Navi Pillay, 'an imperialist tool' - Renowned political commentators declare

[sinna]

Navi Pillay, the High Commissioner of the Office of Human Rights at
the United Nations, is a very noted figure these days at a time the
22nd Session of the UN Human Rights Commission is convened in Geneva.
Most notably, she, though the UNHRC process, endeavors to haul Sri
Lanka before an international tribunal for alleged violation of
International Humanitarian law (IHL), war crimes and genocide.

In her most recent report to the UNHRC she recommends that Sri Lanka
should be brought before an international court.

The Periodic Resolution, which the Asian Tribune carries elsewhere,
sponsored by the United States supports Ms. Pillay's proposition.

We did some research about her past. And was very interesting to find
that the knowledgeable and widely popular political commentators
describe her as an 'imperialist tool'. The two commentators we quote
here declare Ms. Pillay as serving the interests of the United States.

And most interestingly, Navi Pillay who now scrutinizes Sri Lanka of
her human rights record has been covering up the United States
culpability in the Rwanda genocide in 1994.

It has been now established that the current Rwandan president Paul
Kagame, with military assistance and training in the United States,
invaded Rwanda that resulted in the mass massacre, a genocide, and
that as the president of the International Tribunal for Rwanda she was
instrumental in absolving the culprits and their collaborators.

In this research, Asian Tribune found what the celebrated political
commentator Stephen Lendman said about Navi Pillay.

She's UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Her job involves spurning
them. She's a reliable imperial tool. She's up to her old tricks.

On January 18, she addressed the Security Council in closed session.
About Syria.

The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) lists her
credentials. Post-apartheid in 1995, she was appointed a South African
High Court judge.

The same year, she was chosen to serve on the International Tribunal
for Rwanda (ICRT). From 1999 - 2003, she served as president.

ICRT lacked credibility. It served imperial interests. It pointed
fingers the wrong way. Guilty parties were absolved. Victims were
prosecuted. While president, Pillay bore full responsibility.

(In fact Asian Tribune carried an analysis about the report produced
by the US State Department Office of War Crimes head Stephen Rapp in
late 2009 about Sri Lanka's conduct of the Eelam War IV, and the
credentials of Mr. Rapp who was the prosecutor at ICTR who brilliantly
concealed the American culpability of the Rwanda genocide)

Stephen Lendman continues: OHCHR claimed otherwise. It lied. It turned
truth on its head. It said Pillay "played a critical role in the
ICTR's groundbreaking jurisprudence on rape as genocide, as well as on
issues of freedom of speech and hate propaganda."

Michel Chossudovsky (who is quoted elsewhere in this Asian Tribune
Note) explained Washington's hidden Rwanda agenda. It prioritized
"establishing an American sphere of influence in a region historically
dominated by France and Belgium."

Rwanda's civil war and "ethnic massacres were an integral part of US
foreign policy, carefully staged in accordance with precise strategic
and economic objective."

Pillay's ICTR mandate was suppressing truth.

In 2003, she was appointed an International Criminal Court (ICC)
judge. She served until August 2008.

ICC functions solely as an imperial tool. It targets victims
Washington and other Western powers want charged with crimes of war,
against humanity and genocide. Crimes of aggression will be included
later.

Responsible major powers are absolved. Victims have no chance. Guilt
by accusation is policy. Pillay advanced her career by going along.
She sold her soul in the process. She did it before. She's doing it
now. It's getting to be a habit.

That's what the celebrated political commentator Stephen Lendman said
about Navi Pillay.

Let's find out what another well-known political analyst/commentator
Michel Chossudovsky's description about the Rwandan genocidal war for
the readers understanding.

