The corrupt and powerful Kenyans who control the economy
chifu2222
http://www.egroups.com/group/mwananchi or email me at my aol account or
yaku...@hotmail.com.
My response to an article I was emailed..very disturbing..read on
Dear All,
I was watching CNN about the events in Yugoslavia this morning and I
kept asking myself is Kenya next or Zimbabwe or Uganda next door?
The major drift of the Moi government is by surrounding itself
with discredited leaders who wined and dined with our oppressors, old
and tired men who have been holding top positions in government from
the 1960s and who are now completely bereft of the requisite know-
how to lead the Kenya citizenry of the 21st century.
Those who fought for our democracy were shoved aside. What should the
nation expect from such a government than a drift? The legislature
of the nation behaved to type by showing their wolves'nature in human
skin, in the looting of our treasury.
The President's emerging disposition has neither helped matters.
Although he talks tough about the country's redemption only in his
press briefings, his actions are nearly opposite. He has refused to
hearken to the voice of Kenyans about this ability imbued and
liability prone ministers, characters who lack in credibility and
intellectual capacity to understand the dynamics of modern
governance. No wonder then that the Moi administration has no
clear-cut policy direction.
On the economic level, there has not been any appreciable
improvement. The economy is still comatose. In 1999 the value of
Kenyan shilling to the dollar was hovering around Kshs. 68.
Now it is Kshs. 80. Kenyans are now worse off than in 1999 in terms
of the standard of living. Infrastructural facilities in the country
are in a state of disrepair. What can we say of Telcoms, Kenya Power
and Lighting and other social services? Very epileptic. Nothing is
working for this government. It seems the president has forgotten all
the elements of development in his famous farm house dialogue.
The farmhouse dialogue seems to be theoretical utopian ideas that had
vanished on a simple touch of pragmatism. The problems of the country
are aggravating each passing day and the president seems not
bothered. Aids is taking its toll. Unemployment of university
graduates is growing astronomically each passing month.
What has the president done to improve the welfare of Kenyans?
Basically nothing. The execution of last year's approved
budget relating to projects is grossly in arrears.
The bane of our development, corruption, which has put our country on
the world map as one of the most corrupt nations in the world
courtesy, Transparency International, has not abated. The tough talk
of the president on the fight against corruption should be
disregarded since the corruption issue has assumed an alarming
proportion. While the president is talking tough, other political
office holders and bureaucrats are busy fine tuning strategies to
loot.
What is the president doing with the corrupt officials? Nobody has
been arraigned in court for official corruption. When it comes to
fighting corruption, the Moi government has several sacred cows.
I stand to be faulted, this government is too elitist. The gap
between the rich and the poor continues to widen. Our politicians are
living in irresponsible and arrogant affluence. Kenyans have voted
for their enslavement instead for freedom and prosperity.
This government is as secretive as Kenyatta's administration.
Government activities are conducted like a cult. Kenyans, who should
know the activities of government, are not availed the opportunity.
Rather, governance has been trivalised into carnivals, jamborees and
executive versus legislature face-offs.
We are tired of beautiful presidential addresses that cannot assuage
our hunger and impoverishment.
The sickness continuess..
Chifu.
--- In Mwananchi@y..., yakub2222@h... wrote:
> I was forwarded this article which appeared in the express in
> 1. Nicholas Biwott
>
>
> Undoubtedly Moi's man of the heel for decades, Nicholas Kiprono
> Kipyator Biwott needs no introduction. He has weathered various
> storms and proved that he is the only man without whom Moi is
> hopelessly inadequate. Born in 1941 in the current Keiyo district,
> Kipyator became President Moi's personal assistant way back in the
> 1970s. His life is intricately intertwined with that of President
Moi
> for whom he is the foremost strategist and confidant. His power
> ricochets in both business and politics, where he has amassed
> inestimable resources and prodigies who run his errands. Prior to
the
> advent of multipartyism, Biwott ran a feared parallel security and
> administrative intelligence whose vicious face was the late
Hezekiah
> Oyugi.
