife of 36 years, Madam Ling Siew Mei, died of
cancer aged 62.
Ministers, unionists, grassroots leaders, friends and his former
parliamentary colleagues paid tribute to the man whom they described
as a gentleman who had made significant contributions to Singapore.
PM Goh, in a letter to Mr Ong's elder son, Tze Guan, described his
former colleague as a key member of the team of second-generation
ministers who succeeded the Old Guard.
He said: ''We worked well together. He was fully supportive of me as a
colleague and as Prime Minister. I shall always remember his
comradeship.''
But though Mr Ong's achievements were many, Mr Goh said it was his
personal qualities that he would remember best.
He added: ''He was a devoted family man, upright, caring and gracious.
He was a Confucianist scholar, a mandarin, a righteous and
accomplished man.''
The PM's letter was released to the press last night.
Mr Lim Boon Heng, Minister in the Prime Minister's Office and NTUC
secretary-general, said in a statement last night: ''I was enormously
saddened when I heard the news. On behalf of all union leaders and
NTUC staff, I offer our deepest condolences to his family.''
He said he had known Mr Ong for many years and saw how he passionately
cared for workers and led the labour movement in a decade of change
and growth between 1983 and 1993.
The NTUC flag at Trade Union House at Bras Basah Road will be flown at
half mast today as a mark of respect for the former chief of the
labour movement.
The NTUC will also rename the Singapore Institute of Labour Studies as
the Ong Teng Cheong Institute of Labour Studies in recognition of his
contributions to the labour movement.
A new NTUC education fund in his name, to support the training and
upgrading of union leaders who take up high level leadership training
or university studies, will also be started soon.
''Through these, the legacy of comrade Ong will live on in the hearts
of workers,'' said Mr Lim.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Farewell, Mr Ong
In his long political career, former President also sought to help
people enjoy the finer things in life
By Leong Weng Kam And Susan Long
A LOVER of the arts, fighter for underdogs and champion of the Chinese
community - that is how the late former President Ong Teng Cheong will
be remembered.
Growing up, he was nicknamed ''Do Re Mi'' for his piano-playing
skills. Then, in the 1940s, learning to play the instrument was deemed
a sissy pursuit, meant for well-bred girls.
But the ribbing never deterred the independent-minded eldest son of an
English-educated civil servant and housewife from pursuing his
life-long love for the arts.
As a boy, he studied the piano up to Grade Eight level, performed in
Chinese drama productions and learnt how to paint from his father,
amateur artist Ong Keng Wee.
Joy of life
"What is life? Of course, you have to eat, and in order to eat well,
you have to work. But if you just work and eat, work and eat, there is
no pleasure. So if you can appreciate music, paintings, enjoy colours,
understand the interplay of spaces around you... life will become more
meaningful and enjoyable."
- The late Mr Ong
Later, when he served as Singapore's Acting Culture Minister in 1977,
he became an active champion of the arts. Under his charge, the
Victoria Concert Hall was renovated, the Cultural Foundation was set
up and Cultural Medallion awards were introduced to recognise artistic
excellence here.
He pursued his mission of helping Singaporeans enjoy the softer, less
material and cultural side of life when he became the Republic's first
elected President in 1993.
During his six-year stint as President, he initiated the President Art
Charities, which raised millions for needy beneficiaries here. In an
interview with The Straits Times in 1996, he mused: ''What is life? Of
course, you have to eat, and in order to eat well, you have to work.
But if you just work and eat, work and eat, there is no pleasure.''
After completing his senior high school education at Chinese High
School in 1955, he left for Australia to study architecture at the
University of Adelaide. He worked there as an architect, married his
sweetheart and architecture classmate Ling Siew May before returning
to Singapore to practise in 1964.
A year later, he took up a Colombo Plan master's scholarship to study
town planning at the University of Liverpool. He returned in 1967 and
worked as a town planner for the Singapore Government for four years.
Tributes to Mr Ong Teng Cheong
NTUC his big family
''He treated the NTUC like a big family and he always had the workers'
interests at heart even when he was the President. He thought of the
Orchid Country Club, for workers to play golf. It was a revolutionary
idea.''
- Mr Stephen Lee, president of the Singapore National Employers
Federation
Support for alma mater
''Mr Ong has always been very supportive of his alma mater. He loved
the school very much and spent a lot of time doing things for the
school. He always attended our Founders' Day on March 21. His death is
a real loss to the school and the country. He was such a friendly
man.''
- Mr Koh Yong Chiah, principal of The Chinese High School
Loss for the state
''Singapore and its people have lost a very good citizen. He had
contributed so much to our state and our society. I will miss his
company and his friendship.''
- Former President Wee Kim Wee
Friend to all
''He was very friendly to everybody he met, from ordinary union
members to union leaders to people at a very high level. He was a very
creative and innovative person, both in the arts and in the way he did
things. The President's Star Charity was his idea.''
- Mr Tan Kin Lian, CEO of NTUC Income
Charitable man
''I knew him when I entered Parliament 18 years ago. He was a minister
then. I found him to be very approachable and personable. He wanted to
be a president known for supporting charity work. So, in that sense,
he left a very strong mark. The people liked him, and his death is a
great loss to us.''
- Mr Leong Horn Kee, an MP for Bishan-Toa Payoh GRC
Worthy president
''I've known Mr Ong since 1984 when I went to Parliament. He was a
very earnest person, he had very good ideas, and he made significant
contributions to the labour movement, particularly in providing
workers with services and facilities which are comparable to what
people would enjoy in private clubs. As a president, he has definitely
performed his role well too. I've lost a friend. We will miss him.''
- Home Affairs Minister Wong Kan Seng
In 1971, he started his own architecture firm, Ong and Ong, together
with his wife. They have two sons in their 30s, Tze Guan and Tze Boon,
who are married and trained architects today.
He first got involved in community work when he became an active
member of the Seletar Hills Residents' Association in Yio Chu Kang,
where he used to live. The then-MP for Yio Chu Kang, Mr Hwang Soo Jin,
roped him in to help design and rebuild the Yio Chu Kang Community
Centre and join the Citizens' Consultative Committee in 1971.
He was also persuaded to stand in Kim Keat as a People's Action Party
candidate in the 1972 General Election. He won a resounding 74 per
cent of the votes, against two opposition candidates, Workers' Party
candidate Seow Khee Leng and United National Front man Winston Paglar.
After three years as a backbencher, he crossed over to the Government
bench and went on to hold portfolios in the Labour, Communications and
Culture ministries.
As Senior Minister of State for Communications in 1975, Acting Culture
Minister in 1977 and then Communications Minister in 1978, he was
associated with projects such as the development of Changi Airport,
the PSA container port and the MRT project.
In 1981, he was appointed Labour Minister and elected chairman of the
PAP, a post he held till 1993 when he became Singapore's first elected
President.
Two years later, in 1983, he was parachuted into the National Trades
Union Congress to take over as secretary-general when his predecessor,
Mr Lim Chee Onn, resigned after upsetting some veteran trade
unionists.
Almost immediately, labour leaders took the approachable and affable
man into their fold. They described him warmly as a good listener with
a genuine interest in the lives of low-income workers.
Under his leadership, the NTUC grew from a watchdog for collective
bargaining and wage adjustments to a broad-based worker welfare
organisation, with economic clout to boot.
His ability to mobilise workers was best illustrated in the mid-1980s
economic slump, when he persuaded them to give up wage hikes and
accept a 15 percentage point Central Provident Fund cut.
He also pushed for the establishment of a range of affordable
recreational facilities for workers, such as the NTUC resort at Pasir
Ris, the Orchid and Aranda country clubs, as well as the Sentosa Beach
Resort.
Three years later, in 1985, the Minister-without-portfolio was
promoted to the Second Deputy Prime Minister post in the Lee Kuan Yew
Cabinet, making him second in line for the top job after Mr Goh Chok
Tong.
Mr Lee, who described him as a ''first-class chairman'', praised him
lavishly: ''He is equitable, he is patient, he listens to all sides,
he is very fair and he is decisive.''
Whenever he spoke in Parliament, Mr Ong often picked Chinese over
English. Because of that and his leadership of committees such as the
Chinese Language Review Committee in 1992, he was often seen as a
champion of the Chinese community here.
In 1992, it shocked many when he was diagnosed with cancer of the
lymphatic system. He had developed low-grade malignant lymphoma, an
abnormal growth of cells in the lymphatic system, which is the body's
drainage system for the colourless fluid called lymph that fights
infection.
Still, he was nominated by the NTUC and won Singapore's first
presidential election in 1993, beating his retired civil servant and
banker opponent Chua Kim Yeow.
Mr Ong's six years as President were colourful and active ones - the
Istana was renovated and more of its premises opened to the public
during public holidays.
But they were capped by controversy over his relationship with the
Government in his final few weeks of office.
In July 1999, a month before he was to step down as President, his
wife of 36 years died after a 2 1/2-year battle with cancer. She was
62. He was heartbroken.
He announced that he would not be standing for a second term and
revealed disagreements with the Government over the reserves just
before the next presidential election in August 1999.
His disagreement raised thoughtful questions about the nature of the
Elected President's authority and his relationship with the
Government.
The mark of the man was perhaps best summed up by a statement he made
during his campaign to become Singapore's first Elected President.
Some had questioned whether, as a former PAP chairman, he would able
to play the role of President impartially after serving for so many
years in the Government.
In a television broadcast, he made clear that his loyalty was ''first
and foremost'' to the people of Singapore. He declared: ''It has
always been so. And will always remain so.''
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YF Yap
10 February 2002
Man behind KL's first large-scale produce market
The fruit and vegetable market, called Pasarakyat, seeks to change the
way the supermarket business is done in the city
By Leslie Lau
IN KUALA LUMPUR
FORTY-SIX-year-old Steve Wong remembers the shady green trees and the
rustic charm of the 1960s Kuala Lumpur of his adolescence.
But he fears it is fast turning into just another city with its
scenery littered with Starbucks, McDonalds and multinational
hypermarkets.
The former general manager of Malaysia's biggest merchant bank and
executive director of one of the biggest stock brokerage firms, he
left the corporate world in 1997 for the greener pastures of farming.
Last week, he began tasting the fruits of his labour with the official
opening of Pasarakyat, a produce market dubbed the People's Market
that seeks to change the way the supermarket business is done here and
bring back some character to the city.
'You know, Malaysia produces an abundance of products, fruit and
vegetables, but we prefer foreign brands. All you really need is
proper marketing and promotion,' he told The Sunday Times.
When he left the corporate boardroom in 1997, he ventured into a 50-ha
farm in Proton City, which was to have been Malaysia's car-making town
modelled on Detroit but was abandoned because of the financial crisis.
Together with his partners, he planted everything from leafy
vegetables to sugarcane and bananas. That was the easy part.
'That was when I found out farmers were being held to ransom by
wholesalers.
'The system we have in place is such that it ensures profits for the
wholesalers who only pay farmers what they think is a fair price after
they sell the produce to the markets,' he said.
And that was also when the idea of Pasarakyat was formed.
What Mr Wong had in mind was a produce market with its own
distribution channel that sources vegetables, fruit and meat directly
from farmers.
'I decided we should go directly to farmers. Of course there is still
a profit, but the real issue is that our prices would not be
prohibitive and the farmers would get a fair shake,' he said.
The former corporate chief then got down to what he calls research,
spending nights and early mornings at wholesale and wet markets.
He also put up his own stall at a local night market to sell his
produce and learn first hand the business.
At Pasarakyat, his produce is now being sold at a fraction of the cost
at supermarkets and he hopes his idea will offer some serious
competition to popular hypermarkets.
Mr Wong is very critical of the way hypermarkets do business.
He points out that hypermarkets charge suppliers listing fees, which
is like an admission fee in which suppliers are charged a fixed amount
for the privilege of having their products sold at the outlet.
Suppliers also have to cough up their share for any advertising
campaigns and are compelled to pay a rebate at the end of each year to
the hypermarket that is calculated based on total sales for the year.
'We will not be engaging in such squeezing practices because we are
taking directly from farmers,' he says.
Hanging above the baskets of cabbages, watermelons and other Malaysian
produce are photographs of the farmers he buys the fruit and
vegetables from.
Mr Wong also plans to start up a pasar malam, or night market, in the
compound of Pasarakyat with a 1960s theme. 'KL is where I grew up but
it has become very anonymous. We have lost the rustic charm. I want to
recreate that with our night market,' he said.
Besides putting up antique signage, the night market will function by
having things done the way it was in the 1960s, from the manual
grating of ice for the cendol drinks to having a traditional capati
stall, replete with an old-style deep oven.
'I want people to come to Pasarakyat and feel that this is how
Malaysia should be,' he said.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Design ideas from Mahathir
THE planning behind Malaysia's first large-scale farm produce market
offers an insight into how Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad sometimes resorts to micro-management.
After Mr Steve Wong conceived the idea of starting the market, he
decided to show Dr Mahathir an outline of his plan.
'I managed to catch Dr Mahathir at a public function and got a total
of five minutes of his time,' he said.
Dr Mahathir listened to his idea about Pasarakyat and noted down a few
points.
A few months later, Mr Wong received a list of suggestions and design
sketches for what the Prime Minister thought the market should look
like.
'I did not think he would have the time, but basically Dr Mahathir
helped design the building,' he said. -- Leslie Lau
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YF Yap
10 February 2002
Unmasking radical preachers
As Malaysian authorities probe deeper into the network of Muslim
militant groups in the country, they find a growing nexus between
local recruits and a clutch of Indonesian clerics. Malaysia
correspondent BRENDAN PEREIRA reports
KUALA LUMPUR - Early last year, a bearded man with a generous girth
walked into the office of the Muslim youth movement Angkatan Belia
Islam Malaysia (Abim) with a troubling sales pitch.
After sinking into a leather sofa seat in the president's room, he
asked for money, lots of it.
He needed funds to send followers to Maluku in eastern Indonesia to
fight in the long-running war between Muslims and Christians on the
island.
Abim president Ahmad Azam remembers the encounter like it was
yesterday: 'He was talking about blood and death. It was disconcerting
to me.'
After sending him packing, the affable leader of the influential
Islamic organisation did what he normally does after meeting any
religious expert, preacher or donation seeker.
He puts them in a pigeonhole:
a) sound theological foundation;
b) shallow knowledge;
c) simple-minded; or
d) confidence trickster.
Muhammad Iqbal scored an E. 'He was an extremist,' said Mr Ahmad.
The mother-in-law of Yazid Sufaat did not have that same insight.
Yazid spent four years in the United States, studying biochemistry at
California's State University. After graduating in 1987, he returned
home and joined the army, where he served as a technician in the
medical corp.
His mother-in-law felt that he was not religious enough.
This was the period when Islamic resurgence among Muslims in Malaysia
was gaining momentum and people were seeking religion as an antidote
to growing materialism.
She hooked him up with a religious teacher. That teacher was Muhammad
Iqbal.
Today, both of them are being detained under the Internal Security Act
in the same centre in Kamunting, Perak. Their crimes: Islamic
militancy.
Malaysian security officials have no doubt who was the more dangerous
of the two.
Muhammad Iqbal alias Abu Jibrail was part of the triumvirate of
radical Indonesian clerics who have spent years transforming small
groups of religious students into terrorist cells in Malaysia and
Singapore.
Their main game plan was the creation of a union of Islamic states
called Darul Islamiah Nusantara, covering Malaysia, Indonesia and
southern Philippines.
In between, they planted other ideas in the minds of their recruits
and nurtured them during monthly dinner-time prayer meetings that
stretched way past midnight.
Disciples were encouraged to go on their own to Afghanistan, Kashmir
and Mindanao in Philippines to help Muslim brethren in need.
PLANS FOR RETALIATION
OFFICIALS also say that cell members in Singapore had planned to blow
up Western embassies and US naval vessels in the Republic in
retaliation for the US-led military campaign in Afghanistan.
Says a Malaysian government official: 'The more information we unearth
about Abu Bakar, Hambali, Iqbal, the more concerned we are about the
damage they did to Muslims in the country.
'We know that there are about 200 more people that need to be picked
up and questioned. But we cannot say conclusively that no other cells
exist besides Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM) and Jemaah Islamiah. We
dare not.'
He is being brutally frank. A profile of the 47 Malaysians arrested
for suspected militant operations since May last year is troubling -
it is too wide.
Mr Militant is usually someone who perceives himself as a sinner and
needs to return to the embrace of Islam.
He could be a successful businessman or a petty trader upset with the
secular nature of the Mahathir administration.
He could be a product of political disaffection. Loosely interpreted,
that could be any of the 800,000 members of Parti Islam SeMalaysia.
He could be a family man. Just listen to Ms Chomel Sufaat, Yazid's
wife whom he met in the US.
'We are just like any other Malaysian family. We take our children to
school, go for breakfast and head to work,' she told Sunday Review.
In short, the militant in Malaysia could be anyone.
Abim's Mr Ahmad believes that only a shake-up of the religious
education system can help stop the corruption of Islam, and in turn
stop the mushrooming of terror cells.
He noted that the number of Muslims in the country 'returning to
Islam' is astounding, from the elite of society to the odd-job
labourer.
He said: 'We have to take politics out of the teaching of religion. It
is too polarised at the moment between the government and those
against the government.
'We need to start highlighting the important contributions to science
and mathematics that Islam has given the world.
'Some of the preachers place emphasis on the wrong things.'
By all accounts, Indonesian clerics Nurjaman Riduan, better known as
Hambali, Abu Bakar Bashir and Muhammad Iqbal fit snugly in that
category.
The trio arrived in Malaysia in the mid-1980s to flee the clutches of
Indonesian security forces. All products of fundamentalist Islamic
boarding schools, they became active members of the militant movement
there and wanted Indonesia to adopt Islamic law.
Security officials believe that Hambali and Abu Bakar joined hundreds
of Muslims from the region who went to Afghanistan in the late 1980s
to help the mujahidin fight against the Soviet Union.
While there, the preachers got to know Osama bin Laden and his band of
Afghan fighters. That link between them and the Al-Qaeda network
appears to have been strengthened over time, as did the esteem they
had for the world's most famous terrorist.
Upon returning home, the Indonesian-born preachers were convinced that
Muslims from around the world needed to bear arms to fight against the
enemies of Islam.
The round-faced, bearded and bespectacled Hambali began recruiting
Muslims in the region to fight in Bosnia and Algeria.
He was also becoming quite well-known to operators of the Al-Qaeda
network, especially to Kuwaiti Ramzi Yousef and Afghan Wali Khan Amin
Shah.
Both men would figure prominently in terrorist attacks against the US
in the early 1990s. Ramzi and Wali Khan were convicted for their roles
in devising plans to hijack and bomb 11 US commercial planes and to
assassinate Pope John Paul II during his 1995 visit to the
Philippines.
Ramzi was also jailed for masterminding the first bombing of the World
Trade Center in 1993.
Security officials say that Hambali helped the two terrorists with
those plans. But the Indonesian preacher managed to evade detection
because his name was not on any of the documents recovered by the FBI
or Malaysian police officials then.
Hambali and the other two preachers continued to proselytise for
militant movements across the region. Throughout the years, these
lectures also served as recruiting sessions.
INCUBATION OF CELLS INTENSIFIED
INEVITABLY, those selected for the cells had a superficial grounding
in the religion even as they lapped up the 'knowledge' that was passed
on.
Security officials here believe that the three preachers intensified
their incubation of the cells following the economic crisis in 1997
and the subsequent political crisis in the region.
They believed that the time was ripe for the setting up of an Islamic
state spanning Malaysia, Indonesia and Mindanao.
This message was drummed home during lectures in the home of Muhammad
Sobri, a former member of the KMM. He was one of the 26 members of the
group who were arrested after a bungled bank robbery in April last
year.
He said that Muhammad Iqbal started lecturing in his modest home in
1999 to a small group of businessmen, taxi drivers and former members
of PAS.
Very soon, Abu Bakar and Hambali started showing up. The former came
across as brash and talked incessantly about jihad, while Hambali
encouraged members to go to Afghanistan and Kashmir to learn how to
fight.
He was also paranoid about secrecy, warning members not to speak
loosely about plans.
During these sessions, members contributed to a fund known as
Al-Ikhsan. The RM100,000 collected was to have been used by Hambali to
send fighters for paramilitary training and fund their travels to
Maluku.
But what they collected was never enough and requests for donations
from organisations were not forthcoming.
So the KMM decided to pull off a robbery at the Southern Bank in
Petaling Jaya. They failed miserably. One man was killed, one was
injured and two were caught.
Muhammad Sobri was held for 73 days of questioning. Subsequent
investigations led police to conclude that the group was also
responsible for the murder of politician Joe Fernandez, an attack on
the police station in Guar Cempedak and the bombing of a Hindu temple.
Sunday Review also understands that some members of the cell had also
targeted US navy personnel who were on shore leave. But after scouting
for a location along a highway near Kuala Lumpur to ambush a bus
carrying the personnel, they had cold feet.
Simultaneously, Hambali, Muhammad Iqbal and Abu Bakar Bashir were also
nurturing a different cell.
Its members were different in make-up and orientation. The Jemaah
Islamiah group was made up predominantly of educated Muslims,
lecturers and business graduates.
People like Shahril Hat, an engineering graduate from the National
University of Malaysia. When he was detained last month, the
slightly-built man was the principal of the Lukmanul Hakiem religious
school in Ulu Tiram, Johor.
People like Yazid Sufaat. After leaving the army, he started Green
Laboratory Medicine, a company that had a slew of government contracts
to do health screening for foreign workers until 1998, when business
dried up.
Today, there is little activity in the office that bears a
Reformasi-style sticker on its front door.
Police believe that Hambali ordered Yazid to buy 4 tonnes of ammonia
nitrate in October 2000. The fertiliser is used to make truck bombs,
and security officials believe that the consignment was meant for the
attack on US targets in Singapore.
Yazid also gave Hambali free use of a condominium that overlooked a
golf course designed by Jack Nicklaus in the suburb of Kajang. It was
at this apartment complex that police surveillance cameras captured
him and the Indonesian preacher meeting Khalid al-Midhar and Nawaf
al-Hazmi - two hijackers who were aboard the American Airlines plane
that crashed into the Pentagon.
US intelligence agencies had alerted their Malaysian counterparts to
their presence in the country.
Sources tell Sunday Review that Malaysian police did not pick up Yazid
and Hambali for questioning because there was no evidence then of
involvement in any wrongdoing.
That assessment has altered dramatically. Now, a darker image of
Hambali is emerging. He was the point man for the Al-Qaeda network in
the region, and Yazid was his trusted lieutenant.
Police believe that the preacher, who is on the run, will be able to
draw the complete map of militant cells in the region.
But Muhammad Sobri is not so sure that Hambali will talk. 'He told us
that if you are caught, hang on as long as you can without saying
anything.'
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
On the run back to Indonesia
KUALA LUMPUR - What irony. In the 1980s, droves of religious preachers
fled Indonesia to escape a crackdown on Islamic militancy in the
world's most populous Muslim nation.
Their haven: Malaysia, where religious awakening among the masses and
a shortage of qualified ulamas guaranteed red-carpet treatment and a
conveyor belt of students.
They lived like travelling salesmen, moving from one mosque to
another, one state to another, nourishing souls for a small fee.
Their anchor was the small rural community they eventually settled
into and insurance was the red card that gave them permanent
residence.
More than two decades later, some of them are on the run again. Only
this time, it is Malaysia they are fleeing from and it is Indonesia
that beckons like a sanctuary.
To some religious experts and Malaysian officials, it was only a
matter of time before questions arose about the credibility of some of
these preachers.
Says Mr Ahmad Azam, president of the influential Angkatan Belia Islam
Malaysia (Abim): 'There was no criteria used to examine whether the
preachers were qualified or whether they received religious
instructions in a proper university.
'We allowed everyone in because there was such a demand.'
Government officials tell Sunday Review that over the years, there
have been reservations about the fitness of some of these Indonesian
preachers to pass on religious knowledge.
Many of them were schooled in the ultra-conservative settings and had
little formal education. A more serious concern: Malaysians follow the
more moderate Shafie school of thought, while Indonesians generally
grow in an environment where teachings from the four schools of
thought are embraced.
At times, the mixture proved combustible.
Mr Abu Nabilah went in search of religion when he enrolled at Pondok
Pengajian al-Quran in Negri Sembilan in the 1987. The school was under
the control of Abu Bakar Bashir.
Security officials here believe that the Indonesian cleric and his
trusted lieutenants, Hambali alias Nurjaman Riduan and Muhammad Iqbal
alias Abu Jibrail planned to overthrow secular governments in the
region and create an Islamic state linking Malaysia, Indonesia and the
Muslim-dominated southern Philippines.
He recalled that the religious lectures always seemed to have a raw
edge.
'We were always talking about talking up arms and jihad,' said the
49-year-old man, who received basic training in bomb-making on the
Pakistan-Afghanistan border five years ago.
Former army officer Muhammad Sobri, 43, also recalls lectures by Abu
Bakar in his home in a modest suburb of Puchong. It was Jihad 101,
with emphasis on helping liberate Muslims who were oppressed.
Government religious officials say the three Indonesian clerics
connected to militant activities are not the only ones who strayed
from Islamic teachings.
Over the years, they have received various reports on preachers,
including one who said that Muslims who led sinful lives would turn
into pigs when they died.
For that reason, state religious authorities have in the past few
years started issuing special permits for foreign-born preachers.
In Selangor, 50 such permits have been given out. Preachers without
the stamp of approval cannot lecture in mosques or prayer halls.
But authorities acknowledge that there is a loophole. Most
foreign-born preachers operate in small circles, out of view of
security agencies.
A perfect example is the trio of Abu Bakar, Hambali and Muhammad
Iqbal. They settled initially in different parts of Malaysia but by
1992, Hambali and Iqbal moved into attap houses in a hamlet about an
hour's drive from Kuala Lumpur.
In 1997, Abu Bakar moved into Muhammad Iqbal's house. From this base,
they fanned out to parts of Selangor, Pahang, Negri Sembilan and
Johor.
They avoided large mosques or public gatherings, preferring to speak
in private homes.
They became the faces of terror in the region only because a botched
bank robbery by their charges - members of Kumpulan Militan Malaysia -
last April yielded a clue.
When police searched the home of two captured robbers, they found a
photograph of Hambali.
Said a senior government official: 'I would like to say that we will
keep a more watchful eye on Indonesian preachers from now on. But in
truth, that would be a tough job.'
--Brendan Pereira
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
**************From Uncle Yap**************
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YF Yap
10 February 2002
SM says terrorist penetration of S'pore 'inevitable'
IT WAS a matter of time before terrorists penetrated Singapore, but it
still came as a surprise when investigations revealed that a group of
20 people were planning to set off seven simultaneous explosions here,
said Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew.
'We knew that sooner or later, with the build-up in the Philippines,
in Indonesia, and after the KMM arrests in Malaysia, that they were
bound to penetrate us,' he said. KMM refers to the militant group
Kumpulan Militan Malaysia.
Mr Lee spoke in an interview aired on CNN Talk Asia last night.
But he expressed surprise when investigations here revealed a group of
about 20 men already organised into four cells, which were receiving
directions from bomb experts outside the country.
He did not refer to the group - Jemaah Islamiah - by name, but said it
had obtained access to four tonnes of ammonia nitrate kept in Muar,
Malaysia.
It had also been given money to buy 17 more tonnes of the chemical, as
well as seven trucks.
The trucks were each to contain three tonnes of nitrate and to be used
as bombs, creating seven simultaneous explosions.
But the men's attempts to order the nitrate gave them away and alerted
the Government to the extremist group.
After the Sept 11 attacks in the United States, a tip-off from a
Singaporean alerted intelligence agents here that a Pakistani
Singaporean was connected to Osama bin Laden's terrorist group,
Al-Qaeda. The man was captured eventually by the Northern Alliance in
Afghanistan.