Here it is:

From the outset of the Rwandan civil war in 1990, Washington's hidden
agenda consisted in establishing an American sphere of influence in a
region historically dominated by France and Belgium. America's design
was to displace France by supporting the Rwandan Patriotic Front (Led
by the current president of Rwanda who was trained in a military
installation in the United States) and by arming and equipping its
military arm, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA)

From the mid-1980s, the Kampala (Uganda) government under President
Yoweri Musaveni had become Washington's African showpiece of
"democracy". Uganda had also become a launch pad for US sponsored
guerilla movements into the Sudan, Rwanda and the Congo. Major General
Paul Kagame had been head of military intelligence in the Ugandan
Armed Forces; he had been trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff
College (CGSC) in Leavenworth, Kansas which focuses on war fighting
and military strategy. Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the
RPA, shortly after the 1990 invasion.

Prior to the outbreak of the Rwandan civil war, the RPA was part of
the Ugandan Armed Forces. Shortly prior to the October 1990 invasion
of Rwanda, military labels were switched. From one day to the next,
large numbers of Ugandan soldiers joined the ranks of the Rwandan
Patriotic Army (RPA). Throughout the civil war, the RPA was supplied
from United People's Defense Forces (UPDF) military bases inside
Uganda. The Tutsi commissioned officers in the Ugandan army took over
positions in the RPA. The October 1990 invasion by Ugandan forces was
presented to public opinion as a war of liberation by a Tutsi led
guerilla army.

Civil War in the Congo

Following the installation of a US client regime (of Paul Kagame) in
Rwanda in 1994, US trained Rwandan and Ugandan forces intervened in
former Zaire --a stronghold of French and Belgian influence under
President Mobutu Sese Seko. Amply documented, US special operations
troops -- mainly Green Berets from the 3rd Special Forces Group based
at Fort Bragg, North Carolina in the U.S.-- had been actively training
the RPA. This program was a continuation of the covert support and
military aid provided to the RPA prior to 1994. In turn, the tragic
outcome of the Rwandan civil war including the refugee crisis had set
the stage for the participation of Ugandan and Rwandan RPA in the
civil war in the Congo:

"Washington pumped military aid into Kagame's army, and U.S. Army
Special Forces and other military personnel trained hundreds of
Rwandan troops. But Kagame and his colleagues had designs of their
own.

While the Green Berets trained the Rwandan Patriotic Army, that army
was itself secretly training Zairian rebels.… [In] Rwanda, U.S.
officials publicly portrayed their engagement with the army as almost
entirely devoted to human rights training. But the Special Forces
exercises also covered other areas, including combat skills… Hundreds
of soldiers and officers were enrolled in U.S. training programs, both
in Rwanda and in the United States… Conducted by U.S. Special Forces,
Rwandans studied camouflage techniques, small-unit movement, troop-
leading procedures, soldier-team development, [etc]… And while the
training went on, U.S. officials were meeting regularly with Kagame
and other senior Rwandan leaders to discuss the continuing military
threat faced by the [former Rwandan] government [in exile] from inside
Zaire… Clearly, the focus of Rwandan-U.S. military discussion had
shifted from how to build human rights to how to combat an insurgency…
With [Ugandan President] Museveni's support, Kagame conceived a plan
to back a rebel movement in eastern Zaire [headed by Laurent Desire
Kabila] ... The operation was launched in October 1996, just a few
weeks after Kagame's trip to Washington and the completion of the
Special Forces training mission… Once the war [in the Congo] started,
the United States provided "political assistance" to Rwanda,… An
official of the U.S. Embassy in Kigali traveled to eastern Zaire
numerous times to liaise with Kabila. Soon, the rebels had moved on.
Brushing off the Zairian army with the help of the Rwandan forces,
they marched through Africa's third-largest nation in seven months,
with only a few significant military engagements. Mobutu fled the
capital, Kinshasa, in May 1997, and Kabila took power, changing the
name of the country to Congo…U.S. officials deny that there were any
U.S. military personnel with Rwandan troops in Zaire during the war,
although unconfirmed reports of a U.S. advisory presence have
circulated in the region since the war's earliest days.

That was Michel Chossudovsky's description, and the International
Tribunal for Rwanda whose president was Navi Pillay was entrusted to
find the truth and prosecute the culprits.

Instead there was a white wash.

Whether she is an imperialist tool is left for the readers to
determine.