>
> Biwott `s toughest moment came when he was named as a suspect in
the
> murder of Dr Robert Ouko, with whom he was alleged to have been at
> loggerheads. When evidence seemed to weigh against the powerman,
the
> commission was prematurely dissolved Moi, Biwott's former school
> teacher at Tambach in 1950. It is Moi who got him the scholarship
to
> attend Melbourne University in Australia where he obtained a
Bachelor
> of Arts degree in economics in 1965.
>
> Biwott's enormous clout partly stems from his connections to
> unscrupulous Asian businessmen with whom he has been associated,
> sources say, from his days as personal assistant to Moi, Kenyatta's
> vice president and minister home affairs. An important function of
> the ministry was to issue citizenship to immigrants. Many
foreigners
> awarded citizenship and are reported to have reciprocated by
offering
> him shares and other partnerships in companies they established so
> that as a way of getting around president Kenyatta's Africanisation
> policy of the mid '60s. Once he was elected to parliament through
> Moi's patronage in 1979, Biwott pitched camp in the Office of the
> President from where he has spent most of his time in the Moi
> government. In spite of last year's reshuffle in which he was moved
> from the abolished regional cooperation ministry to Tourism, Biwott
> still retains his office in the Office of the President, although
the
> ministry headquarters are located at Utalii House.
>
> Plans are underway to move the ministry's offices to a modern
> building in the city centre that guarantees Biwott's security.
>
> Such is Biwott's power that when he disagrees with you, the best
> thing to do is leave the country if you are a foreigner. He has
been
> associated with a lot of bizarre things, whether true or false,
that
> make many people quake at the mention of his name.
>
> His business interests are generally in energy, construction and
> security. Like Joshua Kulei, it is not clear where his businesses
end
> and those of Moi begin. What is clear, however, is that he and
Kulei
> are business and political rivals with clear business territories.
> Kulei has controlling the stakes in the media, the port, transport,
> banking and insurance. Biwott's company, Wilkens, has for long
> monopolised the supply of security equipment to the government.
> Biwott's political siblings include embattled Vice-President George
> Saitoti and a retinue of highly placed state operatives who parrot
> his praises.
>
>
> 2 Joshua Kulei
>
> If anyone typifies the cadre of Moi's informal executive, it is his
> personal assistant Joshua Chelogoi Kulei. Born in 1948 in Baringo,
> Kulei is the nephew to Philemon Chelagat, one of Moi's closest
> friends until his death last year. He was a warden (corporal) in
the
> prison service in 1970s when Moi was minister for home affairs.
> According to one account, Moi noticed him when he used to take
> prisoners to clean State House and his Kabarak home after he took
> over in 1978. He was hired to work at State House by then
comptroller
> Abraham Kiptanui, one of four members of the informal executive who
> worked under Moi in the prisons department.(the other is Hoseah
> Kiplagat) Moi ostensibly noticed him in one of those operations and
> recruited him as his private aide to deal with non-official
matters.
> Moreover, he was related to Chelagat who was the brother to Kulei's
> father and a member of Moi's age-set. Kulei had only primary level
> education and this opportunity paved the way for him to enrich
> himself to levels that confound logic.
>
> Kulei operated in the shadows until the 1990s when he begun to
> feature in major dealings that revolved around State House.
Reputably
> affable, soft-spoken and shy of publicity, Kulei's name pops up in
> every major public financial scandal in Kenya today. As a result of
> his proximity to the President, he wields enormous power which has
> attracted a long string of political and economic sycophants to his
> court, many of whom are Asian crooks. He maintains a personal
contact
> with the most important constituencies of Moi's support and handles
> his projects personally. He was the financial controller of the
> President's election machine. As Moi's proxy, he travels around the
> world negotiating, receiving and fixing financial transactions on
> behalf of President Moi. His fortune within and outside Kenya is
> worth billions in over forty companies that include shares in
> Insurance (Alico, Heritage Insurance) media and communication
> (Standard, KTN, Form-net), real estate (Regent), transport
(Mitchell
> Cotts and Mugoya), banking (CFC, Trans National) and horticulture
> (Sian Roses). He holds property for himself and in trust for the
> President, which has been a source of friction with Moi's children.