That was when the Government swung into action, said Mr Lee.
'We knew once this leaks, the others will scatter. So, in the few
days, we moved quickly before the press got hold of it. The press did
get hold of it a few days later.
'We nabbed, we were able to get 15. The others got away.'
As to whether he was worried that there could be new terrorist
movements in the future, he said the battle against terrorism was an
ongoing one.
'They know that we'll be very alert to nitrates and trucks. So, they
have got to start new groups and they've got to find different ways,
more complicated.
'But the critical thing is to clear the nests around us... There are
nests in the Philippines, there are nests in Indonesia.
'The Malaysians are clearing up their nests. The Philippines are
getting American help to clean up theirs.
'Now, when those nests are cleared, then the experts can't come in so
easily,' he said.
In the half-hour interview, he expressed his thoughts on the Sept 11
attacks, racial stability in Singapore, the war in Afghanistan and his
reason for entering politics.
While talking about his early life as a politician, he was asked if he
had any regrets or would have done anything differently.
He replied: 'The cards have been dealt out. You have played those
cards, and to regret, to have a parlour game of where you could have
played the cards better is a fruitless exercise.
'We, my colleagues and I, played those cards that we were given as
best as we could at the time we played them.'
On the subject of his marriage, the Senior Minister described his wife
as his 'partner, both emotionally and intellectually, at work and at
play'.
On his secret for a successful marriage, he said that a couple had to
be suited in temperament, adjusting constantly, and giving and taking.
'No marriages are made in heaven.
'You may be a perfect match at the time you meet, but there are so
many other things that will happen.
'You grow older, you grow different, your habits change. If you don't
keep on adjusting to each other as you go along and make allowances,
then you begin to be estranged and that would be sad.'
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
An emotional and intellectual partner
'If I had married a different woman, I would have had a very different
life. She was my partner, both emotionally and intellectually, at work
and at play. And she brought up the three children that we have and
brought them up to be well-behaved, modest and not overbearing
children.' - SM Lee, on how much of a partnership his marriage is.
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
**************From Uncle Yap**************
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Observer
"YF Yap" <yf...@pop.jaring.my> wrote in message
news:57cb6u0rcdvvdnhoi...@4ax.com...
> The mother-in-law of Yazid Sufaat did not have that same insight.
> She hooked him up with a religious teacher. That teacher was Muhammad
> Iqbal.
I wonder how she feels now?
Maybe she's the one who should be detained.
Yap Yok Foo
Issue 18 February 2002
Not a Question of Loyalty
A flap over head scarves has Malays in Singapore complaining about
their second-class status
BY SIMON ELEGANT Singapore
NAASHON ZALK/AP
Seven-year-old Nurul Nasihah was suspended for wearing the traditional
Islamic headscarf to class
In mid-January, three well-off businessmen in Singapore sat sharing an
evening meal. All three, who are ethnic Malay, minimized the
challenges facing their community, which makes up about 15% of the
republic's population. The way forward is for Malays to solve their
own problems, said one, a contractor, summing up the group's attitude:
"You cannot fault the government."
What a difference a month makes. In mid-February the contractor, his
plump face creased with concern, worried about a deterioration in
ethnic harmony. Says one of his friends: "The community here has now
been traumatized by the issues of loyalty and trust."
Two events have caused the three men, and many other Malays, to
re-examine their place in predominantly Chinese Singapore. First came
the announcement in January that police had detained 13 mostly Malay
Singaporeans, who the government alleges are members of a terrorist
group that planned to bomb U.S. and other targets in the city-state.
As the chilling realization that safe, prosperous Singapore had
nurtured a group of al-Qaeda-linked terrorists sank in, Prime Minister
Goh Chok Tong fretted that the incident had increased suspicions
toward Malays—and raised the potential for intercommunal trouble. The
atmosphere of distrust revealed long-festering concerns among Malays,
too: they are second-class citizens, some grumble. Few occupy senior
military or corporate positions. It is telling, says Lily Zubaidah
Rahim, who teaches at the University of Sydney and is the author of
The Singapore Dilemma, a controversial book on Singapore's Malays,
that Malay youths, formerly excluded from compulsory national service,
still are not allowed to fill certain sensitive combat roles.
Then came the tudung affair. Two Malay girls attending government
schools were suspended last week after their parents insisted they be
allowed to wear tudungs—traditional Muslim head scarves—to class,
despite a longtime ban. It was an unusual public protest in Singapore,
where conformity is the order of the day. For Mohamad Nasser, a
37-year-old flight steward with the country's national carrier,
Singapore Airlines (S.I.A.) and father of one of the two girls, the
issue is simple: "I'm fighting for something I believe in strongly."
But Mohamad says he won't go to court to get his daughter Nurul
reinstated: "I don't want to damage the image of Singapore."
No matter what Mohamad's intentions are, the suspension of his
daughter has become a rallying point for a range of dissenting voices
among the long-quiescent Malays. They question inconsistencies in the
government's policies: forbidding the tudung but allowing Muslim
reservists to wear beards in the usually clean-shaven military;
generously funding special schools to maintain Chinese values but
giving only limited monies to Islamic schools and capping the number
of children allowed to attend. "The silent majority among the Malays
has been quite unhappy for a while," says Muhammed Latiff, a
32-year-old engineer who is also head of public relations for
fateha.com, a website devoted to Singaporean Muslims' issues. "You're
seeing the results now of years of ignoring the concerns of the
community."
Those concerns are real, says author Rahim. Malays, who are placed
well behind the Chinese and the small Indian community in most
measures of achievement, are economically and socially marginalized in
Singapore, she claims. Rahim blames government policies such as ethnic
quotas for public housing that have ensured Malays remain a minority
in each constituency and have no way to increase electoral clout and
affect policies.
Government officials refute such charges with a barrage of statistics
demonstrating that everything from income levels to employment rates
among Malays has improved in recent years. Yaacob Ibrahim, a Malay
Member of Parliament who will become Minister for Community
Development in March, argues that the recent problems are merely part
of a "process of trying to negotiate for a larger space in the common
ground ... The model we've had so far has worked and the vast majority
of the Malay Muslim community agree."
But Rahim sees it differently, saying the government suffers from
"Malayphobia." Because of that, she says, the "sensitivities and
intentions of the Malay community are generally viewed with
suspicion." Maybe now, at a time few Singaporeans would deny is a
watershed for race relations, the government will surprise Rahim and
do something uncharacteristic: back down and let little Nurul wear her
tudung to school.
With reporting by Douglas Wong/Singapore
http://www.time.com/time/asia/
*************From Uncle Yap**************
YF Yap
14 February 2002
Fires rage as heatwave hits the peninsula
Thermometers could hit as high as 37 deg C during the next few weeks,
among the highest in South-east Asia
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
THE canter into the Year of the Horse has been a hot one in Malaysia.
Temperatures are soaring to their highest levels in a year in
peninsular Malaysia, with the heatwave expected to remain for the next
few weeks.
Thermometers could hit as high as 37 deg C during this period, among
the highest in South-east Asia.
Accompanying the searing heat is a slight haze over the capital as the
dry weather increases the number of hot spots - tracts of burning bush
or forests - in both peninsular Malaysia and in Indonesia's Sumatra.
Many trees on large tracts of land in the west coast states have
shriveled up, as firemen are kept busy putting out dozens of bush
fires from Negri Sembilan to Selangor.
Firemen are still fighting the peat fires which started last Friday in
three oil-palm plantations near the KL International Airport (KLIA) in
Sepang.
The dry weather and water problem are hampering their efforts, forcing
them to draw water from drains and swampy areas.
An airport spokesman said that although the area around the airport
was slightly hazy, it did not affect flight operations at the KLIA.
Concerned about the spreading of fires, the authorities have warned
the public about burning rubbish in their backyards as the sparks
could ignite bigger problems for firefighters.
Hot spots detected by weather satellites jumped to 103 on the first
day of Chinese New Year on Tuesday, after staying below the century
mark over the past few weeks.
'The number of hot spots is rising and there are a lot of them these
few days,' said an official at the Malaysian Meteorological Service.
Temperatures for the northern region including Kedah and Penang could
reach 37 deg C, he told The Straits Times.
'For the central region of Selangor, Perak and Negri Sembilan, it is
mostly 35 to 36 degrees,' he said.
The heatwave was caused by the annual transition from the monsoon
season, the official said.
It has been an especially busy period for the Fire and Rescue
Department despite the Chinese New Year holiday week.
One of the main fire stations in the capital, the Jalan Hang Tuah
station, said nine out of 12 emergency calls it received on Tuesday
involved a burning bush or forest area.
The director-general of the Fire and Rescue Department, Datuk Jaafar
Sidek, said he has cancelled leave for all firemen in Selangor state
in anticipation of more fires caused by the heatwave.
'The burning of bushes and lalang fields in Selangor is quite serious
that we have been forced to borrow firefighters from stations in Kuala
Lumpur to put them out,' he said.
Several bush areas in Wangsa Maju and Jinjang districts in the capital
were on fire on Tuesday, threatening nearby housing estates.
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
**************From Uncle Yap**************
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YF Yap
14 February 2002
Alarm as ex-minister accused of financing 'pro-terror' US groups
KUALA LUMPUR - Several government politicians reacted with alarm
yesterday to claims made by a visiting Islamic leader from the United
States that a former Malaysian Cabinet minister had allegedly funded
American organisations having possible links with extremist groups.
They called for a thorough probe into the case as the claims made by
Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani, chairman of the Islamic Supreme
Council of America, was a serious matter, affecting the country's
reputation.
The visiting Muslim scholar said on Tuesday that a leader of one of
the organisations in the US had told him that he had received US$10
million (S$18.4 million) from the former minister.
Shaykh Hisham Kabbani did not name the former minister but said Prime
Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the present Malaysian
government were innocent.
Perlis Mentri Besar Datuk Seri Shahidan Kassim said in Arau that the
government should launch an immediate investigation as it involved a
former senior Cabinet minister who was still around.
'Questions must be asked on the source of the money. Where did he get
all those millions of ringgit to give to these organisations in the
US?' he said.
'We must clear our name since we have also been linked to terrorism
since the Sept 11 attacks on the US.'
Malaysian Youth Council president Saifuddin Abdullah, in urging for a
police investigation to establish its veracity, felt Shaykh Hisham
Kabbani's revelation should not be taken lightly because it affected
the country's image and its government.
'The statement is serious... If it was true, the police must expose
this ex-minister and take action against him, otherwise Shaykh Hisham
Kabbani has to clear Malaysia's name,' he said.
Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi said in Penang that
the government believed that the US and its media had concluded that
Malaysia was involved in terrorism and militancy due to the activities
of certain organisations linked to the former Cabinet minister.
He said these 'previous ties' between the former Cabinet member and
the organisations had resulted in Malaysia being labelled as a country
involved with militancy and terrorism.--New Straits Times
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
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Ahmad Sayuthi
> Shaykh Hisham Kabbani did not name the former minister but said
> Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the present
> Malaysian government were innocent.
Let me guess... blame it on Anwar Ibrahim and hope the US quits
harassing the government on the kangaroo trials and his incarceration?
--
ICQ: 23582887 wri...@time.net.my Star-TechCentral.com
Alphaque.com Xnews Opera NoteTab Pegasus Khoda Negahdar
Dave Baker
>YF Yap <yf...@pop.jaring.my> wrote Thu 14 Feb 2002 07:41:39a
>
>> Shaykh Hisham Kabbani did not name the former minister but said
>> Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and the present
>> Malaysian government were innocent.
>
>Let me guess... blame it on Anwar Ibrahim and hope the US quits
>harassing the government on the kangaroo trials and his incarceration?
Ah, racking my brains there for a while, but hadn't even considered Anwar.
Can't think of any 'leaders' that could go around doling out millions without
the present (& incidentally the past) government knowing about it...
Dave
Mouse Anony
US groups is it? Last time they said it, it was supposedly to get them
to protect him and to get them to help rally the US against Mahathir
(ooops I meant Malaysia.....) if I recall.
In any case, I don't think they're dumb enough to believe the US is
gonna fall for any trick they pull do they? Their probably just going
to hope the US ignore it (don't deny it) so they can use it locally.
This may have something to do with Mahathir's recent visit to the US
and his subsequent (planned, I know) holiday....
Dave Baker <da...@baker.pc.my> wrote in message news:<41pm6ukg9lc086vc9...@4ax.com>...
YF Yap
15 February 2002
KL relaxes visa rules to revive scheme to attract rich retirees
The Silver Hair programme, which lets foreigners aged over 50 to live
and invest in the country, has not been successful
KUALA LUMPUR - Hoping to rescue a failed programme to attract more
foreigners aged over 50 to invest and live in Malaysia, the government
will relax entry requirements in order to draw these 'rich retirees'.
The plan, launched 15 years ago - dubbed the Silver Hair programme -
has only attracted about 900 of the targeted 20,000.
The government plans to relax several more pre-conditions for these
foreigners.
For starters, the 'retirees' under the programme will no longer need
to renew their visit passes annually during their five-year
multiple-entry visa term.
Their visas will be renewed annually for the next five years if they
wish to extend their stay.
The programme, however, is closed to Israelis.
Sources close to the programme said: 'The programme has had only a
lukewarm response, and attracted 861 people between 1996 and 2001,
which is a far cry from the government's target of 20,000.
'The new procedures are part of the government's tourism promotion
efforts.'
According to the Immigration Department, 861 foreigners took up the
Silver Hair programme by 2001.
Immigration Department public relations officer Shukri Abdul Majid
said the biggest group came from Britain. The programme had 49 Britons
in 1999, 58 in 2000, and 59 in the following year.
'There was also a high number of Singaporeans in the last three years
- 38 in 1999 and 2000 and 42 in 2001,' he said.
'The number from China also increased from four in 1999 to...24 in
2001.'
Promotions for the Silver Hair programme are carried out through
overseas missions by the Culture, Arts and Tourism Ministry and by
Malaysian embassies.
Applicants with spouses must have a minimum monthly income of RM10,000
(S$4,800) or have savings of RM150,000.
Single applicants are required to place RM100,000 in a fixed deposit
account in local financial institutions or draw a monthly income of
RM7,000.--New Straits Times
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
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YF Yap
15 February 2002
ENTREPRENEURS: Taught, not maid
With maids and doting parents, life's too cushy for kids here - and
this kills their entrepreneurial drive, says don
By KATIE CHEN
and KRIST BOO
AS CHILDREN, maids will serve them water when they return from school.
As undergraduates, maids will clean their dorms. As young adults,
their parents will buy them cars before they start work and homes
before they marry.
Do Singaporean youths lack drive?
In such a cushy, care-free environment, is it any wonder that
Singaporean youths would lack the drive to be entrepreneurs, said a
university don who runs Singapore's only centre that teaches business
skills to technopreneurs.
They seem to have lost the race even before they take off, argued
Associate Professor Tan Teng Kee, 50, who created a stir at a seminar
last Wednesday, during which Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew spoke about
rousing Singapore's entrepreneurial spirit.
In an interview, he elaborated on his point that young Singaporeans'
cloistered upbringing is at the root of the problem, and added that
parents hold the key to the solution.
'If the environment at home is highly supportive, you can still turn
out good students even if the school environment is not good.
'This is because values are learnt from home,' said Prof Tan, who
teaches at Nanyang Business School and heads the Nanyang
Technopreneurship Centre in Nanyang Technological University.
The former Nantah student said he made those comments about spoilt
young Singaporeans to 'entice SM to speak to parents directly'.
It was not aimed at putting down undergraduates or the practice of
hiring maids.
But when maids make the children's beds and carry their school bags,
they also destroy the urge in the young to chase dreams, said Prof
Tan, whose two children live in the US.
'In America, even if parents are rich, they won't buy their children a
house. When the kids are young, they start learning to raise money.
They sell lemonade, they raise funds for excursion trips by offering
car-wash services.'
Parents here must let their children venture for the start-up scene to
flourish. 'If everything is planned and everything is there, the kids
will ask, 'Why should I risk it all?' '
But not every parent shares his view. Madam Goh Chang Hwee, 55, a
housewife, said she dissuaded her son, 36, from starting a
glass-sculpting business eight years ago.
She said: 'He already had a stable job, a regular salary. And being an
entrepreneur is not easy. You worry about business, rent and paying
salaries.'
Housewife Ng Lee Yong, 47, who has one son working and one studying at
NTU, said: 'It is not a matter of whether I want them to be
entrepreneurs. It depends on their interests.
'My elder son, who is keen on cars, is writing for a car magazine. He
is happy.'
However, the urge to go into business is strong among 15
undergraduates interviewed. But various reasons hold them back,
including the slow economy and markets overflowing with suppliers.
Said accountancy student Soh Pei Song, 21: 'The environment in
Singapore is not very positive. Markets are saturated, unlike 20 years
ago.'
At the same time, many insist they have the skills to be
entrepreneurs, developed from raising money for their varsity projects
and knocking on doors to seek sponsorship.
But as student Seow Lip Kiang, 23, said: 'We want to do business but
don't know how.'
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
No need to slog
'If everything is planned and everything is there, the kids will ask,
'Why should I risk it all?' '
- Prof Tan, on the habit of many Singapore parents buying cars and
homes for their children instead of making them slog for the good
things in life
Interest comes first
'It is not a matter of whether I want them to be entrepreneurs. It
depends on their interests. My elder son, who is keen on cars, is
writing for a car magazine. He's doing something he likes and is
happy.'
- Madam Ng, housewife, 47, whose younger son is an NTU undergraduate
One chose business
'My husband wanted the older boy to be a pathologist, like him. But my
son insisted on starting a construction business and now earns a lot.
My younger son had better results but earns much less than his
brother.'
- Housewife Lin Mei Ling, 67, whose 40-year-old son owns a
construction company while her 38-year-old son is a property agent
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YF Yap
15 February 2002
New team to take S'pore beyond 5 Cs
New Remaking Singapore Committee will probe political, social and
cultural norms to help prepare nation for the future
By Laurel Teo
THERE is more to life than just careers, condos, clubs, credit cards
and cars - the 'five Cs' commonly equated with the Singapore Dream.
And to pry Singaporeans away from these material pursuits, a team of
bright young minds will get together for the next 10 months or so to
discuss, debate and seek views on how to create a new Singapore order.
"There will be no sacred cows. I'm not saying we're going to slaughter
all our livestock... But there will have to be a systematic
willingness to go through all policies and programmes we're about to
embark on."
-- Dr Vivian Balakrishnan
Doctor-turn-politician Vivian Balakrishnan is leading the team, whose
recommendations will centre mainly on where Singapore, as a country,
and Singaporeans, as a community, are heading.
The idea for this Remaking Singapore Committee was given by Prime
Minister Goh Chok Tong in his New Year message on Jan 1.
'We need to go beyond economics', said Mr Goh, before announcing that
he was forming a 'committee of younger Singaporeans to come up with
recommendations on how they would do this'.
At a press conference yesterday, Dr Balakrishnan, who is the Minister
of State (National Development), gave a hint as to what could lie
'beyond'.
Among the possible changes:
The escalator approach to success, in which young Singaporeans expect
to be set for life - by getting on the right track in education,
graduating and working for a large company - will be challenged.
Giving Singaporeans greater political and civic participation in the
country's future so that they may think twice about cashing up and
migrating.
Clubs that encourage Singaporeans to mix with their own may have to
rethink their activities so that every person thinks of himself as a
Singaporean first, with race and religion coming second.
So, the team will probe the old political, social and cultural order.
It will be what Dr Balakrishnan calls the 'softer counterpart' to the
Economic Review Committee, which will look at how Singaporeans are
going to make a living amid the revolutions in infocommunications,
biology, globalisation and religious fundamentalism.
The latest committee looks set to build on some of the processes
already laid out by the Singapore 21 committee, an idea mooted in 1997
by Prime Minister Goh, who wanted to build a united Singapore founded
on, among other things, strong family ties and equal opportunities.
To start, Dr Balakrishnan said that five sub-committees have been set
up to give a new spin to each of the 'five C' stereotypes.
These groups will draw on a wide cross-section of people from the
private sector. They include The Straits Times news editor Warren
Fernandez, Dr Tan Chong Kee, founder of now-defunct political website
Sintercom, and playwright and television presenter Eleanor Wong.
The committee aims to produce results more meaty than 'airy-fairy
motherhood statements', promised Dr Balakrishnan.
'We will focus on actionable recommendations... The emphasis will be
on specific programmes.'
And if you want to contribute your ideas, send them to the website.
WHAT THEY'RE LOOKING AT
Five sub-committees of the Remaking Singapore Committee will look at
these specific areas.
Beyond careers
Chairman: Cedric Foo, Minister of State (Defence) from April 1 Task:
Finding new roads to success. Some want careers in the arts, sports,
in research or as entrepreneurs. Also, how to help groups like the
disabled or ex-convicts find meaningful work. How to stimulate
creativity, risk-taking and tolerance of failure.
Beyond condos
Chairman: Raymond Lim, Minister of State (Foreign Affairs, Trade and
Industry)
Task: Instil sense of ownership and belonging. Political and civic
spaces are important. How much and how fast can be these broadened?
Also, how to deepen emotional ties, strengthen family bonds, community
participation, and a stronger sense of national identity.
Beyond clubs
Chairman: Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister of State (National
Development)
Task: We're all members of a large, varied society. How to integrate
Singaporeans yet retain unique ethnic and religious identities,
strengthen these bonds and narrow the divides, and deal with external
stresses on racial and religious harmony.
Beyond credit cards
Chairman: Ng Eng Hen, Minister of State (Education, Manpower)
Task: There are things money cannot buy. People may aspire to an
alternative lifestyle based on sports, the arts, or other factors.
Should censorship rules be reviewed, and more personal space and
choice made available? How to ensure social cohesion as income gaps
widen.
Beyond cars
Chairman: Balaji Sadasivan, Minister of State (Health, Environment)
Task: As economic activities and transport networks become more dense,
the problem of pollution rears its head. How to ensure that
environmental standards are not compromised, and heritage is
preserved?
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Stephen Lim
wrote:
>From Straits Times, Singapore
>15 February 2002
>
>New team to take S'pore beyond 5 Cs
>New Remaking Singapore Committee will probe political, social and
>cultural norms to help prepare nation for the future
>
Trust Singapore to come up with a scheme like this. Rope in all those
who could possibly make noise about their system, incorporate them
into some committee with possibilities of "making their contribution"
to the country and then keep them tied down with the general decision
of the group and thus rendering the whole exercise a futility.
Anyone ever tried to find out why there is a 5Cs problem in the first
place?
YF Yap
16 February 2002
Rallies ban: PAS ponders course of action
To give in or fight? There are pitfalls either way, as rank-and-file
hardliners call for meeting the government head-on
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia's main opposition party, Parti Islam
Se-Malaysia (PAS) is caught between a rock and a hard place over a
nationwide ban on political gatherings.
Should it raise the stakes and take on the Mahathir administration
over the ban - or should it play dead?
More and more of its rank and file want the Islamic fundamentalist
party to disregard the ban, continue to hold its popular nightly
ceramahs and stand firm when police or security forces move in to
disperse the gatherings.
That sentiment is also palpable in Internet chat rooms on
pro-opposition websites but the party leadership knows a policy of
standing firm has its pitfalls.
A senior party leader told The Straits Times yesterday: 'If we ignore
an order to disperse, it could lead to violence and ugly incidents.
'Then the government will be able to portray PAS as a party of
militants.
'If we do nothing and stop our ceramahs, that will not be acceptable
to some of our supporters.'
To buy some time, PAS opted yesterday for the legal approach.
It has given Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi 14 days
to lift the ban on political rallies.
Otherwise, it will sue him and the Malaysian government.
In the meantime, it will continue holding ceramahs within party
premises or houses owned by its members.
Party secretary-general Nasharudin Mat Isa said that under the Police
Act, the handing out of permits for public gatherings was solely at
the discretion of the district police officer.
As long as the legislation was still in force, the Deputy Prime
Minister had no power to order a total ban on political rallies, said
the law lecturer-turned politician.
'If he does not rescind the ban, we will go to court to obtain
whatever orders we need. This is not a threat by PAS. This is a fact,'
he said.
But privately, party members admit they might well be just clutching
at straws.
The legal gambit by the Muslim party is likely to be ignored by Datuk
Seri Abdullah, who is heading the administration while Prime Minister
Mahathir Mohamad is away on a month's leave.
He has given the police the green light to take tougher action on
illegal assemblies.
This directive followed an incident in Baling, Kedah, on Sunday when a
police truck was set on fire and stones were hurled at riot police who
tried to stop a ceramah.
The government has justified the ban on political rallies by arguing
that it is a waste of time and energy to be engaged in acrimonious
politicking all year round.
It said that government leaders spent too much time answering
frivolous allegations raised by the opposition during such gatherings.
Umno information chief Datuk Mustapa Mohamed also argued yesterday
that it was unusual for political rallies to be allowed in any country
in a non-election year.
PAS politicians, however, read more sinister motives into the ban.
They view it as a method to cut off the political party from its
supporters.
'The government knows that we have no access to the mainstream media
and is aware that ceramahs are an important way for us to reach the
people,' said Mr Nasharudin.
'They believe that by cutting this link, PAS will become less popular.
'But we have other strategies. Our ceramahs will still be held in our
offices around the country.'
The nightly political rallies are crucial to the financial well-being
of the party.
On average, the ceramahs attract between 1,000 and 10,000 people.
Donations totalling thousands of ringgits from each gathering are
split between the organisers, the speakers and the party.
As important as the financial aspect is the need to keep up the
political temperature and put the Barisan Nasional government on the
defensive.
Since the ban, PAS has lost its ability to shape the political agenda.
Its leaders believe they can regain the initiative if they take to the
stage every night.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
WARNING: Rules are firm, says Abdullah
PETALING JAYA - Don't expect any special treatment. That was Malaysian
Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's warning
yesterday to leaders of the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS)
who have called a blanket ban on political rallies unlawful.
The government would not give special treatment to the party and would
act against those who violated the ban.
'To the government, it is a straight- forward situation. If you break
the law then you should be prepared to face the consequences,' he
said.
He added that PAS leaders could not claim they were not aware that
their ceramahs were illegal.
'That claim is nonsense because when you see the police arrive and
they ask you to stop the ceramah and the crowd to disperse, you should
know that the ceramah is being held without permit,' said the Deputy
Premier. --The Star/ Asia News Network
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YF Yap
16 February 2002
Love... or sin?
Selangor religious officers detain 138 couples for 'indecency'
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
WESTERN promiscuity or Islamic morality? This debate over values was
reignited after religious officers in Selangor cracked down on
unmarried Muslim couples spending Valentine's Day in parked cars, dark
public parks and hotels.
An evening ruined for this couple by religious officers in a secluded
spot in Ampang. Selangor is a state known for its zealous imposition
of Islamic law. -- UTUSAN MALAYSIA
In an all-night operation code-named Red Rose, they arrested 138
couples, aged between 18 and 35, who were found 'behaving indecently'.
They ranged from popular TV actors to students and civil servants.
The tough action was in sharp contrast to that of government-owned
Malaysia Airlines, which handed out roses to its female passengers and
chocolates to the men on Thursday.
The difference in celebrating Valentine's Day shows the tug-of-war
facing Muslims - whether to put this event on their calendar or ignore
it.
Most Muslim scholars in Malaysia frown on the celebration of
Valentine's Day as a Western concept that could erode the morals of
young people.
A scholar with the Academy of Islamic Studies, Mr Abdul Hayei Abdul
Shukor, said: 'Remembering Valentine's Day is not part of Islamic
culture and has no relation to Muslim teachings that are followed by
Malays.'
However, some other scholars say that Valentine's Day could be used by
married couples to strengthen family bonds.
An assistant professor at the International Islamic University, Dr
Mashitah Ibrahim, said: 'If the celebrations can make for closer
husband-wife ties, or between parents and children and relatives, it
is not wrong but in fact should be encouraged.'