> The latter fear that the current confusion between what is Kulei's
> and what is their father's could rob them of their inheritance.
>
> Kulei's waking nightmare is how to protect the wealth he has
amassed
> when Moi leaves office in 2002. The recent PIC report which named
him
> as one of the people who should be barred for life from holding any
> public office must have sent red signals to him.
>
> In 1997, speculation was rife that he was planing to relocate to
the
> United Kingdom where he has bought property and his children attend
> school. He shares political influence with his soft rival, Nicholas
> Biwott, with each having their own chain of loyalists, and which
play
> against each other in the two spheres of power where the rivalry is
> played out: Office of the President for Biwott and State house for
> Kulei. Evidently, the Moi succession will be resolved when Kulei's
> anxieties are settled. Kulei's leads the informal axis of power
> brokers that is linked to Micah Cheserem, Musalia Mudavadi and
Philip
> Moi.
>
>
> 3. Brig. Wilson Boinett
>
> President Moi's chief security advisor and trusted lieutenant,
Brig.
> Boinett is a man of modest military training but impeccable
> intelligence. As Moi's first aide de camp, when he assumed power in
> 1978, Boinet saw Moi through the intrigues of settling in power and
> was ADC during the abortive 1982 coup. He is soft spoken and
> diplomatic but discreet. He takes everything with the cool of a
> practised sharpshooter and is shorn of the intrigue and arrogance
> that is the defining characteristic of the corrupt and powerful
> ruling elite. He is likely to call you for a meeting in hotel to
> inquire about a matter rather than summon you to his imposing
Special
> Branch office at Nyati House. But if anything holds the centre
> together and diffuses the tensions in the Kanu apparatchik, it is
the
> intelligent and deft moves of Boinett.
>
> When it became obvious that the dark days of repression were long
> gone, Boinett tactically transformed the Directorate of Security
and
> Intelligence (otherwise known as Special Branch) to the National
> Intelligence Service with broad ranging powers to himself at the
> helm. Apart from the name, the NIS is slowly reverting to its
> predecessor's role of protecting the status quo rather than
advancing
> the national interest. Recruitment is still heavily skewed towards
> the Kamatusa tribes, with much of the Service's focus turning to
> security.
>
> Beyond his previous security intelligence work, Boinett has taken
> over the duties of the liaison internal and external military
> intelligence in the office of the president held previously by Maj-
> Gen. Lazarus Sumbeiywo and Brig. N.K Nkaissery.
>
> Boinett is effectively the third force that gives the greenlight to
> Moi for appointments to key positions in the government, including
> their timing, because he controls the data bank of security. His
> authority is unadulterated because he is not actively involved in
the
> endless power scheming. Whoever succeeds Moi or rises in the Kanu
> hierarchy will automatically have to pass Boinett's test, whether
> from the Opposition, the Biwott, Njonjo or Kulei axis.
>
>
> 4. Hoseah Kiplagat
>
> This meek looking man owes everything to Moi. Like Kulei, he is
> timber from the home affairs ministry. If there is a tale that fits
> the definition of rags to riches myth, then it is Hoseah
Kiplagat's.
> When Moi took over, Kiplagat was a telephone operator in the prison
> service. Today, he owns two aeroplanes and is chairman of
Cooperative
> Bank, one of the most liquid banks where he runs an inexhaustible
> overdraft facility. Kiplagat is President Moi's nephew and trusted
> confidant who, besides Kulei, handles his financial (such as hard
> cash transfers) and personal transactions such as shopping. His
> influence on the President is enormous and a word from him will
> usually turn tables in favour or against someone. He is a permanent
> feature (top 5) on the presidential entourage even though his
> abilities and investments are clearly limited by his poor
education.