Thursday's operation Red Rose was carried out by Selangor religious
officers on unmarried Muslim couples at lovers' haunts in Petaling
Jaya, Ampang and the state capital of Shah Alam.
Selangor, known for its zeal in enforcing Islamic laws, defended the
crackdown, saying that its officers were only doing their job.
A spokesman for the Selangor Islamic Affairs Department said yesterday
that the couples who were rounded up had breached the religious code
openly.
Instead of just spending a romantic evening having dinner at a
restaurant or sending flowers to their loved one, they spent their
time petting or having sex in parked cars, parks and cheap hotels.
Mr Fakrul Azam Yahya told The Straits Times that his officers had to
get tough because the department had received numerous complaints from
the public.
'Some people think we are pouncing on people's weaknesses but...we are
doing our job on behalf of the community,' he said.
The couples were charged either with indecent behaviour at the Syariah
Court yesterday or given religious counselling before being let off.
Under the Islamic law, unmarried Muslim couples are prohibited from
being together in close proximity.
Those charged in the religious court could face a fine of up to
RM5,000 (S$2,400), or a jail term of up to three years, or six strokes
of the cane.
The raids are expected to raise eyebrows as the Selangor state
government has the reputation of being overzealous in enforcing
Islamic laws in the state, sometimes to the ire of the federal
government.
Some of its controversial crackdown includes the arrest of three
Muslim girls for taking part in a beauty contest, and the banning of a
concert to be staged by Michael Jackson.
The most recent controversy Selangor was embroiled in took place in
December when it proposed to ban the public sale of condoms to
discourage promiscuous behaviour but later relented under pressure and
backed down.
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YF Yap
16 February 2002
It's a watertight agreement, please
By Han Fook Kwang
POLITICAL EDITOR
THINKING ALOUD
IF YOU'VE been reading what Malaysian newspapers are saying about
Singapore-Malaysia negotiations on water, and are totally confused by
the reports, don't despair.
It blows hot and cold up north over this sensitive subject, for
reasons not always easy to fathom over here and which may have nothing
to do with the talks themselves.
The one-way war of words which broke out from Kuala Lumpur last month
must have taken readers here completely by surprise.
Many thought that after Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew's talks with
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in Kuala Lumpur last September, things
were looking up between the two countries.
And that there was more than an even chance of a breakthrough in
settling some of the issues after both leaders said they had reached
broad agreement on a wide range of subjects.
That supposed meeting of minds came at a time when both countries were
grappling with difficult problems - Malaysia's ruling Umno party was
losing the Malay ground to the opposition and Singapore faced its most
serious economic decline since independence.
When asked what moved the two leaders towards a resolution, SM Lee
said then: 'I think, weariness on both sides. We've had it hanging on
the fire for so long, and we just got to settle it and move on.
'Both sides have enormous problems to face for the future, both
domestically and internationally. It is not necessary to leave this
thing festering between us.'
The feeling was shared across the Causeway when Malaysian newspapers
said the agreement was a great relief for all and paved the way for 'a
higher level of engagement and friendship between both countries'.
The New Straits Times said that with a world economic slowdown, the
settling of these old issues was of added significance, and that both
countries should work closer together.
With such an abundance of long-sightedness and goodwill all round,
could one be forgiven for hoping that a resolution was finally in
sight?
Alas, it now seems the early optimism might have been somewhat
misplaced.
From out of the blue, last month, a stream of letters and articles
appeared in the papers in Kuala Lumpur, portraying an unreasonable
Singapore which had been ripping off Malaysia all these years, paying
Johor only a miserly three sen (S$0.01) for 1,000 gallons of raw
water.
Malaysian readers and columnists had a field day ridiculing the
pittance paid to the country.
Writing in the New Straits Times, Tan Siok Choo worked out the sums:
The 350 million gallons a day Singapore buys at three sen per 1,000
gallons amounts to only $7.15 annually for every Singaporean here.
That's less than the price of two Big Macs for 365 days of water from
Johor.
'By any yardstick, the offer is ridiculous. If Malaysia accepts it, we
must be feeble-minded or plain dumb,' she wrote.
Another reader asked: 'Why are we selling an ocean of water for a few
bags of peanuts?'
Dr Mahathir himself spoke about it publicly for the first time on Jan
21, when he said that not much progress had been made since his
meeting with SM Lee.
Referring to the three sen Malaysia charged Singapore, he noted that
it charged 50 sen per 1,000 gallons for the treated water that it sold
back to Malaysia.
'We also know that Singapore sells to the ships 1,000 gallons of
treated water for $20. So you see the margin,' he said.
The next day, he mentioned the water issue again, this time comparing
the three sen with what Hongkong was paying China for its water -
equivalent to RM8 per 1,000 gallons.
'The longer we fail to reach an agreement on the price of water, the
more we lose, ' he said.
HARPING ON OLD PRICE
TWO newspapers, the New Straits Times and Utusan Malaysia, took up his
arguments immediately, both making identical points in separate
articles.
The NST called on Singapore to view the negotiations from a purely
business perspective: 'Agree to a price, seal the deal or part with no
hard feelings and look elsewhere.'
It said that the current water agreements were lopsided as Singapore
gains 'from the laughably low price of water sold by Johor'.
Utusan's piece quoted a political observer from Johor, Mr Abu Bakar
Dewa, who urged Singapore to have an open attitude about the deal.
'We are running a business here. If Singapore needs water, what is
wrong with paying the right price?' he said.
It also quoted an economic analyst, Dr Nungsari Ahmad Radhi, as saying
that the water deal should be regarded as purely a business
transaction.
'Forget about the sentiments behind the deal. The sale of water is a
business transaction. It may be cheap or expensive...this is normal,'
he said.
When a newspaper goes out of its way to look for so-called expert
opinion to back the line it is pushing, you know it wants the argument
to be taken seriously.
And it cannot be a coincidence for two of the leading papers there to
make the same argument that the price of water in the old 1961
agreement should be revised, with the new price to be agreed on by
both parties, just as in any other business deal.
The worrying thing about all this is where it is leading to.
So far, neither government has said anything about what is it in the
package of issues that is holding up negotiations.
With so many items in the bundle - it's not just water but Malaysian
railway land, the building of a new bridge to replace the Causeway,
the use of Malaysian air space by Singapore's air force planes and the
withdrawal of Central Provident Fund money by Malaysians who have
worked here - it's to be expected that negotiations might get stuck
over some of the details.
But it is the persistent harping on the price of water in the 1961
agreement which is worrying.
What the NST and Utusan said in their pieces, that the two countries
should approach the negotiations from a purely business perspective,
is entirely correct.
If one party cannot accept the terms offered by the other, then the
deal is off.
But this cannot apply to matters already agreed upon under an existing
agreement. It can apply only to whatever new agreements - whether of
the future supply of water or the development of railway land - are
currently being negotiated between the two countries.
In business, if one party wants to vary the conditions under an
existing agreement, it is sometimes possible to open up negotiations
with the other.
But if it cannot persuade the other party to agree to its new terms,
it cannot just walk away from the deal and expect the other party to
do the same.
If this were how the business world operated, there would be complete
anarchy and no agreement would be worth the paper it was written on.
The 1961 and 1962 pacts under which Johor agreed to supply water to
Singapore at three sen per 1,000 gallons were incorporated in the
Separation agreement when the two countries parted company in 1965.
That was done because water is such an essential commodity for any
country, especially one like Singapore which does not have enough
sources of its own to draw on.
In fact, that water pact is such an integral part of Singapore's
survival, the Government here has made it clear that it will do all
that is necessary to ensure that the water keeps flowing.
Even the opposition parties here are united on this, with Singapore
People's Party chief Chiam See Tong on record as saying that any
disruption to the supply of water would constitute an act of war
threatening the country's survival.
BOTH BOUND BY TERMS
BOTH the amount of raw water being supplied and its price are an
integral part of that agreement, so any attempt to change either one
of them needs the agreement of both countries.
Neither Singapore nor Malaysia can say it now wishes to change either
the quantity or the price, and if the other party doesn't like it, it
can just walk away from the deal.
For Malaysia to take issue with the price now and say it's too cheap,
would be like Singapore grumbling about the quantity being supplied,
and arguing that, because its own needs are now many times what they
were in 1961, it is entitled to more at the same price.
That would be as preposterous as the claim the Malaysians are now
making about the low price they are getting.
All the noises coming from up north might be just so much hot air for
the Malaysian public's consumption, or they could be to soften up the
Singapore side in the run-up to a difficult period of negotiation
between the two countries.
Whatever the reason, it is important Singaporeans understand what is
at stake here, that it is not about whether the price is high or low,
but the sanctity of an agreement already signed, sealed and delivered.
That's the only principle which holds any water in this long- running
saga.
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
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YF Yap
16 February 2002
2,000 turn up to remember war victims
MORE than 2,000 people turned up at the War Memorial Park in Beach
Road yesterday afternoon to remember the civilian victims of the
Japanese Occupation.
The annual ceremony, organised by the Singapore Chinese Chamber of
Commerce and Industry (SCCI), marked the 60th anniversary of the fall
of Singapore to the Japanese in 1942.
Three sets of wreaths were laid at the the 70-m-high memorial by four
SCCI leaders, representatives from nine religious groups and eight
students representing the 1,200 present, as the crowd watched in
solemn silence.
Senior Minister of State for Defence David Lim, who is also the Acting
Minister of Information, Communication and the Arts, was the guest of
honour.
Also present were members of the diplomatic corps, business and clan
associations as well as about 100 former prisoners of war from
Britain, New Zealand and Australia. At the end of the 30-minute
ceremony, they all bowed three times and observed a minute's silence.
SCCI organising-committee chairman Claire Chiang, who was there, said:
'This ceremony is to remind Singaporeans not to take peace and
security for granted. For the sake of those who gave their lives to
preserve the peace, it is our duty to enhance and protect it.'
++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Security can never be taken for granted
The constant reminders not unwarranted anxiety; those who have lived
through WWII and race riots know, says DPM Tan
YOU have heard them again and again - the constant reminders to never
take Singapore's peace and stability for granted, and that everyone
must play their part to ensure the island's security.
To younger Singaporeans, the repetition smacks of unwarranted anxiety.
But those who have lived through World War II and the race riots know
that you can never be too careful.
And yesterday, on the 60th anniversary of Singapore's fall to the
Japanese, Deputy Prime Minister Tony Tan said the messages bear
repeating.
Dr Tan said the Sept 11 terrorist attacks in the United States showed
how a nation's security could change suddenly and unexpectedly.
'Singaporeans who have not experienced the troubles of Singapore's
early years may tend to take our peace and prosperity for granted. It
is similarly convenient to expect the military to bear the full burden
of defending Singapore.
'While some younger Singaporeans may feel that these constant
reminders smack of unwarranted anxiety, their grandparents and
parents, who have lived through Singapore's early years, especially
those who suffered during World War II, know that we can never be too
careful.'
Dr Tan was speaking at the opening of Reflections At Bukit Chandu, a
World War II centre, last night.
The $4.8-million project of the National Heritage Board at Pepys Road
in Pasir Panjang showcases one of the last battles fought at Pasir
Panjang and the Malay regiment - made up mostly of troops from what
was then called Malaya - which defended Singapore's western and
southern shores.
In a last standoff at Bukit Chandu, or Opium Hill, the soldiers were
massacred by the Japanese.
The centre has multimedia displays simulating the sounds of war and a
show featuring battle scenes as viewed from a pillbox.
Three statues of Malay Regiment soldiers stand guard outside the
centre. There is also a pool with a flame in the middle, where
visitors can stop and reflect.
Other than the centre, the Singapore History Museum will also be
redeveloped by 2005 to become a one-stop storehouse of knowledge on
Singapore's history.
Dr Tan said the Government is committed to the preservation of
historical sites to honour the contributions of those who have built
the country and to nurture an understanding of the past.
He said: 'A state without a sense of its past can never become a
nation. The nation becomes stronger only when it has a soul, cultural
pride and historical memory.'
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YF Yap
17 February 2002
POMELOS AND PRETTY GIRLS
Ipoh's double-sweet attraction
Young women have been roped in by stall owners to draw customers and
help boost sales of pomelos during festive season
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
IPOH - There was a time when the sight of the lush, green bunches of
fruit was enough to draw customers to Ipoh's famous pomelo row.
This Bebe among the pomelos is the latest marketing tactic at Ipoh's
stalls, whos business has been hit badly by the slowdown in the
Malaysia economy. -- REUTERS
Not anymore, it appears.
Nearly all of the 38 stalls that hug a dusty stretch of road on the
outskirts of the city have had to turn to a new marketing tactic -
pretty young things.
At the sound of a vehicle pulling up, heavily-made up Chinese girls
dressed in tight-fitting jeans and blouses make their appearances at
the front of the stall.
There is no night market style shouting for attention. Only demure
smiles greet potential customers.
The hard sell only begins once the customer steps into the stall.
Ms Bebe Chan, 21, full-time computer student and part-time pomelo
promoter, rattles off: 'Do you want the sweet pomelo or the sweet and
sour type? If you buy more, I will give you a good price.'
She says she is just helping her mother during the festive season.
Coincidentally, that is how the other girls at the other stalls also
explain their presence. But after making a sale, Ms Chan is more
candid.
She said: 'Business is down quite a lot. I think at least 30 per cent.
We are just helping to try and get more customers. This is quite
normal. Even the supermarkets have sales promoters and even at the
pasar malam, you have young girls.
'It is quite common in Malaysia.'
Standing next to her were two teenage girls wearing what seemed to be
the uniform here: tight jeans, blouses which expose the belly and
chunky slippers.
Madam Loo Nyee Moi says that business used to be really brisk before
the highway linking the north and south of West Malaysia was built.
Tour buses and visitors from different states heading to Ipoh had no
choice but use the road fronting the pomelo stalls.
But still sales of the citrus fruit were manageable until the slowdown
in the Malaysian economy.
She is banking on a little help from her promoters to push sales
during the Chinese New Year.
Madam Chin Tat Choon's stall is one of the few without young sales
promoters.
Or at least that was the impression until she let out that her young
helper was having a break.
She could not say for a fact whether the presence of a pretty girl had
enticed more customers to her stall.
Ms Bebe Chan was more certain.
Asked if she had made a difference, she turned to a customer who was
examining packets of chicken biscuits and asked him: 'Why did you come
to this stall?'
Without missing a beat, he obliged: ''Because of you.'
He made RM15 (S$7) worth of purchases.
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
**************From Uncle Yap**************
Berita Malaysia - The Malaysian News & Discussion Group
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YF Yap
18 February 2002
Race, culture and the worth of being a S'porean
By Asad Latif
HEART TO HEART
I HAVE two suggestions for the Remaking Singapore Committee, which
will focus on the political, social and cultural aspects of this
nation's survival in the 21st century.
My first suggestion is for the committee to review Singapore's
self-definition as a multi-racial nation.
My second suggestion is for it to examine whether a person's economic
contribution to Singapore should be an index of his worth.
Multi-racialism obliges every Singaporean to have a race, and that
trait is duly recorded on identity cards. If we extrapolate from that
fact and think of Singapore as a collective identity card, we can see
that race is a marker of the national identity.
Why should this be so? Why should my identity card define me by race -
Indian, in my case - and not by other attributes that are equally, if
not more, important to me?
Some might argue that race is a fact of life and that there is nothing
unnatural about acknowledging this reality.
Indeed, they might add that classifying citizens by race is an aspect
of an official policy which simultaneously protects the races of
Singapore by recognising their uniqueness and guaranteeing their right
to exist. As a result, there is no question of the majority Chinese
trying to assimilate minority Malays and Indians.
I agree. Indeed, I do not think that there is anything inherently
insidious in the multi-racial model.
However, I believe that there is a need to go beyond race in defining
the Singapore identity.
That realisation is implicit in the committee's desire to inculcate
among citizens a sense of being Singaporean first, with race and
religion being secondary attributes.
One way this can be done is to replace the multi-racial model with a
multi-cultural one. Unlike race and religion, which are exclusive
characteristics that set communities apart from one another
ultimately, culture transcends ethnicity and can be a source of
inter-communal solidarity.
What will matter in a multi-cultural Singapore will be the mindsets,
attitudes, habits and practices which are derived from the material
life of this nation and which reflect the rhythms of its society.
Hence, my culture as a Singaporean will express my identity, which is
a composite one created by facts such as that I am middle-class, live
in a Housing Board flat, speak Bengali at home but use English at
work, and travel overseas to Sentosa more often than I do to the
United States.
I share many of these features with other Singaporeans. These
characteristics draw me closer to them culturally. I dare say that I
have more in common culturally with a great many Chinese and Malay
Singaporeans than I have with upper-crust Indian Singaporeans, who own
landed property, run multi-national businesses, and are probably more
familiar with Chicago than with Clementi (although there is nothing
wrong with being such persons).
Culture, which reflects a person's economic place in society as it
does his other attributes, is more inclusive than race. Therein lies
its potential as an agency of nation-building.
This point leads me to my second suggestion, on re-assessing what
constitutes a person's contribution to Singapore.
I understand why that contribution is seen in largely economic terms.
This country could not have survived after independence without
economic success. The port, the airport and the factories became
pillars of its existence.
Hence the premium placed on individual competitiveness. Without
competitive individuals to lead the way, this nation might have sunk
into mediocrity and disappeared on the high seas of international
affairs.
However, judging a citizen primarily by his economic contribution to
Singapore limits the scope of the services which he can offer to it.
If I may use a facetious example to make my point, economics is not a
good barometer of a person's contribution to his country in any case.
If it were, criminals would deserve gratitude because they help keep
journalists and policemen employed.
In a crime-free country, newspapers would not be able to attract
readers with reports of spectacular murder cases, and policemen would
have to switch professions.
I jest. I know that for a person's contribution to be counted, it
should be legal, and criminals do not act legally.
Seriously, though, a person can contribute to a country in many
legitimate ways that do not add to its gross national product.
Is there a way to recognise the worth of those anonymous Singaporeans
who help to make this country home through their quiet, self-effacing
capacity to care for their neighbours and even strangers?
Is there a way to tell every Singaporean that she is precious, and is
so for no other reason than that she is Singaporean?
Is there a way to make citizens, not shareholders in Singapore Inc -
because this metaphor is limited by its economic logic - but comrades
in a struggle which began long before today's generation was born and
which will continue long after it is gone?
Suggestions should not end in questions. Hence, here are two humble
recommendations.
First, consider deleting race from identity cards.
Second, identify and celebrate folk heroes, not elite winners.
Any takers?
http://straitstimes.asia1.com.sg/
**************From Uncle Yap**************
Berita Malaysia - The Malaysian News & Discussion Group
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YF Yap
19 February 2002
Human rights body raps police ban on political rallies
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia's government-backed human rights body
yesterday criticised a recent police ban on political rallies, saying
it was unconstitutional.
'The right to assemble peacefully is a fundamental human right
guaranteed by the Constitution of Malaysia,' the Malaysian Human
Rights Commission, known by its Malay acronym 'Suhakam', said in a
statement.
'Suhakam is of the view that a general ban on assemblies is a
violation of human rights. There is no legal provision for a blanket
ban to be imposed on political ceramahs (rallies).'
The commission said it would seek clarification from police on the
issue and urged the government to reconsider its recommendations made
in a report last August on freedom of assembly.
The report called for greater freedom of expression, including setting
up a British-style 'Speakers' Corner' and relaxing police control on
rallies.
'Suhakam reiterates that it does not condone violence of any form and
is of the stand that it is possible to have peaceful assemblies,' the
statement said.
But Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad has dismissed the
report, saying it had ignored national security concerns.
In terms of restrictions on political rallies, a gathering of four or
more people requires a police permit.
Police said in July last year they would stop issuing permits for
rallies and renewed the ban earlier this year.
The ruling caused a fracas at a rally organised by the opposition
Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) on Feb 11 in Kedah in which 31 people
were arrested.
Police said PAS supporters attacked officers when they tried to break
up an illegal gathering in Baling, but PAS accused police of using
excessive force.
PAS has condemned the police ban on rallies and said it would continue
to hold ceramahs to reach out to the grassroots. -- AFP
YF Yap
19 February 2002
Ex-Fateha chief confirms Malaysia visit
By Ahmad Osman
MR ZULFIKAR Mohamad Shariff, the former chief of the Fateha Muslim
group here, visited Malaysia recently to discuss the tudung issue with
three Malaysian non-government organisations (NGOs) and an opposition
lawyer.
He confirmed yesterday that he was in Penang and Kuala Lumpur from Feb
9 to 12 at the invitation of the International Muslim Action Network.
He also met leaders of the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia or Abim,
the Jemaah Islah Malaysia missionary group and Mr Karpal Singh of the
Democratic Action Party.
Mr Singh gave him legal advice on the suspension of three Singaporean
Primary 1 schoolgirls who wore the tudung, or Islamic headscarf, in
the Republic's national schools.
'I was not in Malaysia to raise funds,' said Mr Zulfikar.
'I was there to brief the NGOs that the perception that the no-tudung
rule applies only to six-year-old schoolgirls is not right.
'Those in national secondary schools and junior colleges are also not
allowed to put on the scarves,' he said.
The three girls were suspended for flouting the common-uniform policy
set by the Government to boost integration of pupils of different
races and religions.
The move was criticised by several Malaysian politicians and Muslim
groups, who saw it as a restriction of the right of Muslims to
practise their religion freely.
The opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia has also started collecting
donations from Malaysians to help the girls who were suspended. It
also urged their parents not to pressure their daughters to take off
the scarves in school.
There were also calls for the cancellation of a visit here later this
month by Umno Youth, despite the moderate stand taken by most
Malaysian government leaders.
Mr Zulfikar's comments on his trip follow Sunday's statement by Prime
Minister Goh Chok Tong, who said that it was not wise for some people
here to travel to Malaysia to raise funds and get Malaysians to be
involved in the tudung issue.
Mr Zulfikar said his visit to Malaysia was similar to efforts by
government leaders in Singapore to put the tudung issue in the right
perspective through interviews in the international media.
He added that he plans to start a new society with a website
discussing issues affecting Muslim and non-Muslim Singaporeans in a
'direct manner', and not 'sugar-coating them like Fateha.com did'.
Mr Goh's latest comment on the tudung issue was endorsed yesterday by
Mr Masagos Zulkifli, president of Perdaus, the Adult Islamic Religious
Students' Association, and Mr Ameerali Abdeali, secretary-general of
the Islamic Fellowship Association.
They urged Muslim Singaporeans to tackle the issue within the
Singapore context and follow the advice of the Mufti, Syed Isa Semait,
who has urged parents to give higher priority to the education of
their children over the wearing of the headscarves.
Observer
> MR ZULFIKAR Mohamad Shariff, the former chief of the Fateha Muslim
> group here, visited Malaysia recently to discuss the tudung issue with
> three Malaysian non-government organisations (NGOs) and an opposition
> lawyer.
Hey...neat trick in trying to get a quick
way to get Malaysian citizenship without
going through the usual channels like sucking
to Menteri's and greasing some monkey's
palms....
Malaysia boleh...and please keep vacuuming
all our garbage to your side....LOL
Tukang Karut
Observer <obser...@yahoo1.com> wrote in message
news:a4t1sr$hv75$1...@engel.scvmaxonline.com.sg...
Ahmad Sayuthi
> The opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia has also started collecting
> donations from Malaysians to help the girls who were suspended. It
> also urged their parents not to pressure their daughters to take
> off the scarves in school.
Now this is one particular move which I personally resent. Heck WHY??
What is so special and deserving about them that required PAS to launch
a donation drive?? There are TONS of other local cases and causes that
need urgent funds and aid. However, they are `less glamorous' and low-
profiled as compared to the Singaporean girls issue, which is riding on
sentiments more than anything else. It's this genuine local down-and-
trodden category who need help right now NOT the Singaporeans. PAS has
gotten its priorities wrong here.
jay
........as long as the garbage is of the right religion. "selamat
datang ke-malaysia."
>
>
Observer
"jay" <j...@lake.com> wrote in message
news:3c72572d...@news.purdue.edu...
> ........as long as the garbage is of the right religion. "selamat
> datang ke-malaysia."
Note that this particular garbage has
admitted to supporting terrorism methods
as per in his email to many Government office
holders which I released....
So Malaysia can expect more recruits for KMM....LOL
Observer
"Ahmad Sayuthi" <wri...@tm.net.my> wrote in message
news:Xns91BAB2E...@130.133.1.4...
> Now this is one particular move which I personally resent. Heck WHY??
> What is so special and deserving about them that required PAS to launch
> a donation drive?? There are TONS of other local cases and causes that
> need urgent funds and aid.
Now you begin to understand why many Malays
Muslims are actually angry at these nuts...
There's so MANY social issues here that we're
trying to address and these selfish twits tries
to defocus the issue to trivialities.
One more thing to note...these people are NOT
the POOR Muslims.If you look closely they all come from
the affluent Middle-class and "ore" kaya class.
My proof...two of these fathers...(not the three)
can even afford to send their daughters to UK
for further studies...no not because the UK
college offered better programmes...but because
they can attend A level classes wearing tudung!!!...LOL
(If you're interested,this was reported in the local
papers..Berita Harian IIRC)
Thats about $100,000 for 2 years right?
And now you guys want to collect donation for
them...Malaysia bodoh...LOL
> However, they are `less glamorous' and low-
> profiled as compared to the Singaporean girls issue, which is riding on
> sentiments more than anything else.
Inilah namanya Islam sudah kena hijack...
Yang miskin tak ditolong...yang sikaya
dialu alukan...
> It's this genuine local down-and-
> trodden category who need help right now NOT the Singaporeans. PAS has
> gotten its priorities wrong here.
Aku dah cakap...PAS pun bukan Malaikat...
ader kemungkinan pun mereka cuma berpolitik...
tak berlandaskan perangai dan tabiat Nabi(saw)
dan sahabat sahabatnya...yang suka menghampiri
orang miskin...bukan untuk glamour....tapi untuk
membersihkan jiwa...
Jangan tertipu dengan barang tiruan....
Tapi...ini engko sendiri yang nilai lah...
ini cuma buah pandangan aku...
jay
glad you picked up on the sarcasm. ;-)
>
>
Stephen Lim
>Now this is one particular move which I personally resent. Heck WHY??
>What is so special and deserving about them that required PAS to launch
>a donation drive?? There are TONS of other local cases and causes that
>need urgent funds and aid. However, they are `less glamorous' and low-
>profiled as compared to the Singaporean girls issue, which is riding on
>sentiments more than anything else. It's this genuine local down-and-
>trodden category who need help right now NOT the Singaporeans. PAS has
>gotten its priorities wrong here.
Che Mat,
PAS is being true to its core beliefs, it is being political in this
situation. There is political mileage behind this move - the issue of
supporting a singaporean purpose is not the main one. Otherwise they
will just keep out of the whole debate.
YF Yap
20 February 2002
Umno Youth wants KL to end advertising contract with Time
The group, upset over the magazine's portrayal of Malaysia as a hotbed
of terrorists, wants its ad revenue cut off
KUALA LUMPUR - Umno Youth has urged the government to end its
advertising contract with Time magazine, saying it has insulted
Malaysia by portraying the country as a haven for terrorists.
It also asked the government to stop helping the American news
magazine earn advertising revenue by not placing any advertisements in
it, Utusan Malaysia reported yesterday.
'We should stop giving face to Time magazine as there is no point for
the government to provide advertising income for the magazine while
they continue to bad-mouth us,' said the movement's Information
Technology Bureau chairman, Mr Mohamed Norza Zakaria.
He said there were many other popular magazines with high circulation
figures in the world which the Ministry for Culture, Arts and Tourism
could choose from.
He said he would raise the the matter at the Umno Youth meeting
tomorrow to discuss the actions that they will take to urge the
government to withdraw the tourism advertisement.
The cover of the Feb 11 edition of Time showed a Malaysian flag with a
shadowy profile of Osama bin Laden superimposed on the stars and
crossed guns at the bottom.
An article in the magazine claimed Malaysia is a hotbed for terrorist
activities while the back cover carried an advertisement by Tourism
Malaysia.
Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said on
Saturday it was unfair for the magazine to publish articles that put
Malaysia in a negative light when the country bought advertising space
in the publication.
Minister for Culture, Arts and Tourism Datuk Abdul Kadir Sheikh Fadzir
said on Friday the government would not stop the advertisements but
will instead meet the Time editor, who is expected to visit Malaysia
this week, and explain to him the real situation.
YF Yap
20 February 2002
Tudung controversy a test in art of negotiation
By Chua Lee Hoong
THE soft cotton tudung which graces the Muslim woman's face has
stiffened and turned into a hard helmet in the battle for Muslim
rights, an educationist wrote recently in an e-mail making the rounds
in the Muslim community.
Indeed, the possibility of court action looms, probably after the
current Muslim pilgrimage season ends, as some of the parents involved
in the tudung controversy prepare to file for judicial review of the
Ministry of Education's ban on the headscarf in schools here.
Malaysians, including human-rights activists and politicians on both
sides of the ruling divide, have jumped into the fray, waving the
banner of cross-border Islamic solidarity with Muslims here.
And what of Singapore Muslims? While the consensus seems to be that a
majority support the objective of lifting the ban, not all support the
adversarial means taken so far.
Mr Shaheed Salim, an Indian Muslim who wrote the e-mail quoted above,
says, for instance, that the desire for the tudung to be permitted in
schools has been around for some time, but the current strategy,
'though not unethical or wrong', would not work in Singapore.
'There is nothing wrong with fighting for a community's rights, but
what has unfolded now and in the last few years is a lack of maturity
- a lack of insight into the real dynamics at work behind the scenes,'
he says.
To him, these dynamics include the Government's fear of sending the
wrong signals to the Muslim community, the nation and the world, and
ego issues.
The persistent pushing by tudung activists had caused the Government
to dig in, he suggests, and now the situation is one of 'an ego issue
disguised in the vocabulary of national unity'.
Another of the same opinion is Mr Dave Appleton, a British engineer
who came to Singapore in 1982, and who converted to Islam in 2000.
In an e-mail to me, he notes that while 'a large number of Muslim
Singaporeans' he knows share the concerns espoused by the tudung
activists, a confrontational approach 'puts the Government on the spot
- where accession to any of the 'demands' is losing face'.
Why, then, do some Muslims persist with confrontational means? The
answer is probably a combination of individual styles and precepts
found in the religion itself. Islamic jurisprudence contains the
al-dharar yuzal principle - 'Every harm or hindrance must be removed'
- which is taken by some to sanction political action in furtherance
of religious rights.
Pergas, the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers
Association, cited the principle, among others, when giving its stand
on the headscarf issue recently. It noted: 'No Muslim is allowed to
remain complacent and feel satisfied with such hindrance towards
fulfilling the religious obligation of the modest covering of aurat.'
There is no distinction between Islam and political Islam; there is
only one Islam, Pergas manager Ustaz Zhulkeflee Hj Ismail said when I
asked him what he made of political Islam.
'Islam is a religion that provides guidance in all aspects of life. No
Muslim is perfect, but the religion is perfect, and you must
differentiate between Muslims and Islam,' he said.
Whichever direction the tudung issue heads from here, the one thing
that stands out is the need for more dialogue. It's a point on which
most Muslims agree, whatever their individual or group positions on
the issue.
The question, however, is what dialogue means. Sitting down in the
same room to talk is no guarantee that mutual understanding will be
furthered if trust is lacking or if statements made by one party are
taken on their own instead of in a larger context.
Public-policy negotiator Susan Podziba, who teaches negotiation at
Harvard University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in
the United States, says: 'Listening is as important in negotiating as
stating what you want. Negotiating any long-term relationship requires
trust. Building that trust doesn't exclude pursuing your interests. It
means being forthright and listening carefully to the other side.'
Negotiation, she stresses, is not a zero-sum game - a gain for one
party need not, and should not, mean an equal loss for the other.
A very thorny issue can often be teased apart, revealing many issues
embedded in what looked like just one, thereby making it easier to
arrive at a resolution, she points out.
Mr Appleton, the British convert, adds that one of the problems he has
long recognised in the Muslim community here is its 'incredibly bad
public relations'.
'People, in general, tend to think that others understand them,
whereas, in fact, others take as little effort to understand you as
you do to explain yourself to them. Many parts of the religion and
community are therefore misunderstood,' he notes.
To move away from the misunderstanding and confusion that plagues the
relationship between the Muslim community and the Government
currently, much more effort needs to be put in by both sides.
Yes, Singapore has come a fair distance in Government-community
dialogues - witness the two held over the past month following the
Jemaah Islamiah arrests - but, by and large, the skills and the
processes have yet to be mastered effectively.
Patience, too, is a much-needed commodity, bearing in mind that in
France, more than 10 years passed before the ban on headscarves in
schools was eased eventually.
Muslim activists might also note that 15 years elapsed from the time
nature activists started pushing for Sungei Buloh to be preserved, to
when it was finally gazetted as a nature reserve last November.
Will young, hot-headed activists heed these words? I doubt it. When I
counselled the wisdom of patience to former Fateha chief Zulfikar
Mohamad Shariff the other day, he said: 'Yes, we will wait - until
after haj.'
E-mail: leeh...@sph.com.sg
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Islamic dress put in perspective
SHARON SIDDIQUE
THE tudung (head covering), like any fashion item, has a history. It
is part of a distinctive form of Islamic dress invented by young
Muslim female university students in the 1970s.
As the dress form became popularised, its original meaning also
evolved. Observing this provides a fascinating vantage point from
which to comment on the Islamisation process of the past three
decades.
The clothes Muslim women wear, like any fashion item, have a history.
In the past few decades, they have become the focal point for
discussions on the role of women in society.
Young Muslim female university students initiated the contemporary
debate when they invented what has been termed 'Islamic dress' in the
1970s.
The original outfit consisted of a loose, long-sleeved, ankle-length
gown in an austere solid colour like black, brown or beige, and a
matching tudung, draped low to the forehead, that completely concealed
the hair, coming under the chin to conceal the neck, and falling down
over the chest and back.
There were three main reasons for inventing Islamic dress as a fashion
statement.
First, university women who donned Islamic dress were reaffirming
their sense of being good and pious Muslims. Second, they were
rejecting Western fashion. And third, they were reinforcing their
universal solidarity by rejecting culture-bound, ethnic-based,
traditional Muslim women's fashion.
Thus, in the 1970s, donning Islamic dress was as much a political as
it was a religious statement. It originated in, and was identified
with, support for the Islamist cause.
When Islamist regimes came to power, for example, in Iran and
Afghanistan, Islamic dress for women became mandatory. Conversely, in
secular regimes, such as Turkey, the wearing of Islamic dress was
restricted.
This Islamic dress first began appearing on South-east Asian
university campuses in the early 1970s, and became known as dakwah
fashion (fesyen dakwah).
In Malaysia, the reformist (dakwah) movement led by then student
radical Anwar Ibrahim appropriated this Islamic dress and, by the
mid-1970s, it had become the official dress of women who joined
Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia - the Muslim Youth Movement.
Other dakwah groups, such as Darul Arqam, also promoted this Islamic
dress. Female Darul Arqam followers favoured the colour black.
Influenced by Muslim student reformist groups abroad, many young Malay
women who studied on campuses in America, England and Australia,
returned to Malaysia wearing this distinctive Islamic dress.
Because of the political connotations of the dress choice - this was
long before Anwar became a mainstream Umno politician - Malay parents
were in a quandary.
In the mid-1970s, dakwah fashion was considered by many to be
extremist. This prompted the joke about which was worse - having your
daughter return in a mini-skirt, or a tudung.
Of course, today, the tudung is no longer a laughing matter. This
highlights the fact that in the mid-1970s, few would have predicted
the speed with which the popularity of wearing Islamic dress -
particularly the tudung - has accelerated.
From university campuses, it entered schools and workplaces, and is
now as popular in the kampung as it is in cities.
Now, it is not unusual to see five generations of tudung-clad females
on a family outing, from the one-year-old granddaughter to her
80-year-old great-great-grandmother.
Thus, dress preference has become a useful barometer to measure the
Islamisation process. In fact, throughout the Muslim world, the
Islamic dress has been in a three-cornered fashion competition with
Western dress and traditional Muslim dress.
The growing popularity of Islamic dress in the 1980s and 1990s has
been at the expense of two distinct fashion alternatives.
Those who choose to wear Islamic dress generally eschew the wearing of
Western dress styles. What is less often recognised and discussed is
that those who wear Islamic dress often also reject the
culturally-rich and diverse traditional fashions.
Much of Western fashion is rejected on the grounds that it does not
conform to the Muslim idea of female modesty. But this is not true of
traditional Muslim dress styles, which generally reflect concurrence
with the requirement for women to cover their bodies, from neck to
ankle to wrist, and cover their hair and neck.
In South-east Asia, Muslim women from various ethnic groups have
evolved unique costumes. In Sumatra, for example, there are
distinctive Minangkabau, Batak, Achenese, and Malay fashions.
Baju kurung, a long skirt or sarong, with a loose-fitting,
long-sleeved over-blouse, is a traditional Malay costume. The
traditional head covering is the graceful selendang, a long shawl
which is draped loosely over the hair and neck.
There are many varieties of baju kurung. Some styles are associated
closely with a particular region, others with a particular type of
cloth.
An elaboration of traditional female fashions among the many
South-east Asian Muslim communities could fill several volumes. The
point here is that they have all fallen victim to the universal
Islamic dress. One sees more tudung than selendang on the streets of
Kuala Lumpur, Johor Baru, Singapore, or Tanjung Pinang. Western
dresses are even rarer than baju kurung as a fashion preference.
One reason that traditional Muslim dress forms appear to be losing
ground to Islamic dress is that they celebrate diversity rather than
enforce uniformity.
As its popularity increased in the 1980s and 1990s, the adoption of
the universal Islamic dress became an affirmation of the
internationalisation of Muslim solidarity.
Encoded in this dress style was a new, global public modesty that
reaffirmed an Islamic identity and morality. The question is whether
this trend will continue into the 21st century.
There are some signs that the trend is being modified, if not
reversing. And this is reflected in the constantly evolving fashion
scene.
Two interesting new trends have emerged in the last few years.
First, it has become clear that the original Islamic dress of the
1970s is itself being adapted.
The simple, sombre, single-coloured tudung of the 1970s has evolved
into multi-coloured and patterned silken headscarves, pinned together
with intricate jewelled brooches and clasps.
Second, tudung are being combined with a much broader range of dress
styles. Some Muslim women continue to wear the original Islamic dress
style of the loose-fitting, long-sleeved, ankle-length gown in austere
colours.
However, tudung are increasingly being combined with baju kurung and
other traditional dress forms, which appear to be slowly enjoying
something of a revival.
Sometimes, tudung appear with Western dress, particularly trouser
suits. On university campuses, the fashion of choice appears to be
tudung with blue jeans and a T-shirt.
To sum up, the latest trends indicate an elaboration of the tudung and
the merging of dress styles. In this process, the meaning for tudung
wearers has also broadened.
For some, wearing the tudung may continue to be politically motivated.
For others, it is more a personal statement of religious commitment.
But for many, it has become primarily a fashion statement.
In the complex Muslim world of the 21st century, one should be careful
when judging a face by its cover.
The writer is a partner in a regional research consulting firm. She
contributed this commentary to The Straits Times.
YF Yap
20 February 2002
Malaysia faces dilemma over foreign labour
P.RAMASAMY
IN KUALA LUMPUR
MALAYSIA'S use of foreign labour is, to a large extent, dictated by
its position within the global division of labour.
Although the government recently took the decision to reduce the
number of Indonesian workers on the grounds of their involvement in
certain undesirable activities, it is not clear that the country can
do without them.
Out of the eight-million-strong workforce in the country, a sizeable
portion consists of foreign labour, both legal illegal.
In comparison with workers from other countries, such as Myanmar,
Thailand, Bangladesh and India, Indonesian workers easily constitute
the majority of foreign labour.
Today, many of the crucial sectors - such as construction, plantations
and manufacturing - depend on foreign labour.
It is not that Malaysian workers are not interested, but low wages and
poor working conditions have made it difficult for them to maintain a
permanent position.
Over the years, employers' reluctance to pay high wages, the
government's willingness to listen to employers' grievances over the
lack of labour and, more importantly, the necessity to attract capital
on the basis of cheap labour, have influenced the government to permit
the flow of foreign labour into the country.
During good economic times, the government was not bothered by social
problems caused by foreign workers. However, of late, the country has
witnessed a gradual shrinkage of jobs, resulting in the laying off of
workers, both local and foreign.
In comparison to local workers, foreign workers face more problems and
they often become victims of unscrupulous employers. It is generally
known that such workers are paid poorly, have to work long hours and
are prone to victimisation.
Moreover, those who have entered the country without proper documents
face more acute problems because they lack an official status.
It is not that foreign workers are the source of problems. If this
were the case, the government would have stopped taking them in many
years ago.
Needless to say, Indonesian workers, in comparison with other foreign
workers, are perhaps less timid and prone to take an aggressive stand
on work-related issues.
Harsh conditions of employment, denial of wages and police harassment
have contributed to increasing tensions between Indonesian workers and
the authorities.
The recent protests in the town of Nilai by Indonesian workers
indicated, among other things, that it was the general economic
slowdown in the country that made the situation for them quite
unbearable.
It was this incident that prompted the government to take steps to
reduce their presence in the country.
It cannot be denied that migrant workers have contributed much to
Malaysia's development. Before independence, Chinese, Indian and
Indonesian workers laid the basis for the development of the country's
modern economy.
In the last three decades or so, Indonesian labour has been a crucial
element in the country's economy. Today, some sectors, such as
construction and plantations, depend heavily on it.
Without Indonesian labour, one wonders how these sectors could play
the role that is expected of them.
Maybe, Indonesians would be replaced by workers from other countries.
However, whether such substitute labour would contribute in the same
way remains to be seen.
The issue of migrant labour in Malaysia is a complex one. Even if
foreign workers are the source of social problems, these are, in the
final analysis, related to the way and the manner in which the
government manages these workers.
For instance, the lack of government-to-government understanding, the
tendency of syndicates to reap quick financial gains by encouraging
the flow of migrants, the lack of proper records on migrant labour,
employers' abuse of migrants and the authorities' lack of sensitivity
have added to the controversy over migrant labour in general, and
Indonesians in particular.
While the government has the ultimate responsibility in ensuring that
foreign workers respect the laws of the country, it must also accept
the fact that it could have done better in managing them over the
years.
It serves no purpose in blaming foreign labour during difficult times
without acknowledging their contributions during boom times.
There is no way Malaysia, or any other rapidly-developing country, can
do away with foreign labour; it constitutes an integral aspect of the
overall development process.
What is more, the speed of neo-liberal globalisation in search of
markets and cheap labour has made it imperative that countries like
Malaysia utilise this advantage to secure a niche within the global
division of labour.
As there are no signs that Malaysia has transcended this particular
necessity, foreign labour - or for that matter, cheap labour - has
definite utility in Malaysia in the years to come.
The writer is a political-science professor at Universiti Kebangsaan
Malaysia and a regular contributor to The Straits Times.
YF Yap
20 February 2002
'Take JB prince suit to Malaysia'
A MALAYSIAN businessman who is suing the crown prince of Johor for
over US$8 million (S$14.6 million) in a business dispute has been told
that he should proceed with his claim in Malaysia and not Singapore.
This is because the Court of Appeal yesterday found that many of the
events surrounding the dispute took place across the Causeway and thus
the Malaysian courts will be more suitable to hear the case.
The businessman, Captain Hamzah Mohamed Noor, is suing Tengku Mahkota
Ibrahim Ismail, the heir to the Johor throne, because he claimed he is
owed US$8.3 million and RM1.3 million (S$620,000) for helping the
prince in a major oil-exploration project in Indonesia.
But the project did not take off - the parties lost the oil concession
to the Indonesian national oil company, Pertamina.
As a result, all the investors lost millions of dollars, including the
prince who lost US$26.5 million.
Three other claimants have also filed multi-million-dollar lawsuits
against the Johor crown prince.
But with yesterday's ruling, these will now be fought in Malaysia.
Tengku Ibrahim's lawyer, Mr Raj Singam, had argued that Malaysia would
be a more suitable place for the case to be heard because almost all
the parties, including the witnesses, are Malaysians. Many of the
deals were also signed in Malaysia.
Yesterday, the businessman's lawyer, Mr Andre Arul, said that Tengku
Ibrahim may succeed his father as the Sultan before the cases can
proceed in Malaysia.
If this happens, he said his client would 'suffer wasted costs and
time' as he would have to start his lawsuit 'afresh' in the Special
Courts for Malaysian royalty.
But Judge of Appeal Chao Hick Tin and Justice Tan Lee Meng dismissed
his case, noting that Mr Arul was 'entering a realm of speculation'
with his arguments.
They also noted that the Special Courts remained an avenue for Capt
Hamzah to take up his case.
Observer
> In an e-mail to me, he notes that while 'a large number of Muslim
> Singaporeans' he knows share the concerns espoused by the tudung
> activists,
Hehe....really?....LOL
> Why, then, do some Muslims persist with confrontational means? The
> answer is probably a combination of individual styles and precepts
> found in the religion itself. Islamic jurisprudence contains the
> al-dharar yuzal principle - 'Every harm or hindrance must be removed'
> - which is taken by some to sanction political action in furtherance
> of religious rights.
Hmm...does Osama use this also?
> Pergas, the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers
> Association, cited the principle, among others, when giving its stand
> on the headscarf issue recently. It noted: 'No Muslim is allowed to
> remain complacent and feel satisfied with such hindrance towards
> fulfilling the religious obligation of the modest covering of aurat.'
I say...since when did they have a mandate to
transform themselves from "teachers" to "judges" or "leaders".?
> There is no distinction between Islam and political Islam;
Who defines that?
jay
wrote:
>From Straits Times, Singapore
>20 February 2002
>
>'Take JB prince suit to Malaysia'
>
>A MALAYSIAN businessman who is suing the crown prince of Johor for
>over US$8 million (S$14.6 million) in a business dispute has been told
>that he should proceed with his claim in Malaysia and not Singapore.
hehehe.... good luck. if i was the captain, i'd save myself the
money and misery and drop the case. some people are above the law.
YF Yap
21 February 2002
Karpal asked to fight S'pore tudung case
The lawyer was approached by the former leader of the Fateha group and
two parents of the tudung-wearing children
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
GOVERNMENT clerk Halimatussaadiah Kamaruddin sued Malaysia's Public
Service Commission in 1992, after being sacked for wearing the purdah
to work.
Her lawyer Karpal Singh argued that it was her constitutional and
religious right to don the robes which cover the body from head to toe
except for the eyes - similar to those worn by many Afghan women.
But the Perak clerk lost the case when it was ruled that she knew
about a government circular which forbade civil servants from covering
the face while on duty.
A decade later, the same lawyer now wants to get involved in a
somewhat similar case, only this time against the Singapore
Government.
He has agreed to represent two Singapore families who are taking the
government to court over the wearing of Islamic headscarves by their
children in school, after being approached by Mr Zulfikar Mohamad
Shariff, the former leader of the Fateha Muslim group, and two of the
children's parents.
'It is something in the public interest in both countries. I will
argue on the constitutionality of it, the unreasonableness, and that
it defies logic,' the 61-year-old lawyer told The Straits Times.
The girls were suspended after they continued wearing the tudung in
school despite being told not to do so.
Mr Zulfikar was reported by AP as saying that he had approached Mr
Karpal after 'local lawyers qualified to try the case refused to take
it'.
Mr Karpal is a prominent criminal lawyer and deputy chairman of the
opposition Democratic Action Front.
His high-profile cases include his defence of former deputy prime
minister Anwar Ibrahim, in the widely-reported sodomy trial.
Referring to Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong's words of caution to
Singaporeans who had gone to Malaysia to raise funds and get
Malaysians involved in the case, Mr Zulfikar told Malaysia's Berita
Harian newspaper that he was among those referred to by Mr Goh.
'I would like to say that I am among the Muslim Singaporeans who went
to Malaysia to get support.
'I am transparent and do not have to bow to the government which does
not...want to find the best way of resolving discrimination issues,
including the tudung issue.'
Mr Karpal, asked about Singapore's warning against foreigners
interfering in the matter, said: 'It is a legal question. They could
well get a Queen's Counsel as the system allows for foreigners to
practise.'
He said the 1992 case was a different one altogether, and that he
would cite a 1983 case involving a Sikh student in Britain in 1983,
among his planned submissions.
In that case, Mandla and another vs Dowell Lee and another, Britain's
House of Lords allowed the appeal of a Sikh boy who had been refused
admission to Park Grove School in Birmingham. The boy kept long hair
and wore a turban.
Mr Karpal, called to the Singapore Bar in 1991, has to get a
practising certificate from the Republic's Supreme Court before he can
represent the families involved.
But this should not be a big barrier as he has represented clients in
Singapore courts in the recent past.
YF Yap
22 February 2002
'Employ prisoners instead of immigrants'
Labour leader Zainal Rampak says factories could employ some of
Malaysia's 20,000 prison inmates
KUALA LUMPUR - Malaysia's top labour organisation prefers that
factories hire prisoners as workers, rather than immigrants.
Malaysian Trades Union Congress President Zainal Rampak said yesterday
that foreign workers should be limited to the plantation and
construction sectors, leaving other areas for locals.
The remarks come as Malaysia imposes new curbs on foreign workers,
particularly Indonesians, who make up the vast majority of both the
legal and illegal migrant work force.
Under the new policy, Indonesians will be limited to plantations and
domestic work, and the government will recruit workers from Central
Asia for jobs in manufacturing, construction and services.
The government reviewed its policies after 500 Indonesians rioted at a
textile factory in Negri Sembilan last month during a police search
for drug abuse.
Mr Zainal said factories could employ some of Malaysia's 20,000 prison
inmates.
He said factories could bring work to the prisons as was the case in
the Kajang prison where inmates were involved in electronics, piping
and garment manufacturing.
'If factories are willing to give equal pay to inmates, there is no
reason why they will not work for them,' he said after opening a
seminar organised by the International Transport Federation.
During a visit to the Kajang prison recently, Mr Zainal noted that
bringing work to prisons 'will also give prisoners an opportunity to
provide for their families while serving time'.
He said he was told that many inmates were comfortably supporting
their families with money earned from work done for factories.
He added that the quality of their finished products was 'extremely
good'.
Malaysia attracts millions of migrant workers from poorer neighbours
like Indonesia and the Philippines.
Officials estimated that there are nearly 770,000 registered foreign
workers in Malaysia. An estimated 400,000 illegal immigrants also live
and work here.
Since the factory riot, Malaysian officials have renewed warnings that
foreign workers caught breaking the law would be subject to local
laws, which can include punishment by whipping.--AP, New Straits Times
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
JAIL WORK: High quality goods
MALAYSIAN Trades Union Congress President Zainal Rampak said that many
prison inmates were supporting their families comfortably with money
earned from work done for factories.
He said the quality of finished products made by inmates at the prison
was 'extremely good'.
He added that bringing work to prisons 'will give prisoners an
opportunity to provide for their families while serving time'.
YF Yap
22 February 2002
Sales of 4 foreign weeklies suspended
Time, Newsweek, The Economist and FEER are punished for carrying
objectionable reports
KUALA LUMPUR - Four international news magazines have been stopped
from being distributed for several weeks as punishment for carrying
'objectionable' reports.
Utusan Malaysia reported yesterday that the magazines affected were
the Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER), Newsweek, Time and The
Economist.
Quoting sources, the newspaper said that Malaysia objected to some of
the reports carried by the magazines that touched on the country's
religious sensitivities and reputation.
It said that the authorities had stopped the distribution of FEER
since Jan 24.
It was believed that the government was upset with FEER's report on
the purported meeting between Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad and his jailed former deputy, Anwar Ibrahim.
Both the government and Anwar have said that no such meeting took
place.
FEER also angered the government with its one-paragraph item on the
recent by-election in Perlis, when it said the ruling Barisan Nasional
candidate narrowly defeated its rival.
BN won by an improved majority.
The distribution of Newsweek magazine was stopped after the
publication carried a picture of Prophet Muhammad in the Feb 11 issue.
According to Utusan Malaysia, no issues of Newsweek had been cleared
for distribution since.
The newspaper also reported that the clampdown on Time magazine
started early this month, affecting its Feb 4, 11 and 18 issues.
The clampdown followed complaints that the magazine had portrayed
Malaysia as a haven for terrorists.
Utusan Malaysia did not say why the Feb 16-22 issue of The Economist
magazine was also being stopped from distribution.
The only reference to Malaysia in the magazine was an article on
foreign workers where The Economist wrote about the problems posed by
the migrants in the country.
Malaysians have not been happy with the way certain Western
publications carry stories about the country.
Earlier this week, Umno Youth urged the government to end its
advertising contract with Time magazine, saying it has insulted
Malaysia by portraying the country as a haven for terrorists.
It also asked the government to stop helping the American news
magazine earn advertising revenue by not placing any advertisements in
it.
angus
Even now, prisoners under armed guard can take off easily as most of our cops cannot
run 200 meters without a coronary.
We could have a situation of 5000 inmates working and 10000 prison guards making
sure they do not escape.
H J Angus
Dave Baker
>The logistics should be interesting.
>Even now, prisoners under armed guard can take off easily as most of our cops cannot
>run 200 meters without a coronary.
>
>We could have a situation of 5000 inmates working and 10000 prison guards making
>sure they do not escape.
Can we get that many prison guards? Maybe we'll have to employ Indonesians as
prison guards! :-)
Dave
Ahmad Sayuthi
> The logistics should be interesting.
> Even now, prisoners under armed guard can take off easily as most
> of our cops cannot run 200 meters without a coronary.
Err, we're talking about *prison* convicts and not those under
detention in police lockups:)
> We could have a situation of 5000 inmates working and 10000 prison
> guards making sure they do not escape.
Many of them are already working within the prison walls. There are
laundry, tailoring, carpentry etc. sub-contracts being carried out at
the various prisons. Anyway, if prisoners are taken to work outside,
they'll be those who are serving out the tail-ends of their sentences.
Or those serving light terms. This category is less likely to attempt
an escape, although there were cases of a few who `lost their heads'
and really did so despite having only a few weeks left to serve out.
Stephen Lim
wrote:
I would suggest that this is the time to form a African Corps branch
of our local police in line with our senai and the east malaysian
branches. The African corps will be able to "keep the peace"in the
prison and will be physically up to the task.
If Singapore have their Gurkhas, we can have our own African Corps
(cops) !
YF Yap
23 February 2002
KL wants to preserve moderate face of Islam
Seeking to prove conservative scholars wrong, the government wants to
broaden the public discourse on the religion
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - Slowly and without fanfare, the Malaysian government is
embarking on a plan to preserve the moderate and progressive face of
Islam in the country.
The Straits Times understands that the administration wants to broaden
the public discourse on the religion and whittle away at the grip that
conservative religious scholars appear to have gained over the Muslim
population in the country over the past two decades.
To this end, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi is
planning to host a conference in July of some of the world's most
progressive Muslim thinkers. If successful, the meeting will become an
annual affair.
In addition to the formal setting of a conference, there are also
plans to expose Malaysians to the views of Muslim scholars on Islam's
response to globalisation and the empowering of women.
A government official said: 'There is a two-fold strategy here. One,
we need to showcase Malaysia as an example of a modern Muslim. And
there is a need to show that some of the positions held by
conservative scholars are incorrect.'