> But it is on such people, perceived as foolish and inept in the
> learned ways of the world -such as Mulu Mutisya - that Moi depends
> and in whom he invests. It is the breed of which staunch loyalists
> are made and Moi being his nephew, anything goes. Unfortunately for
> Kiplagat, his fortune is not much and he is perhaps the most
indebted
> of the entire informal executive.
>
> Stories are told of how the man calls a certain bank from the
airport
> to ask for huge overdrafts without prior arrangement. Which raises
> his stake in the transition to desperate levels.
>
>
> 5. Mark Too
>
> Moi's envoy plenipotentiary, Mark Too is every inch in the
succession
> game. He is Moi's most accomplished power broker and front. He has
> been with Moi since the beginning, rising from the blues to take up
> the deputy chairmanship of the Lonrho East Africa which owned huge
> chunks of agricultural land in the Kalenjin heartland of Eldoret.
By
> appointing him to that position to succeed Udi Gecaga, Moi was
> hearkening to Kenyatta's legacy of placing his cronies, however
> unqualified or incompetent, in strategic positions. Too is more or
> less Moi's political son, their relationship going back many years
> when according to his own account, Too helped Moi pull out when he
> was stuck in mud. But their resemblance confounds many observers.
>
> As a political strategist, Too has been the crucial guerilla
> diplomat, maintaining links with movements that the government does
> not formally recognize such as SPLA, Renamo, and Laurent Kabila,
when
> he was taking power. Too also brought Paul Kagame to Nairobi and
has
> kept other similar contacts with the centre of power in
neighbouring
> Uganda. Some of these connections were made possible by Lonrho's
> clandestine activities in Africa.
>
> Although a man of no particular academic achievement (he has only
> primary education) Too has proved to be politically astute. He is a
> smooth behind the scenes negotiator responsible for man of the
> alignments that Moi finally cements. He, more than anyone else, has
> been responsible for maintaining the loosely-defined cooperation
> between Moi and Raila Odinga (some say Kanu and NDP). He is `Mr fix
> it' of Kanu whose go-easy style has snuffed out the fire or
softened
> the stance of hitherto outspoken MPs such as Raila Odinga, Paul
> Muite, Wamalwa Kijana and Kipruto Kirwa.
>
> If anything, he has access to immeasurable resources from the
> President's inner circle. He has no particular enemies and is a man
> whose moves and actions will influence the direction of the
> transition. He has openly fronted for Raila Odinga to succeed Moi
in
> an alliance of NDP and Kanu, although observers believe it is a
> relationship of convenience.
>
>
> 6. Charles Njonjo
>
> The return of Njonjo seems to have introduced a new dimension to
the
> succession course. Njonjo's hand is evident in many of the recent
> decisions taken by the government. Njonjo was singularly
instrumental
> in the constitution of the tribunal into the controversial death of
> Justice Zachaeus Chesoni. Moi's physician, Dr David Silverstein,
was
> accused of unprofessional management of the late Justice Zaccheus
> Chesoni before his death but the board acquitted him on a majority
> vote on the three counts in that has raised murmurs in professional
> circles. Cardiologist Dr Silverstein is their common physician.
>
> But Njonjo does not just handle only the mundane things of the
> establishment. The former powerful attorney-general seems to be
> regaining his status as the eminence grise of the establishment and
> Moi's new-found emissary to the Kikuyu who long rejected his rule,
> after the failed and expensive experiment with the Central Province
> Development support Group. Moi's retirement insurance seems to lie
in
> getting the Kikuyu on his side. Njonjo is married to Margaret
Bryson,
> the daughter of Moi's former mission teacher, and is effectively
> godfather to his sixth child, Gideon, according to Andrew Morton's
> book, Moi: The Making of an African Statesman.