Over the years, the administration has become uneasy with the narrow
and sometimes self-serving interpretation of Islam by some ulama.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad labelled them 'political
ulamas' at a recent global forum in New York and accused them of
distorting Islam to legitimise their political creed and ambition.
He said that this class of religious scholars was only interested in
parts of the Quran that seemingly supported their political views.
They were backward in most fields of learning, including knowledge of
Islam.
The administration feels there is a need to allow Malaysians to hear
views from more enlightened thinkers.
Interestingly, this initiative comes at a time when there is beginning
to be more robust discussion in the Malaysian media on Islam by
newspaper columnists and social activists.
Since the onset of the Islamisation policy in Malaysia from the late
1970s, religious discourse has been the purview of the ulama or
religious scholars.
And they have guarded this domain closely.
Dr Farish Noor, a political analyst, noted: 'There is a concern that
we have a myopic interpretation of Islam. An interpretation that
refuses to address the pressing issues of the day.'
He and several other writers recently became the target of the Ulama
Association of Malaysia.
The group - said to enjoy close links with Parti Islam SeMalaysia
(PAS) - lodged a complaint with the Malay Rulers Council and accused
the writers of humiliating the country's official religion and
degrading the ulamas as an institution.
Umno politicians felt that the move by the association was motivated
more by politics and self-preservation than religious zeal. After
having enjoyed the monopoly of interpreting the religion for decades,
the ulamas were not prepared to share the limelight with anyone.
Instead of being intimidated, more commentators have in recent days
contributed articles on Islam to the newspapers.
Dr Chandra Muzaffar wrote in the New Straits Times: 'When a group
insists that it has the exclusive right to interpret religion and, in
the ultimate analysis, to shape the moral basis of society, it
excludes everyone from participating in the process of determining the
destiny of the people.
'Such hegemonic thinking must lead inevitably to religious
authoritarianism and even religious dictatorship. That is why
ulama-oriented hegemony should be rejected.'
Surprisingly, the Harakah, the official newspaper of PAS, also
criticised the ulamas for their narrow-mindedness. In an editorial, it
said that it was erroneous to say that ulamas were descendants of the
Prophet and could not be criticised.
But The Straits Times understands from PAS insiders that the editorial
was written not with a desire to broaden the discussion of Islam but
by a need to clear some perceptions that non-Muslims have about a
country ruled by ulamas.
Party insiders concede that many Chinese and Indians are fearful of
PAS because they believe that if the Islamic fundamentalist party came
to power, leaders such as Hadi Awang, Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat will
enjoy immunity from any criticism by virtue of their religious
credentials.
The editorial in English was aimed at dispelling this perception.
YF Yap
24 February 2002
A perfect terror base for preachers
From Sungai Manggis in Selangor, three Indonesian-born preachers
recruited men for terror cells
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - In the hushed sanctuary of wooded lanes and neat attap
houses of Sungai Manggis, everyone has a story about the three
Indonesian-born preachers.
A shopkeeper remembers Hambali alias Nurjaman Riduan as the 'ustaz'
who sold kebabs and peddled medicine in the nearby Banting town when
he showed up in the coastal area of Selangor in 1993.
A used car salesman digs into his cranium and remembers Abu Bakar
Bashir as the bean pole of a man who occupied a ramshackle hut with
white paint peeling off and who would disappear for long periods of
time.
And a mother of nine speaks about Muhammad Iqbal as a man with a deep
religious conviction, who spent hours travelling to other states to
conduct classes on Islam for small groups of people and who with the
help of a prominent religious preacher in Singapore, organised trips
to Mecca for the faithful.
Madam Fatimah Zahara says: 'There are a lot of allegations against my
husband and the others but so far there is no proof.'
Her husband is Muhammad Iqbal, who in May last year was detained by
police after a bungled bank robbery revealed the existence of a group
of militants bent on setting up a union of Islamic states, spanning
Malaysia, Indonesia and the southern Philippines.
Subsequent investigation led Malaysian security agencies to conclude
that he and his fellow preachers were the ones who had carefully
recruited men for terror cells, planted ideas of overthrowing the
secular government in them and nurtured them over the years.
And during this time, the base of operations was Sungai Manggis. In
many ways, it was a perfect choice - a place where three men with
thick Indonesian accents would not stand out.
About 40 minutes of drive time separates the land of motorcycles from
the capital.
This is an area where thousands of immigrants from Java have made
their home for decades.
With jobs plentiful in the plantations, it continues to have a pull
for new arrivals from Indonesia, legal and illegal. The numerous
hole-in-the-wall shops offering international trunk-call services are
the clearest hint of a large presence of foreigners.
After nearly 15 years in the country, Madam Fatimah's Bahasa Malaysia
still sounds different. She is covered from head to toe, with only a
thin slit exposing her eyes.
She and her husband landed in Johor in 1985 to escape the crackdown on
Islamic militancy in Indonesia. In the early years, the couple lived
like nomads, moving from state to state.
In 1993, they found Sungai Manggis and did not leave. Muhammad Iqbal
carved out a reputation for himself, with many people in the area
knowing him as Ustaz Iqbal.
If appearances count for anything, he must have earned a good living
giving religious classes. His single-storey blue-roofed bungalow would
not look out of place in the middle-class belt of Petaling Jaya.
Madam Fatimah is economical with information about Hambali and Abu
Bakar Bashir, saying only that they lived down the road.
Down the road is a collection of wooden houses. The landlord says that
Hambali lived there with his wife of Sabahan origin until late 1999.
But he would be gone for months, recalled the landlord. Until 1997,
Abu Bakar shared these quarters. After that, the elderly Indonesian
cleric moved in with Muhammad Iqbal.
Police believe that Hambali, after fighting alongside the mujahideen
in Afghanistan in the late 1980s, was involved in recruiting Muslims
in the region to fight in Bosnia and Algeria.
Security officials also say that he helped two convicted terrorists -
Ramzi Yousef and Wali Khan Amin Shah - plan several attacks, including
a plot to assassinate Pope John Paul II when the pontiff visited the
Philippines in 1995.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
KL detains six Muslim extremists
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
MALAYSIAN police have detained six members of a Muslim extremist group
for two years under the Internal Security Act (ISA), a government
official said yesterday.
The six joined another member of the Kumpulan Militan Malaysia (KMM),
Yazid Sufaat, already serving a two-year detention at Perak's
Kamunting detention camp.
The seven were among 21 men arrested in police swoops on the second
wing of the KMM in December last year, and in January.
An official of human rights group Suaram said the families of the six
were told police took them to Kamunting on Friday, after accusing them
of activities that threatened national security.
'They have been under arrest for more than 50 days. Now the police
have put them under the two-year order,' Suaram official Mr Baharuddin
Ismail, told The Sunday Times.
Police investigations have shown that Yazid, a 37-year-old
businessman, was a key link man in the KMM, who met three suspects in
the Sept 11 attacks.
The Suaram official said the six were company manager Mohd Sha
Sarijan, accountant Abu Samad Shukri Mohd, businessmen Ahmad Sajuli
Abdul Rahman and Suhaimi Mokhtar, bank officer Ahmad Yani Ismail, and
headmaster Abdul Razak Baharudin.
They are aged between 33 and 48 years old.
The first wing of the KMM, arrested last June, is said to be behind
the assassination of a Christian politician, the bombing of temples
and armed bank robberies.
Police said they recovered training manuals on bomb making, sabotage
and guerilla activities from members of the KMM's second wing.
Officials say the KMM is willing to use violence in its bid to topple
the Malaysian government, and establish a hardline Islamic state
including Malaysia, Indonesia and the southern Philippines.
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad has said some of the arrested admitted
to being trained by the Taleban in Afghanistan and by Al-Qaeda.
Malaysian officials said they are after two key figures - Abu Bakar
Bashir, who is known to be living openly in Solo, central Java, and
Hambali alias Riduan Isamuddin who is believed to be in Indonesia.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Jakarta welcomes anti-terror help
Offer to interview Jemaah Islamiah detainees in Singapore will be
accepted, but no arrests without 'hard evidence'
By Derwin Pereira
INDONESIA CORRESPONDENT
JAKARTA - Indonesia said yesterday that it was open to Singapore's
offer to share intelligence on two key terrorist suspects but again
made clear that it would only act on hard evidence.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Wahid Supriadi said that the Republic's
move was 'well received' by the Indonesian government and seen as 'a
step to avoid further damage to bilateral ties' following Senior
Minister Lee Kuan Yew's recent comments.
'We have always been open to any form of intelligence exchange,' he
told The Sunday Times. 'It is in the interest of the two countries to
channel information and differences through diplomatic channels rather
than making any public pronouncements.
'It is OK for the man in the street to criticise us. But if it is the
Senior Minister talking about it openly, then the implications are
big.'
Mr Wahid's comments follow Singapore's offer on Friday to facilitate
direct investigations by Indonesian security agencies to confirm that
links exist between two Indonesian suspects and members of the Jemaah
Islamiah (JI) terrorist group in the Republic.
A Singapore Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman said that the
government was also prepared to give Jakarta access to detained JI
members.
He said that Singapore's security agencies had on several occasions
shared all available intelligence with their Indonesian counterparts.
This covered the links between detained JI members and clerics Abu
Bakar Bashir, who had a leadership role in the Singapore terrorist
network, and Hambali, another suspected extremist leader.
Responding to such comments, Mr Wahid said that the information
provided by Singapore so far was not sufficient to warrant action.
A two-star army general, a close aide of security czar Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono, said that Indonesia had to be 'sticky' on this issue
because of the political ramifications if security authorities here
made a mistake.
'We need to be armed with solid proof if we arrest a Muslim militant
with followers. If we make a mistake, there will be repercussions on
the ground. Singapore has to understand our problem.'
Police spokesman Saleh Saaf said that two generals and a colonel had
already been sent to Singapore, to gather information to help them in
their investigations here.
He said that Indonesia would also accept the offer to interview the 13
JI members arrested in Singapore.
Given the backdrop of growing international pressure against
Indonesia, the state intelligence agency, police and other security
agencies have been forced to step up efforts against militants.
The Sunday Times understands that Abu Bakar is now under constant
surveillance in Solo, Central Java, and at least one senior JI member
was hauled up for questioning last week, to ascertain Hambali's
whereabouts in Indonesia.
Hambali, suspected to be the author of a draft document that outlined
plans to bomb US embassies in Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and the
Philippines, is believed to remain in touch with JI operatives here.
Jakarta's latest moves stem mainly from the reaction to SM Lee's
remarks that there were extremist leaders in Indonesia.
Sources say that President Megawati Sukarnoputri, seemingly detached
from the whole matter, has now ordered General Susilo and her security
apparatus to give 'full attention' to the terrorist issue.
After a week of public vitriol against Mr Lee's remarks that terrorist
ring leaders were in the country, the mood appeared to be conciliatory
here.
Some Indonesian legislators felt that the incident be best forgotten.
Said Mr Amris Hassan who sits on the parliamentary commission for
foreign affairs: 'We should just forget about it. But we hope that it
does not happen again.'
YF Yap
24 February 2002
The instant-noodle generation
Many teens who have grown up with maids either refuse to, or have no
clue how to, do household chores or cook - save for, well, Maggi mee
By Wong Yuan Jun and Katie Chen
THEY have grown up with maids all their lives and given a chance, they
would have maids for their own children too.
When 104 teenagers were asked how dependent they are on their maids,
most gave a rating of between 6 and 8 out of 10.
But they claim they are not totally hopeless about the house. They are
either just too lazy to lift a finger, or simply expect the maid to
earn her keep.
The teenagers surveyed say that while the maids do most of the cooking
and cleaning at home, when push comes to shove, they will survive by,
well, cooking instant noodles.
Said Pan Xuequn, 18, who has had a maid since birth: 'If I had to go
overseas to study, I would just live on Maggi mee and pasta, and live
in filthy clothing.'
Teenagers say they can operate basic household appliances although
quite a few have problems operating the washing machine.
Lim Zijie, 18, who has not had to lift a finger to do household chores
since he was four, said: 'I don't know what to do with it.'
The survey covered polytechnic and junior-college students aged 16 to
19, who have had maids living with them for at least five years.
Questions have been raised by a university don about whether the
growing maid phenomenon would breed Singaporeans so used to the good
life that it would be one factor killing Singaporeans' drive and
ambition.
But how dependent are Singapore teenagers on the helper in the house?
Very, according to the survey. And yes, it does breed laziness,
teenagers themselves say, unless parents intervene to set ground
rules.
THE chore of cooking, doing the laundry and the ironing is the maid's
task. And almost all the teenagers said they need not do the dishes
nor make their own beds either.
Which is just as well, since household chores that youngsters hate
include mopping and doing the laundry and dishes.
It is when the maid is absent that the teenager chips in, although
most teenagers admit that the chores are simply taken over by their
mothers.
Said Clement Chua, 18: 'The few weeks when my maid went away, my
mother did the washing up, mopping and cleaning. Life just went on as
usual for me.'
Neil Fong, 18, said his family gets around the problem by simply going
on holidays when the maid is away.
There are some who say that their parents insist that they should do
certain chores themselves, especially tidying up their own mess, or
taking care of their own pets.
Said Chen Tingni, 16: 'Our father has a house rule that says all of us
have to bring back our cups and plates to the basin after we use them.
Things like cleaning our own rooms and tidying up our own shameful
mess are also a must.'
For Chan Junhao, 17, cleaning the toilet at home is something that he
does weekly - not just because his father wants him to, but because
''I use it, so I should clean it'.
Yong Rui Fen, 16, said that her parents would like her to make her own
bed and bring in the clothes line. 'But I reach home too late or leave
too early to do these chores,' she said sheepishly.
But Zijie makes no apologies for not doing anything about the house
despite his parents' urging. 'My parents think I should be more
independent, but the fact of the matter is that they depend on the
maid to wash their clothes for them too. So being critical of me is
just damning themselves,' he added.
Even though most teenagers have their beds made by the maid, this is
one task they think they should do themselves.
Said Gracia Goh, 19: 'Making the bed is such a personal thing. How can
you ask the maid to do it for you?'
But the problem is, they say, they do not have the time to do their
beds before leaving for school.
ALTHOUGH not many of the youths expected to be waited on hand and foot
by their maids, a few did admit to making them do some 'ridiculous'
things for them.
Grace Lu, 16, once told her maid to help her change the channel on the
television, while Khoo Aik Kai, 18, made his maid fetch something from
the next room for him.
And while the vast majority of respondents say they were capable of
doing some chores, some felt that it was not their responsibility to
do so, since there was a maid around.
'To me now, studying and having fun is more important than having to
pick up skills like washing and cooking,' said Grace.
Said Michelle Lu, 18, who only knows how to cook instant noodles: 'My
parents do tell me to learn to cook, but I don't have the time for it.
Besides, that's my maid's job: we're paying her for it.'
Bryan Leong, 17, spoke for many when he said that he had other
commitments to be concerned about. 'I am busy with my schoolwork and
other activities.'
While others do not hold the view of 'there is a maid around', they
admit to being simply too lazy to lift a finger. Sometimes, they
experience pangs of guilt.
Koh Teng Shin, 17, said:'I have many friends who have to take care of
chores, but for me, I just laze around at home. Only sometimes when I
feel guilty, I'll wash the car.'
Foo Yun Ying, 17, who has had a maid since birth, said: 'I feel kind
of lazy, I suppose, and don't do most of the stuff I ought to. Only
when I feel guilty do I try to do some of them.'
Guilty?
Naah, said Natalie Boon, 17.
'I don't feel guilty, I mean, I am used to it already! I think it does
make me kind of lazy, so I suppose as I get older, I may face some
problems. Maybe the solution is to help out a bit. But I think now
isn't really the time...I can pick up such skills later.'
TWO in five of the youths surveyed said that they absolutely could not
do without their maids.
This was more so for those living on landed property than those in HDB
flats or condominiums.
Zijie, who lives in a semi-detached house, has never tried to iron a
shirt, fold clothes, or change the curtains, and can't wake up in the
mornings without his maid's help.
He said: 'If I don't have a maid, I'll die. It's so tough. I don't
know how I'm going to survive national service or when I go overseas
to study. I suppose I'll have to learn to wash my clothes and cook
before I go, but right now, it's just so convenient having a maid.'
Yet others were planning to circumvent their lack of housework
know-how altogether even if the situation calls for it.
'I will just find some friends and go stay with them, if possible!'
said Ng Sangyu, 17.
Yvonne Chan, 18, has another solution: 'If overseas, I'll just hire a
maid over there.'
In the longer term, 92 per cent of those living on landed property
said that they would simply fix the problem by hiring their own maid
when they start a family.
By contrast, less than half of those staying in HDB flats or
condominiums say they would do the same. Their concern? The cost.
Tanny Ng, 19, gave another reason: 'I won't hire a maid to look after
my children because they might become too dependent on them. As it is,
my siblings and I are already rather spoilt.'
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
CAN'T COOK...
'I can cook nothing. If I don't have a maid, I can just go out and buy
food.'
- Michelle Ho, 17
CAN'T IRON...
'I can't iron a shirt. But I'm not worried about it, because I'm sure
a lot of guys can't cook or iron.'
- Neil
'I have never tried ironing or folding clothes. With a maid, I don't
have to do all those. I leave my underwear for her to wash too.'
- Zijie
'I've had a maid since I was two, and I don't do any chores at home. I
can't operate a vacuum cleaner, washing machine or iron. As for
cooking, all I can do are Maggie noodles and microwave food! I cannot
iron, sew, fold clothes or clean toilets.'
- Michelle Tang, 18
CAN'T EVEN LIFT A FINGER
'Other than taking care of my pets, I do nothing else. And even when
my maid was away for one month, I did not lift a finger to do
anything.'
- Adeline Yam, 16
'I seriously have no idea how I'd cope overseas. Maybe I'd eat outside
every day and send my clothes to the laundromat. And if my maid left,
my mum would take leave to take care of things. And if my mum wasn't
around either...I never thought about it!'
- Michelle Lu
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Too lazy to make her own bed
YIP PEIWEN, 16, can't make it for class at her junior college on time
if her Indonesian maid doesn't wake her up in the mornings.
And she doesn't make her bed either, because that would make her late
for school.
Also, she said: 'I'm lazy.'
In fact, she does nothing to help out at home, a condominium apartment
in Bedok, and neither do her two younger brothers, aged eight and 11.
If the maid is absent, there's mum, a tutor who has flexible hours.
'She knows I depend a lot on the maid, so she grumbles occasionally.'
Her parents cook for the family. And although Peiwen took home
economics lessons in secondary school, she limits her culinary
experiments at home to frying eggs for herself.
Peiwen has lived with a maid since she was eight years old.
So when she stayed at her childhood babysitter's house last year to
mug up for her O levels, the experience of having to fend for herself
was a surprise.
'She made me do my own stuff, wash my own clothes and vacuum the
place. It was quite hard to cope.
'If I must do things for myself, I can do it, but I'm not hardworking
enough to most of the time. Anyway, my mum pays the maid to do the
housework.'
But her maid, who did not wish to be named, said Peiwen was rather
helpful, mopping the floor and folding blankets sometimes.
Peiwen even offers to wash the dishes with her.
Peiwen herself doesn't think she exploits her maid.
After her canoeing sessions, which she has three times a week, she
gives her clothes a first wash, before handing them to her maid.
And she certainly doesn't treat her maid the way some of her friends
do, she says.
'The richer they are, the lazier they are! When I visit them, I see
them being quite rude to their two maids, ordering them around.
'It's too much. Of course, you pay them to work in your house, but you
don't pay them to be your slave.'
Now, she is determined to learn to take care of herself before she
goes abroad for studies.
'After all, you can't bring your maid overseas with you and you can't
hire one there,' she said.
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Cushy life need not kill person's drive
CAN'T sweep. Can't mop. Can't be bothered to do anything around the
house since there is a maid paid to do everything.
Will this cushy, carefree environment kill a young person's drive, as
Associate Prof Tan Teng Kee of the Nanyang Business School, has
lamented?
Not necessarily, said three academics. The plus side: Having a maid
frees a child to study hard, come up with new ideas and experiment
freely.
Associate Professor Habib Khondker, a sociologist at the National
University of Singapore, argued: 'Time is a fixed quantity; I'd argue
that kids who have maids to do their chores for them actually have
more time to study, to read books and the like.'
He pointed to India and Hongkong where there is a higher dependence on
maids but where the people are more entrepreneurial.
'Children who depend on maids too much may sometimes grow up lazy. But
they may be the ones who come up with brilliant ideas.
'Some entrepreneurial skills and creativity may be linked to leisure,
and easy-going lifestyle.'
And Dr Alfred Choi, a sociologist at Nanyang Technological University,
said: 'To be an entrepreneur, you need intuition coupled with good
vision to move beyond confines and set boundaries, and a willingness
to try new things and build on failures.
'One of the common traits of entrepreneurs is that they do not like to
concentrate on the little things or daily routines.
'In fact many entrepreneurs are unwilling to be tied down by details;
many are quite hopeless at domestic chores. Maids free them from
worrying about such things.'
Mr Jeffrey Woo, 40, manager of student development, Ngee Ann
Polytechnic's School of Business and Accountancy, noted that children
of rich families have become entrepreneurs.
'The fact is that the children have the advantage. They are just
making use of the available labour that is paid $450 a month! Like
employers getting the maids to wash the cars for them.
'They are depriving themselves of exercise but so what? As long as
they can get in exercise somewhere else, why not leave the car to the
maid?'
It might be better to look at other factors that kill entrepreneurial
drive, suggested Prof Khondker, such as the overall system of
education and the people's dependence on the Government for jobs.
The three academics agreed that the family's value system was
important, as Prof Tan had pointed out.
Prof Tan said: 'If the environment at home is highly supportive, you
can still turn out good students even if the school environment is not
good. This is because values are learnt from home.'
Agreeing, Mr Wee said: 'It is the upbringing of the family and what
the parents feel is the most important.
'I know of some families that have maids but the parents still insist
on the children taking personal responsibility for cleaning, tidying
their rooms, and when they grow older, to make their own tea, and so
on.'
And Dr Choi said: 'Parents and teachers are the people who have the
most influence over the development of entrepreneurial qualities.'
Agreeing, Zhou Ziqian, 17, who has had a maid since birth, said: 'It's
more to do with how your parents inculcate beliefs in daring to be
different, and such skills are fostered outside when you meet people
in different levels of society.'
YF Yap
25 February 2002
Who's next in corporate crackdown?
Malaysia's corporate bosses are paying for their links to former
finance minister Daim Zainudin
KUALA LUMPUR - First it was Tan Sri Halim Saad, then Datuk Seri Abdul
Rahman Maidin, now Tan Sri Tajudin Ramli. Who is next?
One by one, heads of troubled conglomerates linked to former finance
minister Daim Zainudin are being made to pay in an on-going corporate
crackdown, the Sunday Mail reported yesterday.
Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi made it clear on
Friday that there was no witch-hunt against the former minister and
businessmen linked to him.
But the tabloid maintained that 'it could be pure coincidence...
magnates who have been felled are publicly known to be Daim's proteges
from Peremba, his first flagship wealth generator, or linked to it'.
The Sunday Mail said that the crackdown did not start with a probe on
the alleged irregularities of Malaysia Airlines during the
chairmanship of Tan Sri Tajudin Ramli.
It really began after Tun Daim stepped down in June last year with the
authorities looking into Renong Bhd and Tan Sri Halim.
Tan Sri Halim became a construction hero when he completed the RM5.7
billion (S$2.7 billion) North-South Expressway project awarded to UEM,
a parent company of Renong which came under his control in 1985, two
years ahead of schedule.
The company grew into a conglomerate entrusted with the building of
Malaysia's landmarks such as the National Sports Complex, Linkedua
(Malaysia-Singapore second crossing) and Kuala Lumpur International
Airport, to name a few.
But his fortunes took a dip when he resigned as executive chairman of
UEM in June and Renong in October and lost his first RM100 million
cash instalment related to a share buyback proposal in which he was
not given the extra time needed to raise the second instalment,
forfeiting the first.
Soon after Tan Sri Halim, another purported protege of Tun Daim was
suddenly relieved of corporate kingship as swiftly as he was given the
title.
This was Datuk Seri Abdul Rahman, former president and chairman of
Malaysian Resources Corporation Berhad (MRCB), and chairman of the
Penang Malay Chamber of Commerce.
Emerging from virtual obscurity, he became head honcho of one of
Malaysia's biggest multinationals in July 1999. But on Jan 12 this
year, the businessman made his unexplained exit from MRCB which had
incurred a RM1.3 billion debt.
Will this corporate clean-up go on?
According to the tabloid, it would in all probability with the
authorities looking at other companies such as those awarded
multi-million dollar defence contracts.
At least one local shipbuilder has reportedly failed to deliver patrol
vessels on time.
YF Yap
25 February 2002
Johor complains about Singapore land reclamation
Newspaper report prompts DPM Abdullah to say S'pore must ensure
reclamation does not spill into Malaysian territory
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
MALAYSIAN Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said
yesterday Singapore must ensure that its land reclamation activities
do not encroach on Johor's territory.
He was commenting on a report in the Malay-language Sunday newspaper,
Berita Minggu, here that Johor state authorities had lodged a
complaint with Malaysia's Foreign Ministry over Singapore's
reclamation works.
The newspaper quoted a source in Johor's state security department as
saying that while the activities had expanded Singapore's land mass,
they caused the Tebrau Straits separating the two nations to become
smaller.
Datuk Seri Abdullah told reporters after attending a religious
function yesterday that the reclamation works 'were getting closer' to
Malaysian territory.
'What they do within their borders is their affair,' he said.
But he added: 'It's important that the reclamation works do not spill
over into our territory or breach the agreement on matters related to
the principles of Malaysia-Singapore border demarcation.'
The Berita Minggu story quoted the state security source as saying
that the situation must be handled carefully as it could lead to
'suspicions' between the two neighbours.
It said the complaint was made out of concern that the reclamation
'could change the waterway positions at the border of the two
countries.'
According to Berita Minggu, land reclamation have been going on in the
past 40 to 50 years as part of efforts to add thousands of hectares to
the Republic's land area.
It also said that Singapore might be planning to join a number of its
northern islands to the Republic's mainland.
It noted that to the north-east of Singapore, reclamation was being
carried out on Pulau Tekong, near Johor's Tanjung Pengelih. The
Republic had also bought sand from Indonesia to expand the shorelines
at Tuas, which the report said, was near Johor's Port of Tanjung
Pelepas and the Second Link.
The source said that the land reclamation could put pressure on
Malaysia to 'defend its territory'.
'Whatever it is, we cannot relax because Singapore has been carrying
out the activities for decades,' the state official said.
Berita Minggu also said the coastal changes had left Malaysian
fishermen wary about straying into Singapore's territorial waters.
angus
the Tebrau Straits, we will have no further need for that bridge!
H J Angus
Tukang Karut
angus <an...@pd.jaring.my> wrote in message
news:3C7991E1...@pd.jaring.my...
YF Yap
26 February 2002
Not even the dead find rest from MCA fight
Names of the dead are alleged to be on party's swelling membership
list as power struggle continues
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - Even the dead are not being spared in the political
tussle within the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA), the most bitter
in the party's 53 year history.
The Straits Times understands that checks on the party's updated
membership list show that some members listed as active have been dead
for years, some for decades.
A group of them are said to be centenarians. In one case, a member
should be celebrating his 110th birthday this year.
Mr Donald Lim, a member of the party's central committee, alleged that
these discrepancies had been found in divisions headed by leaders
aligned with MCA deputy president Lim Ah Lek.
The accusation will cast further doubt on the veracity of the
all-important membership list and take the year-old feud between Team
B and Team A, led by party president Ling Liong Sik, deeper into the
abyss.
Datuk Lim has already charged that irregularities in the membership
list are far worse now than in the leadership crisis in the 1980s when
factions loyal to Mr Neo Yee Pan and Mr Tan Koon Swan clashed.
He noted that the approval of more than 130,000 new members in the
last six months of 2001 was unprecedented.
Under the election system, 3,000 delegates elect the party's central
leadership. These delegates represent their branches and divisions,
and are picked by the rank and file.
So the key to remaining in power is to control the branches and ensure
that loyal delegates are selected to attend the party polls in June.
Mr Donald Lim, a member of Team A, said that he was upset that some
MCA leaders had created the impression that the party was full of
phantom members.
'There are over one million members in nearly 4,000 branches. There
are bound to be some technical hitches,' he added, challenging Datuk
Lim Ah Lek to produce evidence within 48 hours that the phantom member
situation is worse today than two decades ago.
A Team B leader contacted by The Straits Times last night declined to
comment on the allegation that the membership lists in some branches
controlled by Team B had been padded up with the names of dead people.
He said: 'The only issue before us is whether we are going into the
June elections with a list that can stand up to scrutiny.'
The Straits Times understands that senior members of the Mahathir
administration continue to be concerned over the 'recruitment' of new
MCA members.
They worry that the party - the second most important party in the
Barisan Nasional coalition - may have unwittingly 'recruited' members
of the opposition.
Before leaving for a one-month break abroad, Prime Minister Datuk Seri
Dr Mahathir Mohamad spoke to the two factions and urged them to put
party unity before personal interests.
When he returns on Thursday, he will receive a report suggesting that
his advice has largely been ignored.
A government official told The Straits Times that Mr Donald Lim's
allegation 'makes it all the more necessary to ensure that the
membership list is verified and cleaned-up'.
YF Yap
27 February 2002
Hitting foreign media where it hurts most
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
ASIA DEBRIEF
ONE fact has become clear over the past few days: Thailand and
Malaysia share an undisguised suspicion of the foreign media.
Another fact will also play out in the days ahead. The Thai
government's use of the sledgehammer approach to discipline foreign
correspondents may prove less effective than the Malaysian option of
hitting foreign publishers where it hurts most - in the pocket.
Revoking the working visas of foreign correspondents based in Bangkok
and blacklisting others for allegedly threatening national security
and social order will result in nothing more than impactful headlines.
This is because no one can stop Rodney Tasker of the Far Eastern
Economic Review from writing about Mr Thaksin Shinawatra's government
from outside Thailand.
Malaysia also considered taking the extreme approach following a
series of articles on Malaysia that appeared in FEER, Newsweek and
Time magazine earlier this year.
The Straits Times understands there were calls from within the ruling
party and government circles to revoke the visas of foreign
correspondents based in Kuala Lumpur.
But after a short deliberation, the administration decided that
expelling journalists would not achieve the objective, which is to
make foreign publications more responsible in their reporting of
Malaysia. If anything, a correspondent ordered to leave the country
would wear his expulsion like a badge of honour.
So the government opted for a more effective way of getting the
attention of publishers - it delayed the distribution of the
publications.
The past four issues of Time and Newsweek have not hit the streets,
while the government has delayed the distribution of the past five
issues of FEER.
The Home Ministry also authorised the release of FEER's Jan 24 edition
but limited circulation to 500 copies. The magazine sells more than
14,000 copies each week in Malaysia.
This is the first time the government has capped the circulation of a
magazine. In doing so, it is following the example of the Singapore
government.
Administration officials believe foreign publishers will listen
seriously to complaints about false or biased reporting only when
their profit margins are under threat.
This belief is backed by evidence. Late last year, the senior
management of a Hongkong-based magazine went to Putrajaya to appeal
against 'the administrative delay in distribution'.
The Malaysian leadership received promises of fairer reporting and a
guarantee of a full right of reply.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
FEER journalists may not be expelled if they apologise
BANGKOK - The Thai government may decide not to deport two Far Eastern
Economic Review (FEER) journalists if the magazine apologises, said
police, even as the US urged Bangkok to uphold press freedom.
The Bangkok Post yesterday quoted the national police chief, Police
General Sant Sarutanon, as saying if the two apologised, Interior
Minister Purachai Piumsombun may take that into consideration and not
expel them from the country.
FEER's Bangkok bureau chief Shawn Crispin and correspondent Rodney
Tasker were served with deportation orders over the weekend over an
article published in the magazine's Jan 10 issue.
Amid mounting criticism over the government's move, Thai Foreign
Minister Surakiart Sathirathai suggested that the government may try
to find a way to extricate itself from the impasse.
'There could be a way to solve the problem, like explaining that they
didn't intend to make a report which damaged the country,' he said
yesterday.
The US on Monday expressed concern about threats from the Thai
government to deport the journalists, urging Bangkok to uphold press
freedom.
The State Department said in Washington US Ambassador to Thailand
Darryl Johnson had raised the issue with Thai Prime Minister Thaksin
Shinawatra. --AFP
YF Yap
27 February 2002
Johor MB claims S'pore reclamation narrowing port route
He raises his concern that restricting the passage may discourage
ships from calling at the Malaysian port
BATU PAHAT - Singapore's land reclamation work on its Pulau Tekong
island will cause the approach route to Pasir Gudang Port to become
restricted and narrow, Johor Mentri Besar Abdul Ghani Othman said
yesterday.
He told reporters after a function here that the existing route to
Pasir Gudang was already narrow and with reclamation works on the east
of Johor waters, the lane would become even narrower.
Ships will be discouraged from calling at Pasir Gudang due to the
possible narrowing of the shipping lane, he said.
The latest reclamation work by Singapore was around Pulau Tekong and
based on information received, this would double the size of the
island, he said.
'This is happening within their territorial waters but the problem is
the sea route will become narrow, particularly if we also start
reclaiming land from the sea,' he said, adding that Singapore had
informed the Johor government and Pasir Gudang Port about its land
reclamation works around Pulau Tekong.
He also told reporters that the government should review whether
Malaysian firms licensed to sell sea sand for reclamation work had the
right to supply it to a foreign country.
'We propose that they check to see if the sand is being sold to those
reclaiming land from the sea around Pulau Tekong,' he said.
Asked if Johor would send a protest note, he said such matters were
the business of the federal government.
Singapore's land reclamation works became an issue when a newspaper
quoted a source from the State Security Division as saying it would
affect Johor's environment.
Singapore has said that reclamation works being carried out are
entirely within the Republic's territorial waters - and the issue of
encroachment upon Malaysian territory does not arise.
Such works 'cannot in any way affect the territorial waters boundary
delineation agreed to between Singapore and Malaysia', a Singapore
Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman said on Monday in response to
media queries in the Republic. --Bernama
YF Yap
28 February 2002
Veil to come off Perwaja saga
The businessman blamed for the debacle of Malaysia's national steel
company files defamation suit against politician
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - The story behind scandal-ridden Perwaja Steel, the
national steel company that has racked up losses in the billions and
become a major embarrassment for the Mahathir administration, is about
to become public.
It will also provide a rare peek behind the scenes of the wheeling and
dealing in corporate Malaysia and the nexus between business and
politics.
Court documents obtained by The Straits Times show that Tan Sri Eric
Chia - the businessman blamed for the debacle of Perwaja and accused
of mismanagement when he was at the helm of the company - has filed a
defamation suit against opposition politician Lim Guan Eng to clear
his name.
His action comes nearly six years after the Democratic Action Party
member lodged a police report alleging abuse of power, corruption and
fraud in the then state-owned enterprise - a report that kickstarted a
police probe that continues till today.
Among other things, Mr Lim said that action must be taken against Tan
Sri Chia for approving the payment of RM76.4 million (S$37 million) to
a shell company in Hongkong.
Following the police report, former finance minister Anwar Ibrahim
announced in Parliament that Perwaja was insolvent and had losses
totalling RM2.9 billion.
He attributed the poor performance to poor management and
irregularities in the payment and award of contracts. Shortly after
that, the Anti-Corruption Agency started probing the affair.
Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad told Malaysian students
in London on Monday that investigators had hit a wall as Perwaja
dealings involved cross-border transactions and authorities in these
countries were uncooperative.
He said that a businessman brought in by the government to run the
company might have mismanaged and siphoned off money. He did not name
the businessman.
In his statement of claim, Tan Sri Chia noted that Mr Lim's police
report created the impression that he was corrupt, unfit to serve the
company and was deserving of a jail term.
Because of those allegations, he said that he had suffered and
continues to suffer 'distress, embarrassment, odium, contempt,
anguish, emotional stress and strain'.
In an interview with The Straits Times two years ago, Tan Sri Chia
said that he had spent nearly eight months collecting documents that
detailed transactions involving Perwaja from Chile, Brazil, Germany,
Italy and Japan.
He said then: 'Now I have got all the documents. You just give me the
platform. The best platform you can give me is the courtroom.'
In his statement of claim, he gives a hint of the type of documents in
his possession.
He said that he was asked by Tun Daim Zainuddin, a former finance
minister, in a letter to say that the Prime Minister had released him
from his duties as the managing director of Perwaja due to poor
health.
As such, Tan Sri Chia said that his resignation was purely on the
grounds 'of the advice given by Tun Daim Zainuddin and was never at
any time whatsoever done as a result of guilt'.
YF Yap
28 February 2002
SM's remarks a stimulus for combating terrorism
By BANTARTO BANDORO
JAKARTA - Indonesia-Singapore relations have not been particularly
warm over the past year.
Now, the two countries have again become involved in a war of words
following the remarks of Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew that
his country remained at risk from a terrorist attack because leaders
of regional extremist cells were still at large in Indonesia.
This war of words comes at a time when the South-east Asian countries
are set to join the global anti-terrorist coalition.
National Intelligence Agency chief Lt-Gen (Retd) A.M. Hendropriyono
stated before the House of Representative's foreign affairs commission
last week that 'if Al-Qaeda is said to have branches or chapters in
Indonesia, it is totally baseless.
'If there are people who have been contacted, that does not
necessarily mean there is a network. But there are contact persons (in
Indonesia).'
But doesn't Gen Hendropriyono ever think that the sustainability of
terrorist networks is attributed to, among other things, the
clandestine roles of such contact persons?
The post-Sept 11 period has led countries in this part of the world to
be preoccupied by the issue of terrorism, and there has even been
strong calls for a regional coalition against terrorism.
The issue could become a cementing factor in regional relations within
Asean, but it could also be a factor that is likely to fracture
bilateral relations.
This is exactly what has happened to relations between Indonesia and
Singapore.
Thus, bearing in mind Asean's weaknesses, its new fight against
terrorism will always be constrained by elements that derive from the
member countries' bilateral relations.
Terrorism is indeed a real test for Asean solidarity. Mr Lee's
statement has sparked strong protests from the Indonesian public and
officials.
Some say that his statement has gone too far in that it constitutes
intervention in our domestic affairs. Others demand that the
government sever diplomatic relations with Singapore.
Would one expect more stable regional relations were these two
countries detached diplomatically from each other only because of the
issue of terrorism?
Or would Indonesia gain more economically were Singapore no longer a
part of Indonesia's regional policy?
It is perhaps very unrealistic to raise such an idea at a time when
both countries are facing serious challenges from international
terrorist activities.
While Singapore may be wrong to make remarks that touch on Indonesia's
notion of sovereignty, Indonesia should not be so defensive and
emotional in reacting to Mr Lee's remarks.
Why should Indonesia's reaction be so defensive when Jakarta has
stated publicly that it is also aware of the grave danger created by
terrorist activities?
Mr Lee's remarks must be seen as an attempt by the region's most
senior statesman to cultivate regional sentiment about the need to
treat terrorists seriously.
Mr Lee, who has gained worldwide recognition for his public
statements, has no intention to intervene personally in Indonesia's
domestic affairs and hurt those who claim to be part of Indonesia's
Muslim community.
His statement must be seen from the perspective of Singapore's
geopolitical position. As a tiny city state, Singapore has always been
vulnerable to most types of threats coming from both inside and
outside Singapore, even non-conventional types of threats such as
terrorism.
But one must not ignore the fact that, even as a tiny city, Singapore
has been able to demonstrate to the world its continued success in
economic development and maintaining domestic stability.
Perhaps it is not wrong to say that against the background of its
success in economic development, Singapore has successfully applied
the most advanced technology in every field.
Singapore's belief that terrorist activities are being managed from
Indonesia may be the result of the use of advanced technology to
support its intelligence networking.
Indonesia, on the other hand, has not been able to provide the public
with an accurate analysis of the possible existence of terrorist
networks in the country, if such an analysis is indeed needed.
It was reported that Gen Hendropriyono once publicly admitted the
possible existence of the Al-Qaeda network in the country and even
suggested its involvement in the conflict in Poso.
The statement was then withdrawn following strong criticism from
certain interests in the country which claimed that the Al-Qaeda
network was irrelevant to the conflict in Poso.
The National Intelligence Agency's intelligence analyses often give
rise to confusion. This reflects not only a lack of coordination in
the national intelligence network, but also a lack of sophisticated
information technology that could be used for early and accurate
detection.
Thus, Mr Lee's remarks on terrorism should not be seen as provocative,
but rather as telling Indonesia to be more adaptive to technology
development so as to be able to identify accurately whatever is a
source of terrorist threat.
Perhaps, Indonesia could learn more from the way Singapore utilises
technology to support intelligence networks.
Mr Lee's statement is a clear reflection of the concern that the
region be freed from terrorist activities. There is, in fact, nothing
new in his statement, nothing that has not been said by Singapore's
foreign minister and other foreign leaders, namely that Indonesia may
be a safe haven for terrorists.
Professor Juwono Sudarsono is absolutely correct when he pointed out
the inconsistencies in Indonesia's reaction to foreign critics of the
country's perceived tardiness in fighting terrorism.
The rift in Indonesia-Singapore relations will certainly have a
spillover effect on the stability of the Asean coalition against
terrorism. This is part of the complexity of Asean's fight against
terrorism and the pitfalls that lie before it.
If Asean's strategy in combating terrorism is to be seen as credible,
then it is urgent for its members to work out ways that would remove
the potential frictions that could hamper the execution of Asean
policy against terrorism.
Mr Lee's statement on terrorism has at least provided an additional
stimulus for the region in combating international terrorism.
The allegation by some Indonesian officials that Singapore is a
mouthpiece of the United States is a reflection of a hollow
understanding of the regional political and security configuration in
the post-Sept 11 environment.
Unilateralism in fighting terrorism has now become a thing of the
past. It is only through extensive contacts and coordination that the
coalition can garner international support and thus guarantees for its
sustainability.
Thus, there is nothing wrong with Singapore acting as a regional
front-runner in the American-led coalition against international
terrorism, if that is what the current policy of Singapore in fighting
terrorism is meant to be.
Asean must appreciate Singapore's efforts in keeping the issue of
terrorism alive and intact as part of the regional agenda.
Mr Lee's statement on terrorism, after all, came from the most
uncorrupt and stable country in the region, and the country that has
the smartest leadership.
Indonesia, therefore, should not take the comment as a joke. In Prof
Juwono's analysis, time will tell whether Mr Lee's concerns were right
and whether the Indonesian government's response was appropriate.
The writer is the editor of the The Indonesian Quarterly published by
the Centre for Strategic International Studies in Jakarta. This
commentary was published in The Jakarta Post.
YF Yap
1 March 2002
KL keen to find out how Chinese schools do so well
Attitude and commitment are two things the country's top education
official has seen in his visits to Chinese schools
By Leslie Lau
IN KUALA LUMPUR
MALAYSIA'S Inspector of Schools Abdul Rahim Tahir has been visiting
top Chinese schools to find out how they have been able to produce top
students every year.
The aim is to see how some of the schools' traditions can be
introduced to Malay-medium government schools which have seen a
gradual slide in standards in recent years.
'It is no secret that in Malaysia, Chinese school students
consistently outperform their fellow students from national schools.
'So it is only natural to find out why,' an Education Ministry
official told The Straits Times.
He cited the results of the country's two major examinations this week
in which Chinese schools grabbed top positions again while much fewer
national schools did so.
And even when top performers come from national schools, many of them
have a Chinese school background at primary level.
This year, the top scorer in the country's STPM examinations, the
equivalent of A levels, came from Perak's Sam Tet School, which also
emerged as the best school.
The second-best was Chung Ling High in Penang, another Chinese school.
Talking to students, teachers and parents on his tour, Datuk Abdul
Rahim says he has already discovered some of the reasons for the
academic excellence in Chinese schools.
It is a matter of attitude and commitment from the Chinese community.
'I checked with the students and nearly all of them go for tuition.
When their teachers do not give them homework, their parents will
ensure they have tuition work to do,' he said.
So far, he has visited three schools in Penang - Chung Ling, Jit Sin
and Pin Hwa - and will be going to Sam Tet in Ipoh and Lai Meng here
next week.
What these schools have in common is that they have consistently
produced top students who do well in government examinations despite a
language handicap.
Chinese school students use Mandarin at the primary level and start
using Malay only at the secondary level.
Datuk Abdul Rahim noted that the success of Chinese schools was
achieved through the combined efforts of teachers, students, parents
and the community.
'Schools like Jit Sin and Lai Meng are not fully funded by the
government but they still achieve excellent performances because of
the commitment of the community,' he said.
He pointed out that national schools had become too dependent on the
government. He said even Malays should be encouraged to send their
children to Chinese schools.
More than 60,000 non-Chinese pupils attend Chinese schools now, many
of them from the Malay community.
'This can help break down racial barriers,' he said.
YF Yap
2 March 2002
The Sun to rise again as free paper
It lays off more than half its employees - 256 out of 411 get letters
of termination
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
MONEY-LOSING English daily The Sun has retrenched more than half of
its staff and may later be distributed as a free newspaper under a new
business plan to make it viable.
In one of the biggest retrenchments in Malaysia's newspaper industry,
256 of its 411 staff were issued with letters of termination on
Thursday.
They included about 50 printing plant workers and other non-editorial
staff. The move followed retrenchments last month, when about 40 staff
lost their jobs.
The controlling company, Sun Media, had also cited its weak financial
position then.
The tabloid started in 1994 and has a circulation of about 60,000.
It currently records losses of about RM2 million (S$966,316) a month,
Sun Media said in a statement.
'We obviously cannot continue with the current model. Changes are
already in place to ensure that our aims are fulfilled as quickly and
as smoothly as possible,' Sun Media managing director Phillip
Karuppiah said in the statement.
He said the retrenchment, which would cost the company RM4 million,
aims to make the firm viable under a new business model. Company
officials declined to give further details.
Media observers and its former staff said there were widespread
expectations the newspaper would be transformed into a morning daily
to be distributed free in Kuala Lumpur and the surrounding areas.
Adding to that speculation is the presence of Mr R. Nadeswaran in The
Sun's lineup of senior editors.
He was previously involved in The Leader, a free weekly newspaper
distributed in the mid-1990s by the Utusan Melayu group. Production of
The Leader was stopped after a few years.
At its peak, The Sun had about 160 reporters, photographers and other
editorial staff, mostly based in Kuala Lumpur.
The newspaper has closed all its branch offices nationwide, retaining
10 reporters at its Kuala Lumpur office and three staff in Penang.
The paper has been hit by controversy since Christmas, when it ran a
story claiming that several local politicians were plotting to
assassinate Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad and his
deputy.
When told about the alleged plot, Dr Mahathir laughed it off.
But a day later, he warned that such stories could hurt the economy by
scaring away potential foreign investors.
Under pressure from the authorities, the paper published an apology.
The Sun, controlled by tycoon Tan Sri Vincent Tan Chee Yioun of the
Berjaya group, is about to receive a new major shareholder.
Kuala Lumpur-listed Nexnews plans to buy a 100 per cent of Sun Media
for RM40 million.
YF Yap
2 March 2002
When views clash over freedom of expression
Some say the space for freedom of expression has increased. Some say
it has shrunk. So who is right? Our senior correspondent seeks to
reconcile the diametrically opposing views on the issue
By Tan Tarn How
IS SINGAPORE freer today than in the past - or has it become more
restrictive?
There are those who see an expanding space for Singaporeans to live
and express themselves. Others take the diametrically opposite
position, perceiving an already small space shrinking even more.
Any attempt to take stock of the state of civil, artistic and
political liberties here will soon come against these two sets of
seemingly contradictory views.
Only recently, in a speech marking the launch of the National Arts
Council's coffee-table millennium book, sociologist Kwok Kian Woon
marvelled that artists such as playwright doyen Kuo Pao Kun - who was
detained under the Internal Security Act from 1976 to 1980 for alleged
communist activities - and writer Lau Siew Mei should draw such
divergent conclusions from the same milieu.
Mr Kuo was quoted in an interview as saying: ''The notion of freedom
is rarely mentioned these days. Probably because we have it in such
large amounts''.
Explaining why she emigrated to Australia, Ms Lau, the author of
Playing Madam Mao, said: ''All the time I was in Singapore, I felt
like I was dying. I like having the freedom to think and say what I
like, and Australia gave me the environment to bloom.''
So what is the truth? Who is right? Or as Dr Kwok put it: ''Should Mr
Kuo be regarded as a sage or a fool?''
On the surface, the evidence appears to support both positions.
In the arts, for instance, the Government has without doubt loosened
its grip on censorship.
Since the early 1990s, for instance, plays about sex, homosexuality
and politics have hardly been censored.
Even plays about Malaysia, which should put ultra-careful officials
with their blue pencils on alert, have been allowed.
One instance was the staging last year of Malaysian dramatist Hazir
Sulaiman's Atomic Jaya, a no-holds-barred satire about his country's
attempt to build a nuclear bomb that plays hilariously on racial
stereotypes. Its main character is a blustery Prime Minister seen as
an unmistakable dig at Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
Yet, accompanying this rolling back have been curbs on artistic
expression.
In 1994, for instance, the Government invoked the bogeyman of social
unrest and proscribed performance art and forum theatre.
Then, in 1999, the police snipped three scenes from Alfian Sa'at and
Chong Tze Chien's sex.violence.blood.gore for their racial and
religious content.
And in 2000, theatre group Agni Koothu was refused a licence to stage
Talaq, Elangovan's play about the plight of abused Indian Muslim
women. The ban followed protests from some members of the Islamic
Religious Council of Singapore that the work included references to
Quranic verses and religious connotations that might give the audience
a wrong impression of Islam.
In the political sphere, there is again contradictory evidence about
whether there is more or less room.
The authorities are definitely more tolerant of different, even
dissident, views.
Take Ms Catherine Lim, the often be-cheongsamed writer who, in 1995,
became the poster girl of dissent when she wrote that the PAP's
authoritarian style had led to a ''great affective divide'' between
the Government and the people.
The article brought out the heavy ammunition from the powers-that-be.
But five years later, another article on the same subject, in which
she argued that the warmth in the relationship between the people and
the Government had been soured by the policy on high ministerial pay,
caused nary a flutter.
She concluded that Singapore was more open.
Yet if she were political activist Tan Chong Kee or opposition
politician Chee Soon Juan, she might come to the opposite conclusion.
Dr Tan founded the current affairs Internet website Sintercom in 1996.
Last year, he was asked to register Sintercom as a political website,
about the same time that the Government also passed new laws
restricting content on websites during an election.
He sensed the walls closing in, and felt it prudent to throw in the
towel. He closed down Sintercom.
Dr Chee, the Singapore Democratic Party chief, needs no introduction.
His current legal troubles show that the days of coming down hard on
political opponents are still not over.
In the civil liberties area, people who pursue alternative lifestyles
are left very much alone. There have been, for example, no reported
cases of police action against homosexuals for some years now.
Yet gay activists who have sought to increase the profile of
homosexuals by registering an association of like-minded people have
been told not to.
The hotch-potch of examples above may lead one to conclude that
censorship here is arbitrary, operating without a systematic set of
rules or guidelines.
But it can be seen that there are some principles at work here.
Different rules apply depending on how popular the medium is. Film and
television have the widest potential audience - and stricter
censorship is imposed.
Television, which reaches every living room, is considered the most
''mass'', even more so than movies. Television, therefore, comes under
the severest scrutiny: No homosexuality is allowed - Ally McBeal and
Friends have both been victims.
Nudity is also barred. Ditto with obscenities.
Movies have the advantage of ratings, which let nudity and other adult
material through under the R(A) label.
Theatre is considered by the authorities to be a ''fringe'' medium.
Michael Chiang's Private Parts, a hit play, reached just 20,000
people, paltry compared with the hundreds of thousands for the big and
small screen.
Theatre-goers are a more select group, presumably better equipped to
withstand the onslaught of corrupting influences.
Zoolander, a movie about a dumb American model who assassinates the
Malaysian Prime Minister, was banned a few weeks ago because of
''sensitivities''. The play Atomic Jaya, a real bilateral powder keg
if ever there was one, was allowed.
These days, it takes a very determined and inventive playwright and
director to get the censors to sit up and take notice.
This is a Government which seems to believe in the necessity of
censorship as a principle.
There are dangerous thoughts and ideas out there: If new avenues of
disseminating them emerge, laws and regulations will be put in place
to limit their impact.
Satellite and cable television are the older of the new forms of
technology that have been regulated.
When video cameras became widespread, the Films Act was passed in 1998
to outlaw ''political films''. The new technology allowed three
polytechnic lecturers, ignorant of that particular statute, to make a
documentary about J.B. Jeyaretnam at little cost last year. It was
later withdrawn from the Singapore International Film Festival.
When use of the Internet became commonplace, the Government stepped in
and Sintercom became a casualty.
Singapore is probably the only country in the world to regulate the
short message service - certain kinds of messages are not allowed
during an election.
But old media such as newspapers and, to a much lesser extent,
television, are known beasts, and have been given new room.
Space waxes for one; it wanes for the other.
Every act of censorship is politically- or morally-motivated, or both.
The latter is meant to protect society. However misconceived, its aim
is principled, aimed at guarding the common good.
Cosmopolitan was banned because the Government, or some quarters
within it, deemed the American magazine too degenerate for Singaporean
consumption.
Censorship of racial and religious content that is inflammatory
springs largely from concern about preserving social harmony.
Politically-inspired censorship aims to preserve or bolster those in
power. The rules against Internet campaigning are widely seen as
politically-motivated, an extension of the control, though loosening,
over traditional forms of mass media.
Sometimes, both kinds of censorship come into play. For example,
censorship of sex in books, cinema and television seems to be
motivated both by the desire to keep Singapore ''pure'' and to
maintain the support of the conservative majority.
Sometimes, it is not clear whether the relaxation of censorship arises
from philosophical or political concerns.
The opening up of space for theatre can be read as either: Because the
Government believes in freeing things up as a good in itself, or
because it wants to cater to the small minority that wants more
freedom, and theatre can be a safety valve against too encroaching a
Government.
Talaq is interesting in that the Government actually became a
reluctant censor. It had allowed the first staging; Talaq is after all
a play, not a movie or television special.
But when a group of Muslim men raised a hue and cry about the second
staging, political considerations appeared suddenly to come to the
fore.
The Government did not wish to antagonise the petitioners, but neither
did it want to be seen to take a step back by barring the performance.
The National Arts Council became the middleman in the negotiations
between the artists and the conservatives, a strange position indeed.
And when both refused to budge, the former were sacrificed for the
latter. It is evident which is the more important constituency.
The censor is an individual, and the higher up the rungs of power, the
more he is able to exert his individual preferences.
Ultimately, the important cases reach the highest levels, and those
who can prevail over their colleagues through logic and persuasion or
simple power make the decision.
In policy terms, the whole tendency may be towards giving more
freedom, but an individual, if he is strong enough, can dictate the
exceptions. This is usually where the few anomalous cases fit in, and
where censorship is truly arbitrary.
Singaporeans live within a fenced-in compound. Those who see that the
moral and political police are more lenient in allowing alternative
ways of living within the compound or that the fence is being moved
back a little, will say the space has grown bigger.
Those who see that new fences are being erected in previously
unexplored parts of the compound will say the space is shrinking.
Some sections of the fence are electrified. Venture there, and it can
be lethal.
YF Yap
2 March 2002
Can bohemians and heartlanders co-exist?
'Now we must have little bohemias in Singapore where you can do your
own thing but not disrupt the heartlands.'
- Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew at the inaugural Ho Rih Hwa Leadership
in Asia lecture last month
By Sonny Yap
AH, BOHEMIA, the very word conjures up images of beatniks, hippies,
free love, restlessness, rootlessness, non-conformism and letting it
all hang out.
As defined in our trusty tomes, bohemians are artistic, creative and
intellectual people who live in an unorthodox way.
The quintessential bohemian, from which the term originates, is
British novelist William Makepeace Thackeray's Becky Sharp in Vanity
Fair, a brilliant and alluring woman who defied conventions and
smashed taboos to scale the social summit.
Presumably, in the little bohemias here, the accent will be on
creativity and the spirit of innovation. The ambience will supposedly
be more relaxed with a greater licence for its denizens to do as they
please in the name of free-range independent thinking.
In all likelihood, Singapore bohemians will be English-educated,
Westernised, liberal, articulate and at home with the mores and
life-styles of Silicon Valley-New York-Boston-London.
Heartlands, if you go by the same dictionaries, refer to areas where a
particular set of activities or beliefs is most significant.
In the local context, heartlanders, as first coined by then
Information and the Arts Minister George Yeo in 1991, apply to the
conservative majority who live in public housing estates and converse
in their mother tongue.
More rooted in their cultures and traditions - Chinese, Malay and
Indian - they are more deferential to their elders, respectful of
authority and less vocal in their demands. Their concerns centre more
on their livelihood and children's education than on abstract notions
of artistic and political space.
Previous surveys have shown that most heartlanders reject liberal
values, preferring stricter censorship on sex, violent scenes and
obscene language in the mass media.
When the Senior Minister made the above-mentioned remark at a public
lecture recently, he was replying to a question on how Singapore can
move from a regulated to a free-wheeling environment to foster an
entrepreneurial culture.
Citing Holland Village as an example of a little bohemia where
creative people could do 'odd things', he said: 'Diversity is
something we must now not only allow but also encourage, but not at
the cost of disrupting our society.'
What SM Lee said sounds conceptually fine, amounting, in fact, to a
best-of-both-worlds scenario but the nagging doubts remain: Can
bohemias and the heartlands exist cheek by jowl equably? Can bohemians
do their own thing without impinging on the sensibilities of
neighbouring heartlanders?
Is it possible to parcel out an oasis of Western-inspired alternative
lifestyles while the surrounding majority adhere to a more
conventional Asian value system?
Given the small size of Singapore, can such a demarcation be
delineated without resulting in any overspill? What happens when
liberal desires collide with conservative fears? How do bohemians
paint the town red without making the heartlanders see red?
Heaven knows we have more than our fair share of divides by race,
religion, class and income. Do we really need yet another divide to
compound all the fault lines in our fragile, heterogeneous society?
As we know from bitter experiences, maintaining an equilibrium among
the various interest groups is precarious enough - the Chinese
majority versus ethnic minorities, the English-educated versus
Chinese-educated, Channel 5 versus Channel 8 voters, rich versus poor,
foreign talent versus local talent - without having to do yet another
balancing trick.
Those with elephantine memories will recall the public outcry in 1992
over an article by former law lecturer and Nominated MP Walter Woon,
now Singapore's Ambassador to Germany, who argued that Singapore was
neither a Eastern nor a Western society but a cosmopolitan society.
Maintaining that it would not matter if our values were Eastern or
Western, he said that Singapore could be a model cosmopolitan city for
the world.
His view was rejected immediately by many members of the Chinese
community who depicted him as an example of an English-educated
Singaporean who poured scorn on Chinese values and the language.
Leading the charge was then economics lecturer Teo Kar Seng, who was
so vexed that he urged all Chinese Singaporeans to use Mandarin first
when dealing with civil servants.
Perhaps the most vivid tug-of-war between the liberals and
conservatives happened in 1991, when the Government relaxed film
censorship and approved the release of R-rated movies. The result was
a deluge of soft-porn movies.
The reaction came fast and furious. People objected to the screening
(as well as the billboard advertising) of such movies, saying that
they corrupted the morals of society. Such was the ensuing controversy
that it became a hot issue in the 1991 General Election.
The uproar forced the Government to backtrack: The R-rating was
modified to R(A) for films with artistic merit. The minimum age for
viewership was raised from 18 to 21. Cinemas in housing estates were
banned from screening such films.
A more recent episode reflecting the cosmopolitan-heartlander chasm
occurred two years ago, when six SBS buses started cruising the
streets with a wraparound advertisement carrying the four big letters
- FCUK - which stand for French Connection United Kingdom, a British
fashion label.
The in-the-face word play and less-than-subtle innuendo signified just
the kind of creativity at work which has the avant-garde over the
moon. As one unabashed admirer - a professional - was quoted as
gushing: 'It is daring, it is bold, it is rebellious and it is walking
on the wild side of things.'
But the more prevailing public sentiment was one of outrage, as best
expressed by a shopkeeper who lamented: 'What is the world coming to?
No more decency, just bad manners. Even the crudest words and
pornographic pictures can be used in ads now! Why does the Government
allow this kind of filth?'
It did not take long for SBS to realise its appalling lack of judgment
and monumental insensitivity. The F-word was duly scrubbed out.
Of course, no one is saying, out with the bohemians and the
cosmopolitans. Indeed, they will provide the cutting edge for
Singapore in the growth areas of the future.
Certainly, they are at liberty to stretch their creativity to the
fullest - as long as they are acutely aware of the unique cultural and
religious sensibilities here.
As the Senior Minister warned at the lecture: 'We took 40 years to get
here. Don't do silly things like unravelling it. Just make changes
that will allow a certain flexibility, a certain freedom to move but
keeping the solidarity of the nation more or less intact.'
Well, if the challenge lies in keeping the balance with the
heartlanders on even keel, then the onus must be on those at the
vanguard of change in the remaking of Singapore, to keep it from
tipping over.
Whether foreign or foreign-inspired, bohemians would do well to make
themselves better accepted by respecting local cultures and customs.
They should adapt to the mores and ethos of the heartlanders rather
than expect the latter to adapt to them.
Surely, they can do no worse than to live by the golden rule often
attributed to St Ambrose, who gave this advice to St Augustine: Si
fueris Romae, Romano vivito more; si fueris alibi, vivito sicut ibi,
which means, 'When you are in Rome, live as the Romans do; when you
are elsewhere, live as they live elsewhere'.
Yes, by all means, eat, drink and be merry and do your odd things in
Holland Village but when you stagger past the small mosque on the way
to the carpark, remember to maintain a hushed reverence for the
faithful at prayer.(e-mail: son...@sph.com.sg)
YF Yap
3 March 2002
FIRST IT WAS THE PORTS, THEN THE MARINE ENVIRONMENT, AND NOW...
Johor fishermen complain about S'pore land reclamation
Saying their livelihood has been badly hit, the fishermen voice
concern over depleting marine resources in the Johor Strait
JOHOR BARU - Over 1,000 Johor fishermen claimed to have suffered
losses which ran into thousands of ringgit because of land reclamation
work by Singapore.
The coastal fishermen said their livelihoods had been badly hit since
1999, when the Republic embarked on its reclamation project in Tuas,
which is just across Tanjung Kupang.
They said the work had impeded the natural water currents in the Johor
Strait.
Recently, Johor complained that the reclamation works were encroaching
on Malaysian terrority and that the water quality and marine life were
affected.
It also claimed that the reclamation of Pulau Tekong narrowed shipping
lanes and discouraged ships from calling at Malaysia's Pasir Gudang
Port.
Singapore has said that reclamation works being carried out are
entirely within its territorial waters - and the issue of encroachment
upon Malaysian territory does not arise.
And Kuala Lumpur has said ships using the Pasir Gudang Port in Johor
are not expected to face problems following the reclamation.
Tanjung Kupang fisherman Abdul Kadir Awang Chik, 58, said the
reclamation in Tuas had impeded and altered the natural sea flow in
the straits.
'Before this, the fishermen could reap rich marine resources like fish
and prawns from the natural water flow,' Mr Abdul Kadir, who has been
a fisherman for over 40 years, said.
He said that before 1999, he and other fishermen in the area could
earn as much as RM3,000 (S$1,450) a month, but now even making RM500 a
month was difficult.
As there was little fish to catch these days, hundreds of fishermen
had stopped going out to sea and were looking for other work, he said.
Mr Hussein Atan, 51, who is head of Kampung Tanjung Adang, said that
many fishermen in the village were facing hardship due to the
depleting marine resources in the straits.
A fisherman for over 20 years, he said the reclamation work had
'miniaturised' their fishing area.
He said the Johor fishermen now had to compete with fishermen from
Singapore, who he claimed had intruded into Johor waters as their
fishing zone had been taken over for reclamation work.
Another fisherman from Tanjung Adang, Mr Hamdan Atan, said his fishing
net had been damaged as the floating fragmented corals and moss had
got stuck.
Barges which ferried sand to the reclamation zone also tore the nets,
he added.
'We hope the government would do something about land reclamation as
it has badly affected our livelihood,' he said. --Bernama
YF Yap
3 March 2002
Tudung issue must not lead to segregation
Tampines GRC MP Irene Ng spoke on the tudung issue at an event
organised by the National University of Singapore Muslim Society
Women's Wing on Monday night. Here is an excerpt of her speech
By Sonny Yap
I WOULD like to take this opportunity to share with you my personal
views on the recent tudung controversy.
As you know, the controversy arose because four Muslim parents made
their daughters wear the tudung to school, even though they knew about
the Government's rule of a common uniform for all in schools.
Long before this happened, way before I joined politics, I had several
rather rigorous discussions with government leaders on the tudung
issue face-to-face.
Indeed, I carried on about this issue with the People's Action Party
leaders even when I was being interviewed as a potential candidate for
the PAP.
There were several rounds of interviews before you were selected as a
candidate, and during these sessions, this issue was discussed quite
lengthily, with me sticking up for the minority group.
I argued for some accommodation for Muslim students on the tudung
issue. I believed that this accommodation would help our Muslim
citizens to feel a stronger sense of belonging to the country as
citizens, and, at the same time, help our non-Muslims to appreciate
diversity in their midst.
I knew how it felt to be a member of a minority group, coming from
Malaysia. There, as a Chinese, you are made to feel that, in all
spheres, from education to employment, you are there at the sufferance
of the bumiputras, the majority group.
During my discussions with Singapore leaders on the tudung issue, it
was clear to me that they were certainly not anti-tudung. If they
were, they would not have fielded Halimah Yaacob as a PAP candidate.
The main concern was over whether it would lead to greater segregation
among the different racial and religious groups in school.
Their worry was over the possibility that, as children were made more
conscious of their ethnic and religious identities and differences,
they would go the way of differentiating and distancing themselves
further and further from the larger society in their dress and their
actions.
And not only the Muslims, as other religious and ethnic groups will
very likely respond to the changed atmosphere by also asserting their
differences. This would deepen suspicion among the different groups.
I understood their concerns, although I thought that some
accommodation on the tudung could be made perhaps at the junior
college level.
Well, despite my contrary position, I was selected as a candidate.
But our aims and ideals were the same: We stood for multi-racialism,
greater racial integration and a more united society.
Then I was elected as an MP. I got to know the multi-racial ground
better. Reality bites. I found that, in many functions, the different
races would organise events for themselves, without much thought given
towards accommodating the other races.
Without meaning to discriminate against the Malays, the Chinese would
leave out the Muslims from their Chinese dinners because they worried
over whether the Muslims would feel comfortable.
After I intervened, they started inviting Muslims but they were
relegated to a few Muslim tables serving halal food - still, little
interaction between the races. Eating is a big deal for the Chinese
and usually the focal point for any bonding to take place.
After observing this, I stressed to my grassroots leaders that we
should take the extra effort to make sure that the different races
interact, and, as far as possible, to eat at the same table, served
with halal and non-halal food, however inconvenient that might be for
the caterers.
One of the first things I did as MP was to select a Malay woman as my
Women's Wing chairman, to signal my stand on this. She wears the
tudung.
Then as I attended Muslim functions, I noticed that it is getting more
and more common for pre-school Muslim girls, toddlers and babies even
to be covered with the tudung. And they are not mixing with children
from the other races.
All these make me appreciate better the wisdom of preserving a common
space in school to encourage their mixing with the other races later.
There is nothing wrong with very young children wearing the tudung, if
that is what their parents want for them, but the trend does make me
worry how these children will adjust to a common uniform when they
enter school later, and if they will continue to group together.
A recent Straits Times survey found that, of the Muslims polled, 72
per cent favour the official policy on the tudung in schools. This is
a high figure, but what we don't know is whether the support was
higher over the last few years or lower. Is it a downward trend or
not? Will more Muslim parents turn up in schools next year to defy the
common uniform policy?
When the four Muslim parents defied it by turning up in schools with
their daughters in tudung, I found I could not support them.
This was not because I changed my earlier stand on how we should
accommodate the minority groups.
It was because these parents did not seem to appreciate the impact of
their actions on the multi-racial ethos of this society, especially in
these post-911 times. This is the time to increase confidence and
trust in each other, and not to confront one another about our right
to be different.
Our national project in multi-racialism and national integration is an
experiment, often a high-risk one. It is a precious one, and something
all of us must want to put above our own community's interests. We
must not forget we share a common destiny as Singaporeans. Wise
compromises are required all round, from the different races, to
achieve our ideal of a cohesive multi-racial society.
Personally, I have many Muslims friends, those with tudung and those
without. They have many qualities that I admire: a gentle warmth and
kind patience. I think, over time, as we show that increasing
religiosity does not mean less racial integration, we can win the
argument by example.
For us to be proven right, we have to live out our creed in such a way
that outward manifestations of religiosity or ethnicity, such as the
wearing of the tudung, will not lead to greater segregation or
confrontation. We have to show this in how we live our lives at
school, at work, at play.
The onus is on us to make that plain to the mainstream in Singapore
and to win their confidence before we can make real progress on such
potentially divisive issues.
YF Yap
3 March 2002
No clout in being Chinese in China
By Jason Leow
STRAITS TIMES CHINA BUREAU
WE ARE not one of them. Perhaps, we will never be.
For years, Chinese Singaporeans have come over to China - to visit, to
work, to set up home for a while.
Some who come here to work start out thinking that the experience is
just like coming home. Their survival strategy has been this: to ru
xiang sui su, which means to attempt to blend in with the locals,
usually as a way of gaining acceptance.
Depending on which part of China they go to, they eventually speak
like the locals, dress like them, even think like them.
I seem to be on the way there, if my relatives' observations are any
gauge. Still, it is silly for foreign-born ethnic Chinese to think
they can go native so easily.
When I went home (and I earnestly mean Singapore), relatives and
friends kept commenting on my Mandarin accent. How I now sound like a
Beijing-born, the way I curl my words, they say. Oh, so cute, the way
I pronounce my sh, ch and zh so distinctly, they tease.
The point is, while outsiders think I have blended in quite
successfully, here in Beijing I have felt nothing but foreign.
Seven months here have taught me that the Chinese carve out their
world into hierarchies. Your status as a person is tied to where you
stand in that scheme of things. Frighteningly, this world-view extends
to race.
Judging from the many people I have discussed this issue with, racial
hierarchies - at least in Beijing - go something like this:
mainlanders, of course, are on top. Next comes - not surprisingly -
the Hongkongers and Taiwanese. The Chinese even have affectionate
terms for them - gangbao and taibao (kin from Hongkong and Taiwan
respectively).
What shocks me, however, are the categories that come next. You would
think people like me - distant cousins whose forefathers went south
from China to eke out a living - are embraced as one of them.
In reality, however, I get as much respect as the floor manager of a
Chinese electrical appliance store. Because the sore truth is,
overseas Chinese have not as much clout as - believe it or not - white
people.
Seven in 10 Chinese Americans living in Beijing will tell you this.
They may talk and act like white Americans, but they simply will not
get the same deference as their white counterparts.
One fine day in Beijing, I decided to drop by at the bureau of a
Western broadcasting station to catch up with my friend there. I did
not go alone, but with a Beijing-based British correspondent.
Guess what crossed the Chinese secretary's mind when she saw an
'Oriental' and a Western journalist walking into her office?
'David, is this your new bureau assistant?' she asked my British
correspondent friend, while flicking her head at me.
David was scandalised, and rightly so, because moments before stepping
in, I had told him that this exact scene would take place.
'No, no, this is my eminent journalist friend from Singapore,' he
said, to a very red-faced secretary. She might have noticed that I,
too, was red-faced - out of indignation.
But can I blame her? Indeed, can I blame the Chinese for looking up to
the West? Or for assuming that Westerners are superior?
Increasingly, the Chinese adore all things American. The rage last
year in Chinese cinemas was Titanic, as was its theme song by Canadian
Celine Dion. You hear it played even at press conferences.
This year, young couples are paying up to 80 yuan (S$17.70) to entwine
themselves in love-seats at American-style cineplexes, to catch Harry
Potter and the Philosopher's Stone. A few months from now, the rage,
no doubt, will be The Lord of the Rings.
In business as in pop culture, the West dominates.
China's airlines fly Boeings and Airbuses, German carmaker Volkswagen
holds sway in the car industry. And China's electrical power equipment
industry is shaped by GE, Siemens and Alstom.
The love for the West did not happen overnight. It is historical.
As late as the 1920s, a mainland textbook used in primary schools
taught its readers that among the world's five races, only yellow and
white people were intelligent and properly evolved.
But decades of battling foreign intrusion, and suffering humiliating
defeats, have shaped this theory further, so that now, there persists
a view that the yellow race is subordinate to the white, although
still superior to the other races.
A Taipei-based Singaporean friend familiar with this historical
account reckons there is more to the theory: Because the Chinese
historically have seen themselves as being at the world's centre,
people further from it are seen as inferior.
This means that the further you are, the lower your status. That must,
of course, include Chinese who have travelled out of the mainland -
the foreign Chinese.
Lest I be gravely misunderstood, let me clarify: The Chinese do not
hold these views consciously. But for me to say they carry them as
historical baggage will not be overstating my case.
So have I no place in Beijing as a foreign Chinese?
I have been told there is hope. My Chinese American friend, who works
also as a reporter, tells me he is never asked to flash his
credentials to enter the diplomatic compound where we work if he
pretends to speak English on his mobile phone. The trick fails if he
speaks Mandarin.
Somehow, the English language gives us the clout to get past the
security guards. I have tried his trick thrice, and succeeded every
time.
The Chinese are in a frenzy to learn English. Maybe they are not so
much concerned about acquiring a marketable language as they are about
acquiring clout.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Remembering old China
When Mr George W. Bush visited Beijing last month, it was exactly 30
years after another US President, Mr Richard Nixon, made a historic
visit that was to pave the way for eventual diplomatic ties. DAVID
HSIEH of the Straits Times China bureau was in Beijing at the time of
the Nixon visit. He recounts his memories of a China very different
from the one that welcomed Bush
BEIJING - The day before US President Richard Nixon signed the
epoch-making Shanghai Communique on Feb 28, 1972, my family and I
walked into China crossing the Luohu Bridge that connects Hongkong to
the mainland.
There was no metropolis called Shenzhen, just a backwater border
village with armed guards and a train station to Guangzhou.
Apart from Hongkongers who visited relatives across the border, few
dared to venture past Luohu Bridge, the last post before entry into
enigmatic and totalitarian Red China.
In 1972, a measure of stability had just been restored in China in the
wake of the massive upheavals of late Chairman Mao Zedong's disastrous
Cultural Revolution.
Canada had already established official ties with China and both sides
exchanged ambassadors. But few Canadians knew anything about China
and, due to the anti-communist hysteria pervasive at the time, most
feared the red menace.
It was against this backdrop that my father, an academic based in
Canada, was invited to visit China - in appreciation of his efforts in
fostering Sino-Canadian relations.
We were guests of the state - the trip was facilitated by the Ottawa
Bureau of the Xinhua News Agency, the new Chinese ambassador Huang Hua
and the Chinese Association of Friendship with Foreign Countries,
among others.
We knew, though, that the Ministry of State Security and the United
Front Department of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central
Committee were involved every step of the way. Indeed, our guide for
the entire six-week passage was Mr Wang Yuzhang, a state security
officer.
As a 14-year-old, I could hardly fathom the significance of our
path-breaking journey.
After a couple of days in Guangzhou, we took one of the few flights to
Beijing.
There, met by more officials at the old Capital Airport terminal, we
were escorted into the city, riding in comfortable but petrol-guzzling
Shanghai sedans, the pride of Chinese car-making at the time.
The chauffeurs drove with dimmed lights or no lights at all and it was
almost pitch dark all around.
The inner city was faintly lit and it was not until we reached the old
Beijing Hotel that we could see bright lights on Changan Avenue
leading to Tiananmen Square.
No one was out in the streets as if a curfew was in force.
The venerable old Beijing Hotel was among only a few hotels in the
capital catering to foreign guests, including Third World diplomats
and a few foreign journalists.
In the early morning, you could see people cycling to work and smell
the coal smoke wafting out of stoves in hutong, or alleyway, flats.
Dressed in dull blue, grey, or green Mao jackets, the residents lived
a regimented and grim life dominated by the state.
Periodically, a cyclist would stop and peer into the guarded Beijing
Hotel compound, hoping to get a glimpse of a foreigner.
Coming out of the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, most Beijing
residents lived a spartan existence with rationed food and few
possessions.
The three big-ticket items to own were a watch - preferably
foreign-made - a bicycle and a sewing machine. Salaries were low and
graduated up to a few hundred yuan a month for the upper elite.
City dwellers needed coupons to buy everything, be it basic foodstuff
or consumer durables.
How much grain rations you were entitled to depended on your job:
30-odd catties (about 15 kg) for office workers and 50 to 60 catties
for iron and steel workers.
Most residents were allowed 1 catty of oil, 1 catty of eggs, and 1
catty of fatty meat a month at state prices.
In those days, butchers and state market workers were people to curry
favour with as they could offer prime cuts of meat for your ration.
Aside from an old Soviet-era car or a large apartment, there were few
symbols of rank and position.
Private enterprise was banned and all economic activity had to go
through state or cooperative institutions. Income disparities were low
and official corruption was virtually unheard of.
Despite the waning of Cultural Revolution fervour, political campaigns
were still standard fare.
Even as Mr Nixon lifted the Bamboo Curtain, state media blasted the
evils of US imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism.
Large slogans were emblazoned across walls throughout the city,
calling on workers of the world to unite.
Despite the growing friendship with our guides, little was said in our
conversations about contemporary domestic politics.
The Gang of Four was not yet a major force but soon they began to
target CCP elders like Mr Zhou Enlai.
Mr Deng Xiaoping had been purged at the height of the Cultural
Revolution and did not make his comeback until a couple of years
later.
Our relatives in Beijing and in Shandong were advised of our coming
but a few were reluctant to meet us for fear of being criticised.
In those days, having overseas relatives was a major stigma. But,
regardless, my maternal aunt and uncle came to visit us.
Through them and others, my parents learned that a number of their
former schoolmates from the Republican era were persecuted during the
Cultural Revolution.
Our guides also informed them that my paternal uncle had died during
the Korean War and my maternal grandparents starved to death during
the famines that followed another of Chairman Mao's great follies, the
Great Leap Forward.
Accompanied by Mr Wang, we travelled throughout the country and made a
pilgrimage to Dazhai, in northern Shanxi province, Chairman Mao's
model for socialist agriculture.
There, we met Dazhai's legendary party secretary Chen Yonggui, who was
said to have led his village to prosperity through sheer back-breaking
labour and strict adherence to collective enterprise.
For Chairman Mao, Dazhai had finally cut off the tail of capitalism.
Dazhai flourished for a time, in part subsidised by the many tours and
official visits directed its way by the authorities. But in the end
the Dazhai model was unsustainable precisely because it deprived
individual families of incentives to do better.
Going from Dazhai to my father's home village was a lesson in economic
contrasts.
Dazhai's boom was propped up by the state while counties across the
country languished under the weight of collectivised agriculture.
Conditions were so bad in Linqing County, in eastern Shandong
province, that the local authorities had to make major repairs to the
road leading to the village before our arrival.
Similarly, they made over the decrepit adobe houses that our relatives
lived in.
Our relatives, donning their best patched cotton clothes, brought out
delicacies to offer us - bland peanuts and vegetarian jiaozi or
dumplings (for they could not afford meat).
During the civil war, my paternal grandfather had been a county party
chief for the Kuomintang.
When the Eighth Route Army overran Linqing County, he fled to Jinan,
the capital of Shandong, where he stayed for some time before fleeing
to Taiwan.
My grandfather did not incur any blood debts, so we were welcomed as
patriotic overseas Chinese. Nevertheless, the local authorities were
afraid of reprisals, so security was tight everywhere we went.
I came away from my father's hometown finding out first-hand what
stark poverty was like in China's vast countryside.
China has come a long way since 1972, both in terms of its economy and
politics.
China remains in many ways authoritarian but it has learned much from
Chairman Mao's madness.
Gone are the days of violent political movements and suppression of
class enemies.
Also gone is the hatred for individual enterprise and initiative.
Fed up with radical utopias, the people have opted for incremental
reform.
Thirty years after Mr Nixon's historic visit, the Chinese Communist
Party is in the midst of a profound leadership change.
Hopefully, the new regime will be able to take China in new
directions, particularly in the realm of political reform.
Pan
wrote:
>From Straits Times, Singapore
>3 March 2002
>
>No clout in being Chinese in China
>By Jason Leow
>STRAITS TIMES CHINA BUREAU
>
>WE ARE not one of them. Perhaps, we will never be.
[snip]
Unusually good articles, and I would have missed them if you hadn't
posted them. Thank you, Uncle Yap!
Michael
To reply by email, please take out the TRASH (so to speak). Personal messages only, please!
YF Yap
4 March 2002
Where are the Malays?
Their leaders are disappointed that none of the stars in the Malay
corporate world made the grade despite government help
By Leslie Lau
IN KUALA LUMPUR
FIVE Malaysians made it into Forbes magazine's latest billionaires
list.
But the most pressing question on the minds of Malay leaders was why
no Malay had yet come close to amassing such wealth.
Robert Kuok, Quek Leng Chan, Lim Goh Tong, Yeoh Tiong Lay and Ananda
Krishnan were the five non-Malay billionaires.
To many Malaysians, it was a case of the usual suspects making the
list, with Tan Sri Yeoh the only newcomer to the billionaires club.
'We are proud that Malaysians are among the richest in the world but
when will there be a Malay billionaire?' influential Malay newspaper
Mingguan Malaysia asked in its editorial yesterday.
Among the five, Mr Kuok has property interests worldwide, Tan Sri Lim
and Tan Sri Ananda both have interests in the gaming industry, Mr Quek
controls the Hong Leong group while Tan Sri Yeoh's YTL group is in
construction and power producing.
The newspaper, which normally reflects the feelings of the Malay
ground, pointed out that it was clear that the five men had made their
pile largely through their own efforts although the government had
helped.
But it lamented the fact that so many stars in the Malay corporate
world had failed to make the grade despite government assistance.
The newspaper, the Sunday edition of Utusan Malaysia, cited names such
as Tun Daim Zainuddin, who was a successful businessman before twice
becoming Finance Minister.
Other Malay corporate figures cited were Tan Sri Halim Saad, Tan Sri
Azman Hashim, Tan Sri Rashid Hussein and Tan Sri Tajuddin Ramli.
Of the list, Tan Sri Tajuddin, the former president of the Malay
Chamber of Commerce, recently sold his stake in Malaysia Airlines back
to the government after sustaining big losses.
His other company, Technology RI Berhad, is also heavily in debt to
the tune of RM1 billion (S$482 million).
Tan Sri Halim is also another fallen Malay businessman after the
Renong-United Engineering Group led by him amassed debts of nearly
RM30 billion two years ago.
Among the few rising stars in the Malay corporate circle now is Syed
Mokhtar al-Bukhary, who controls the Port of Tanjong Pelepas in Johor
and has a hand in a few power producing plants.
What many of these Malay businessmen have in common is that they
received strong support from a government eager to create a large pool
of wealthy Malay businessmen to compete with the Chinese.
'I guess the Malays are not ready yet,' Umno Youth leader Nur Jazlan
Mohamed told The Straits Times.
He said it was clear that the Malays should try to attain the targets
set by the government's New Economic Policy (NEP) more than 30 years
ago before trying to get someone into the billionaires club.
Under the NEP, quotas were put in place and affirmative action
programmes were set up to lift Malays and other bumiputeras out of
poverty and ensure the community held at least 30 per cent of the
country's wealth.
He also points out the Catch-22 situation the government finds itself
in in trying to help the Malays.
'When the government nurtures a group of Malay businessmen, critics
call them cronies. Maybe the Malays should rely less on the
government,' he said.
kai
millionaires or 15,200 Malay quarter-millionaires (Rm) than to nurture ONE
Malay (US$) billionaire for listing in the Forbes' purpose.
Having a big pool of middle-class people across all races will definitely
make the Malaysia more stable and prosperous.
YF Yap
5 March 2002
NST and Star deny Singapore influence
The two major English-language dailies reject claims by an opposition
party that theRepublic has a 'say' on their editorial content
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
NEWSPAPERS here are controlled by Malaysians and there is no editorial
interference or input by the Singapore government as alleged by the
opposition Parti Keadilan Nasional, newspaper executives said
yesterday.
Executives at The New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd and Star
Publications (M) Bhd said they were surprised by allegations that
Singapore had been able to exercise control over their publications.
Star Publications company secretary Ong Wei Lymn told The Straits
Times: 'Our counter has been steady, so it is a good investment and
not because anybody wants to control us.'
New Straits Times (NST) group editor-in-chief Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad
said that he was the only one with power to control the editorial
content of the newspaper.
The executives and an official with the Malaysian government's Foreign
Investment Committee (FIC) also said that the small shareholdings held
in the two publications by the Singapore Government were allowed under
Malaysian investment laws.
The Singapore Government did not have representatives on the boards of
the two companies as was also alleged, they said.
They were responding to remarks by Keadilan deputy youth chief
Saifuddin Nasution Ismail.
He said in Johor on Sunday that research by the party had found that
the Singapore Government held a nearly 5 per cent stake in the
companies that publish NST and The Star.
He alleged these shareholdings might have been the reason why the
publications had not given sufficient coverage to the tudung issue
involving Muslim students in the Republic.
Mr Saifuddin also accused the two biggest English-language dailies of
being influenced by the Republic on the issue of the sale of Johor
water to Singapore.
'What is worrying is the newspapers published by the two companies
carry influence and can shape the minds of the people,' he said.
Mr Saifuddin was not available for comment yesterday.
He had asked the government to explain why Singapore was allowed to be
the fourth largest shareholder in both newspapers.
Such a shareholding would allow Singapore to put representatives on
the board of directors, he claimed.
However, checks on the Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange website and with
officials at NST Press and Star Publications showed that all board
members are Malaysians.
The exchange's research website showed that the Government of
Singapore Investment Corp and the Monetary Authority of Singapore hold
stakes in the two companies through nominee firms.
The two hold a combined shareholding of 3.07 per cent in NST Press and
7.85 per cent in Star Publications, according to the data.
The shareholdings are not new - a point acknowledged by Mr Saifuddin,
who said the Singapore Government had held the stakes for the past few
years.
'They have been in my books since at least 1999,' said Star
Publications' Miss Ong.
She said the Singaporean investments might have been made earlier than
1999 but different reporting requirements before then made tracking
difficult.
Said an official at Malaysian Resources Corp Bhd, the biggest NST
Press shareholder: 'NST group is a Malaysian company. They are just
shareholders.'
An FIC official said such investors generally were allowed to buy into
media firms if the stake was below 30 per cent.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The major shareholders
THE biggest stakes in The New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd are held by
Malaysian Resources Corp Bhd (43.5 per cent), the Employees Provident
Fund (22.4 per cent) and Great Eastern Life Assurance (M) Bhd (5.97
per cent), according to Kuala Lumpur Stock Exchange data.
The main shareholders in Star Publications are Huaren, the investment
arm of the Malaysian Chinese Association (43.7 per cent), the
Employees Provident Fund (16.1 per cent) and Great Eastern Life
Assurance (M) Bhd (8.35 per cent). --Reme Ahmad
YF Yap
5 March 2002
Green light for Potong Pasir MRT 'a shrewd move'
It makes economic sense to open the station, say some of those
interviewed; others think there is a political motive
By Neo Hui Min
HEARTLAND HAPPENINGS
THINGS in sleepy Potong Pasir seem to heat up only during election
time, but it is now stirring with the announcement that the MRT
station there will open in December.
Talk to residents and shopkeepers in the town though, and they will
say they knew all along that the Government would open the station.
Never mind that MP Chiam See Tong, who has held the ward for the last
18 years, said the Government's move 'shows that things do get done in
an opposition ward'.
Never mind that the defeated People's Action Party candidate, Mr Sitoh
Yih Pin, had told the media that he never stopped pushing the
Government to open the MRT station.
The owner of Jackson Market Shop, a vegetable stall which faces the
MRT station, said it just made business sense for the Government to
open the station.
The businessman, who, like other residents interviewed, declined to be
named, said: 'Look, if they can make $100 instead of $80, why would
they choose to make only $80?'
He added that the Government had invested heavily in building the
station, so it only made sense for it to maximise its returns.
A Madam Lee, who lives at Potong Pasir Avenue 3, pointed out even
though the Government tried to use the MRT station as bait to attract
voters, it was not quite the same as the promise of Housing Board flat
upgrading.
'When they upgrade our flats, they use up money and they cannot expect
any returns,' she reasoned.
'Whereas for the MRT station, people who use it, pay. The Government
can generate revenue from it.'
Transport Minister Yeo Cheow Tong had said that the decision to open
the station was made on economic grounds.
Announcing last Wednesday that the station would be opened, he said
that the Land Transport Authority (LTA) had found it economically
viable to open the station, after a recent review of projected
ridership levels for the new line.
When approached, the LTA declined to give the specific ridership
projections.
Some other residents interviewed think there was a political reason
behind the move.
One of them, a resident who would only give his name as Mr Soon, said
it was good strategy to open it even though the PAP failed to win the
ward from Singapore People's Party's Mr Chiam.
He said: 'If they didn't open the station, it would make more people
angry and the PAP would just lose votes in the next election.'
The Government's decision has left some people living in the
opposition ward, which has 16,616 voters, happy to have one more mode
of public transport to add to the host of bus services plying Upper
Serangoon Road.
In fact, several home owners there are hoping that the station will
help drive property prices up.
But shopkeepers there are wondering if the Government's move might
take away their livelihood.
They say that the trains are likely to whisk residents away from
Potong Pasir to do their shopping elsewhere, as there are no
attractions to keep them in the quiet little town.
There are no major shopping centres, no new condominiums and no new
HDB flats in the estate. It has even lost its POSB branch and
Singapore Post branches, which shut down a few years ago.
The proprietor of Chin Yin Leong Chinese Physician, who declined to be
named, said nothing had changed in the past 10 years except sales,
which had been dipping steadily.
She said: 'If there were shopping centres here, or more features, it
would bring more human traffic.'
But the shopkeeper at Jackson Market Shop said it would be hard to
compete with supermarket chains wherever they were.
He added: 'With the MRT, the residents can just buy their groceries
from the supermarkets and take the MRT back here - they might ignore
our shops completely.
'I'm hoping that the Government will take these shops back and give us
ex gratia payments so I can retire.'
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Train of events that led to station
January 1996
MR MAH Bow Tan, then Communications Minister, announces that
construction for the North-east MRT line, which will serve estates
such as Potong Pasir, Serangoon and Hougang, will start immediately.
March 1996
Sixteen stations are announced for the line. But for three of them,
Sennett, Woodleigh and Punggol, concrete shells of future stations
will be built.
This is so that when ridership figures increase, the stations can
easily be completed for use.
December 1996
In the run-up to the General Election in January, PAP contender Andy
Gan says the MRT will arrive sooner in Potong Pasir if he is elected.
He loses to Mr Chiam See Tong.
October 2001
Before the General Election in November, PAP contender Sitoh Yih Pin
promises that the opening of the MRT station is part of his five-year
plan for the ward. He loses to Mr Chiam too.
February 2002
Transport Minister Yeo Cheow Tong announces that the station, now to
be named Potong Pasir instead of Sennett, will open after all, as a
recent review of the projected number of riders justifies it.
Ahmad Sayuthi
> New Straits Times (NST) group editor-in-chief Tan Sri Abdullah
> Ahmad said that he was the only one with power to control the
> editorial content of the newspaper.
[SCS added]
Ahem... iyer ke, Tan Sri?
What about those Umno-type invisible hands and the corporate tycoons
that are still in favour?
> They were responding to remarks by Keadilan deputy youth chief
> Saifuddin Nasution Ismail.
>
> He said in Johor on Sunday that research by the party had found
> that the Singapore Government held a nearly 5 per cent stake in
> the companies that publish NST and The Star.
Yang si mamat Saifuddin ni pun satu, suspicious tak tentu pasal.
Kalu nak tuduh dan kutuk tu, biar ler ada facts sikit <sigh>
Having five percent alone doesn't give the Singapore Government much
say in influencing things.
IMO these shares are held solely for investment purposes and nothing
else, especially when it comes to The Star. With NST, it's a calculated
gamble worth taking. If Dollah Ahmad can turn things around, then the
Singapore government and long-term investors are in for a windfall when
the price moves north *eventually*. Unlike most retail
investors/speculators who get uptight and jittery having to service
bank overdrafts, they have the staying power and could sit it out for
as long as it takes.
Anyway, the Singapore government isn't likely to be using that stake to
pressure the papers; blackmailing and threatening to sell and bring the
price down if they publish unfavourable news. Well, the price
*might* come down for sure but it won't be a bad slide since these
shares should be easily absorbed by the market.
And these papers aren't too worried about Singapore advertisers pulling
out `to punish' either. There *are* Singapore-originated revenues from
this but they form just a small part of the papers' advertising income.
--
icq235828...@softhome.netsayuthi@yahoo.com
alphaque.com star-techcentral.com 17040pasir mas, kelantan
seni...@hotmail.com
> >
> I knew how it felt to be a member of a minority group, coming from
> Malaysia. There, as a Chinese, you are made to feel that, in all
> spheres, from education to employment, you are there at the sufferance
> of the bumiputras, the majority group.
>
That sentence can only be so clearly expressed by a Chinese with
experience of bumi special status in the Malaysian context. The key
phrase is "you are there at the sufferance of the bumiputras".... No
Singaporean could have
written it so well.
Do Malaysian Chinese agree with her?
What about you Uncle Yap?
YF Yap
6 March 2002
Japanese firms critical of local work ethic, survey shows
Malaysian officials are quick to question accuracy of survey which
suggests that workers lack morale, common sense and discipline
By Reme Ahmad
IN KUALA LUMPUR
JAPANESE companies in Malaysia walked into a storm after a survey
showed that a segment of them believed that local workers lacked
morale, common sense and discipline.
The survey results prompted denials from Malaysian officials and
company executives who said the findings were baseless, and that it
only involved a small group of the 1,400 Japanese firms based here.
Adding to the unhappiness was the finding that a fifth of the Japanese
companies were thinking of moving out of Malaysia, saying it was not
as attractive as other Asian countries like China.
The survey by the Japanese Chamber of Trade and Investment Committee,
Malaysia (Jactim) was part of regular feedback from the Japanese
firms, whose investments in the key manufacturing sector have always
been among the biggest every year.
Last year, Japanese firms made up 18 per cent of Malaysia's approved
foreign direct investments, or RM3.29 billion (S$1.59 billion), second
only to US investment.
The worker survey involved 337 Jactim member companies, with 172
sending in their replies.
Mr Shigenobu Nishida, Jactim's vice-president, said '91 per cent of
the respondents to the questionnaire are of the opinion that Malaysian
workers lack morale, common sense and discipline'.
'This may imply that they cannot expect from local workers an increase
of productivity proportionate to the wage increase,' he said when
releasing the survey.
The survey found that firms had a strong demand for foreign workers,
due to their low wages, efficiency and 'rare job hopping', Mr Nishida
said.
The Malaysian reaction was just as pointed.
'Those who responded, the 172 companies, must have something to
complain about, some bone to pick,' a senior official of the Malaysian
Industrial Development Authority (Mida) told The Straits Times.
'It is not fair to say they represent the 1,400 other companies.'
The findings may have come out at an uncomfortable time for Malaysia,
which is fighting to keep up foreign investments in the wake of the
global investment slowdown and the terrorist attacks which have
tainted Muslim nations.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The survey
Ninety-one per cent of the Japanese companies which responded to the
survey said Malaysian workers lacked morale, common sense and
discipline.
The reaction
A senior official of the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority
said that 'those who responded, the 172 companies, must have something
to complain about, some bone to pick'.
YF Yap
6 March 2002
SM Lee's remarks 'did some good'
JAKARTA - Singapore Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew's recent remarks,
which drew mostly criticism here, also had a positive impact because
they evoked nationalism, said a top Indonesian army commander.
'In my opinion, Lee's statement evoked the nationalism of Indonesian
people, and proved it still exists,' said the chief of the Army
Strategic Reserves Command (Kostrad) Lieutenant-General Ryamizard
Ryacudu on Monday.
He was speaking at the final preparation for Kostrad's 41st
anniversary, to be celebrated in central Jakarta today.
The reaction followed Mr Lee's remarks last month that Singapore
remained at risk from a terrorist attack because leaders of regional
extremist cells were still at large in Indonesia.
Lt-Gen Ryamizard said Mr Lee's statement was not as pressing as 'the
threat of disintegration here.'
He added that he was surprised that the threat of disintegration, such
as in Papua and Aceh provinces, had received much less attention.
''People should also protest against separatist movements, so that
they will not have the opportunity to declare independence,' he said.
--The Jakarta Post/Asia News Network
YF Yap
6 March 2002
Indonesia and Singapore - reaching across the divide
By Jusuf Wanandi and Simon Tay
INDONESIANS have been angered by Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew's
remarks that there are terrorist leaders in their country. Most
Singaporeans do not understand why. American leaders have made similar
statements previously and most analysts agree that terrorist
connections do exist.
To many observers, the urgent need is for practical cooperation
between the countries, both bilaterally and together with others in
Asean. For this, military and security agencies need to talk, behind
closed doors if necessary, and work together closely. High-level
politics need not be involved and, worse, should not be an obstacle.
Why then this turmoil?
The first reason is that Indonesians care about what SM Lee says. His
last visit to Jakarta, almost a year ago, was well-received and
Indonesians know that the international community often looks to him
for readings of the region.
Therefore, the Senior Minister's opinion, while sincerely held, would
have a negative impact on perceptions about security and stability in
Indonesia.
Rather than joining the chorus of criticisms, many Indonesians might
have hoped that Mr Lee might help articulate to the international
community some of the constraints that they face.
They might have expected that if there were critical problems between
the two countries, these would first be dealt with between official
channels or through personal contacts.
The second reason for the Indonesian reaction is that the statement
has unwittingly played a part in the complex game of Indonesian
politics and the contest between different parties. The accusation of
inaction undermines the credibility of President Megawati
Sukarnoputri's government.
In all likelihood it was for this reason, as well as to try to
pre-empt further criticism, that ministers began responding to SM
Lee's statement. But it backfired, because their statements were
ambiguous and made use of by others.
Others joined in for their own reasons. The Islamic groups have gained
influence and do not see Ms Megawati as one of them. They see this as
another opportunity to mount pressure on the administration and test
its responsiveness to their political demands.
The third reason is a wider sentiment that concerns Indonesia's
perceptions about Singapore.
Some Indonesians resent Singapore's economic success because they
believe it has been built on the back of Indonesian exports and
resources.
UNDERLYING SENTIMENTS
SOME believe that Singaporean businesses have been too cosy with the
Indonesian conglomerates that were linked to Suharto cronies. Still
others feel that Singaporeans, rather than suffering and sympathising
with Indonesia during its recent years of difficulty, have benefited
at their expense.
On the other hand, Singapore, lacking a deep understanding of
Indonesia's catharsis, has been bewildered by Indonesia's inability to
stop the instability and is very worried about Indonesia's future.
This, rightly or wrongly, is the context of the complaints and furore
over Mr Lee's comments. It is, moreover, a context that explains many
of the other swings in Indonesia-Singapore relations.
The spat over Mr Lee's comments is not an isolated affair. This is
just another swing in what has become quite an unstable and
incident-driven relationship. This should be of concern as
Indonesia-Singapore bilateral ties were once a key pillar for both
countries, as well as for Asean.
Whatever other criticisms there were, under President Suharto, the
tension and suspicion between the two countries had given way to
relations that were stable, cooperative, and even warm.
In contrast, since the fall of Mr Suharto, two succeeding presidents
have directly, specifically and strongly criticised Singapore.
President B.J. Habibie notoriously singled out the island as a 'red
dot'. President Abdurrahman Wahid talked about joining with Malaysia
to cut off water supplies to Singapore.
Personal idiosyncrasies were a factor in both these outcries. However,
the incidents cannot be discounted fully on that basis. They were
responding to a wider sentiment in Indonesia, as are the present
voices protesting against Mr Lee's comments.
It is for this reason that the late Professor Michael Leifer, an
astute observer of the region, suggested that Indonesia-Singapore
relations showed a sense of return to the past, akin to the tense
period of Konfrontasi under President Sukarno.
TOWARDS BETTER TIES
A MORE stable and cooperative relationship is much needed by both
countries. How can this be achieved?
Increased dialogue is the first and essential requirement. The need
for the countries to discuss and cooperate on counter-terrorist
measures, post-9-11, is very real. It is an irony that this
opportunity has instead turned into a liability. This can still be
remedied with efforts on both sides.
Indonesia and Singapore must work together on many related issues.
This includes the flow of funds between the two countries which may be
linked to terrorism and related activities.
It is also necessary to think about the future direction of the Asean
Regional Forum in relation to 9-11 issues, in which both countries
have a large stake.
There are many other areas that require further candid dialogue. To
make the most of it, finger-pointing should be avoided by both sides.
Win-win opportunities must be emphasised.
The economic cooperation between the two countries in the Riau islands
is something that can set the right example. Exports, investments and
economic development in Batam and Bintan have shown stability and
growth, in contrast to many other crisis-affected areas.
Another area where cooperation and dialogue is needed is on the fires
and haze issue. Some predict a return of the El Nino phenomenon of dry
weather and, therefore, the fires. Given that Indonesians in these
provinces near the fires, Singaporeans and so many others in the
region will suffer, the two countries need to give the issue more
focus in the coming months.
But beyond possible topics for dialogue, there is a question of who to
involve. During the Suharto era, most of the dialogue and the closest
ties were among the political and business elite. There is now a need
to go beyond this. The Indonesia of today, post-Suharto, is much more
complex and diverse than in the past.
The Megawati government faces many challenges and, seemingly, cannot
impose its will or build a strong centrist coalition on 9-11 and many
other issues. It has to accommodate different views.
For these reasons, Singapore must make the effort to reach out to the
broadest possible spectrum of Indonesians.
Steps were taken in this direction during recent official visits, when
Singapore leaders called not only on the incumbent president, but also
on the vice-president, National Assembly (MPR) Speaker and leaders of
other sizeable parties.
More still can and should be done, by Singaporeans at different levels
and in different sectors.
On both sides of the Java Straits, there are new leaders who need to
acquaint themselves with the other country and their counterparts.
This is best done through first-hand experience, and not through the
tinted lenses of foreign media articles and official reports.
Government officials too need to engage with each other.
If there is understanding at the working level, any positive political
signal can be accelerated, while future political spats can possibly
be lessened.
In the private sector, efforts must be made to initiate ties between
business leaders that go beyond the old circle of cronies and
conglomerates. The effort must be to find new potential partners and
ways of doing deals. These must profit both sides equitably.
Businesses must also recognise and deal with a wider constituency in
Indonesia today that wishes to address questions such as corruption
and the possible ill effects of globalisation.
Singaporean companies may not be ready to invest in Indonesia, and it
is their prerogative to interpret questions of risk and reward.
But many would be advised to hold a watching brief to keep up with and
deepen their understanding of developments there. Indonesia has
provided many opportunities for foreign investors in the past and can
do so again.
For academics, opinion makers and the non-governmental sector, there
is a whole new wealth in Indonesia with which to connect.
A rich diversity of groups, social causes and opinions has emerged
with the end of the Suharto presidency. This is sometimes pell-mell
and chaotic. But engaging with these groups will give Singaporeans the
broadest and deepest reading of the changes that are emerging in
Indonesia.
BEYOND GOVT-TO-GOVT LINKS
INITIAL contacts between some environmental groups were initiated over
the fires and haze issue in 1997 and thereafter. But these and more
such links must be built upon and widened to bring in many other
issues and groups.
For two countries that are so close, the relationship must clearly go
beyond government-to-government links.
The present spat over Mr Lee's remarks is not an isolated incident,
but a symptom of a deeper malady. The disease, fortunately, is not
incurable if treated early.
But both sides and many more sectors in each society must be involved
in providing workable solutions and moving ahead to a broader
understanding of each other and the wider region.
Jusuf Wanandi is a member of the board of trustees of the Centre for
Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta. Simon Tay is chairman
of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs. Both institutes
are founding members of the network of Asean-Institutes of Strategic
and International Studies (Asean-ISIS).
YF Yap
KL pumps in RM1b to develop Johor
The Malaysian govt hopes the state's closeness to S'pore will help
turn it into an attractive destination for investors
By Brendan Pereira
MALAYSIA CORRESPONDENT
KUALA LUMPUR - The Malaysian government is pouring nearly RM1 billion
(S$481 million) into Johor to improve the road network and other
infrastructure to turn it into a southern gateway for foreign
investment.
The Straits Times understands that the amount is only a fraction of
federal funds that will be committed over the next five years to make
Johor Baru an alternative base to Singapore for regional and
multinational firms in the manufacturing and services sectors.
It is also intended to fuel the growth of Tanjong Pelepas Port and
boost Senai airport as a regional cargo hub.
While previous plans to boost the competitiveness of the southern
state was one dimensional, the new thinking in government circles is
this: Johor should, where it can, make use of its proximity to
Singapore to ride on the Republic's international branding.
A senior government official told The Straits Times: 'We have the same
thing that Singapore has: a strategic location. But now, we have
decided to exploit our advantages in terms of the cost of land, labour
and housing.
'It may be impossible for us to match the higher wages in Singapore
but we want to compete for investments and talent by making Johor a
more attractive place to work.'
One of the first infrastructure projects likely to get off the ground
is the construction of three highways, linking the airport with Johor
Baru, the Pasir Gudang Port and the Port of Tanjung Pelepas.
A Johor state official said yesterday that the road network should be
completed in three years.
He said the roads were a pivotal part of the plan to help turn Johor
into a major transportation hub.
In January, Senai Airport Terminal Services appointed Hochtief Airport
GmBh of Germany to help transform the airport into a transportation
hub.
The federal government has also approved the building of a RM400
million gas-powered power plant in Tanjung Langsat industrial park.
Also approved is a plan to relocate the state's administrative capital
from Johor Baru city centre to Bandar Nusajaya, a short distance from
the Second Link with Singapore.
The first building in the new administrative capital will be the state
legislative assembly. It is scheduled for completion in five years.
Apart from improving infrastructure, the state government also wants
to make Johor an attractive place to work.
It believes investors do not only look at labour and building costs
when deciding to move operations. Foreign investors also want to know
what kind of life their foreign professionals can look forward to.
This is where federal government officials feel Johor can make full
use of its closeness to Singapore and ride on the entertainment,
shopping and recreational facilities across the Causeway.
At the same time, the state government is working hard to try and
convince Universal Studios to open a theme park here.
Sources told The Straits Times that Johor Mentri Besar Abdul Ghani
Othman is quietly confident of swinging the deal - but only wants to
make an announcement when all the hitches have been cleared.
Universal Studios last year denied that it had agreed to set up a
theme park in Johor.
When the news of negotiations between the Johor state government and
the entertainment giant became public last year, there was some
concern over the viability of building a theme park of international
class standard in Johor.
The main plank of the criticism was that there would not be a large
enough middle class pool in Malaysia to provide a constant stream of
visitors who can afford to pay the RM150 entrance fee.
But Johor officials argue that the volume of traffic becomes less of a
concern if the visitors from Singapore and tourist arrivals who enter
through Changi Airport are factored in.
YF Yap
7 March 2002
Malaysia may ban foreign cars with unpaid traffic fines
PUTRAJAYA - Foreign vehicles with unpaid traffic summonses may be
barred from entering Malaysia, Deputy Home Minister Datuk Chor Chee
Heung said yesterday.
He said that every year, foreign vehicles accumulated a total of
RM130,000 (S$62,700) in unpaid summonses, with the majority of cases
involving Singapore-registered vehicles.
'The government is considering blacklisting the foreign vehicles and
banning them from entering the country,' he told reporters.
He said the local police, with the help of their Singapore
counterparts, had tracked down the vehicle owners and had written to
them to pay up their summonses.
However, not many had responded, he said.
'Of course the good ones, they come forward to settle, but most of
them don't give a damn, because they always feel that once they are
back in their country they are safe,' he said.
Datuk Chor said that if the proposal was accepted, the Immigration
Department would be asked to blacklist the foreign vehicles, and the
blacklisted vehicles might no longer be given permission to drive into
the country.
Last month, Malaysian traffic police carried out an operation against
errant Singapore motorists, detaining at least 60 of them for not
paying fines.
They were made to pay their outstanding fines on the spot at the
district traffic police headquarters in Johor Baru.
The Johor Baru City Council has said that a series of operations would
be conducted jointly with Customs, police and immigration officers
this month at the Causeway and the Second Link to nab Singapore
motorists who failed to pay traffic fines. --Bernama
fairplay
the vehicle should be impounded
with a strict 48 hours to pay up
Pay for storage starting within 24 hours
double the fine
and banned for 6 months...
Oh!! don't forget court costs..
fairplay
the vehicle should be impounded
with a strict 48 hours to pay up
Pay for storage starting within 24 hours
double the fine
and banned for 6 months...
Oh!! don't forget court costs..
Sam
How do they keep track whether they are punishing the right person?
Impounding a car for an offence not committed by the unwary current owner is
not right.
Collecting the fines at the point of exit would ensure that all fines are
settled before the car leaves Msia.
After all if Msia check points could ban a car, it means there is a proper
system to track the offender (offending car actually).
"fairplay" <fair...@hiwaay.net> wrote in message
news:3C86BDE4...@hiwaay.net...
jay
wrote:
>From The Straits Times, Singapore
>7 March 2002
>
>Malaysia may ban foreign cars with unpaid traffic fines
>PUTRAJAYA - Foreign vehicles with unpaid traffic summonses may be
>barred from entering Malaysia, Deputy Home Minister Datuk Chor Chee
>Heung said yesterday.
>
>He said that every year, foreign vehicles accumulated a total of
>RM130,000 (S$62,700) in unpaid summonses, with the majority of cases
>involving Singapore-registered vehicles.
how about making owners or operators of these foreign vehicles pay the
fines on the spot or risk their vehicles being impounded? of course,
with cameras nowadays and the bill being sent with a delay of many
days, this may not be possible. also fine tuning the ticketing
procedure so that when these vehicles leave m'sia, the immigration is
able to verify over the computer if these vehicles have any
outstanding traffic tickets.
of course rm 130k a year may not be that much to warrant the above.
my guess is, the diplomats vehicles accumalate more fines than than
the s'poreans.