>
> His resurgent influence is written all over the system, especially
> the appointment of his friend, Dr Richard Leakey to head the Civil
> Service and his own elevation to chair the Lands Commission, whose
> unstated mission is to fix the political land question in Kenya. In
> terms of the succession, Njonjo is Moi's answer to the management
of
> intricate transition the way he managed his rise to power in 1978.
>
> Moi has good company in Njonjo, the tired generation that is the
> product of Westminster connections, grooming or schooling. What Moi
> cannot fathom, Njonjo may well decipher from the British in
knitting
> the tempestuous transition. Or that failing, Leakey may well be the
> linchpin.
>
>
> 7. Richard Leakey
>
> Dr Leakey is considered the strategic link for maintaining western
> and donor confidence in the government although there is unease
among
> Moi's inner core of his being deep at the centre of government.
From
> thence, does he also derive his indispensability - invincibility if
> you like it - although barring Moi himself, nobody's exit , really,
> is too costly for this government. But Leakey has proved that he is
> no insufferable fool and has moored his ship deep in diplomatic
ears,
> which is his insurance if at all.
>
> Moi found him useful in panel beating his dented reputation in the
> eyes of Western governments, which regard him as an autocratic
ruler
> and violator of human rights. As long as Moi wants to appeal to the
> international audience, Leakey is an invaluable card he has on his
> side. Twice jilted, he has learnt to keep his connections intact
> while he deals for the government. Having brought him on, Moi might
> be constrained to keep him in the transitional arrangements as his
> valve. It is worth noting, however, that the American column is not
> particularly enthusiastic about Leakey, whom they consider more of
a
> protégé of the British than their ally.
>
> President Moi's appointment of Dr Richard Leakey to head the civil
> service cabinet has been derided by cynics as Moi's ultimate resort
> to colonial patronage that he has openly shown resentment towards
but
> for which he owes his career. Whatever the case, the eldest son of
> Louis and Mary Leakey is currently the name to drop if you want
> things to move. Since his arrival at Harambee House on 23 July 1999
> Leakey has brought a whiff of fresh air into the civil service. If
> anything, his continued stay has confirmed the undercurrents
sweeping
> Kenya's politics - a combination of vicious local Mafia and
> international capitalist mandarins.
>
> Leakey's modest schooling has been a source of much cynicism,
> although it is obvious he is an achiever even to the most cynical
> observers. Leakey has done a good deal of research which has more
> than compensated for his shallow CV. He is pragmatic and impatient.
> He divorced his wife Margaret in a huff and lost the case for
> retention of children. In 1994, he quit the directorship of the
Kenya
> Wild Life Service (KWS), citing official frustration, and plunged
> into the minefield that is Kenya's opposition politics. As the
> secretary general of the then popular Safina party, he cut an image
> of a fierce, if bitter, anti-establishment figure, only to accept
> back his former job at the KWS soon after the 1997 general
elections.
>
> He was born in Kenya in 1945, studied at Nairobi Primary and Lenana
> High School and Wooster and Rockford colleges in U.K before turning
> fully into palaeontological and archaeological research under the
> tutelage of his father and later on his own. He was awarded two
> honorary doctorates in 1978 and 1983 although his critics accuse
him
> of undeserving credit. He has broad international professional and
> philanthropic connections.
>
> His reform initiatives have been criticised as an attempt to
> Leakeynise the civil service by planting his friends all over the
> place. It has even been suggested that Leakey has an eye on power,
> which must grate in the ears of some people.
>
>
> 8. Daudi Tonje
>
> The current chief of staff of the armed forces is an acknowledged
> professional soldier. But his meteoric promotion to the top of the
> armed forces is attributable to his ethnicity, too. Born in Baringo
> in 1941, Gen. Tonje is related to Moi through his wife. He rose
from
> commandant of the Lanet Armed Forces College, (1980) to the first
> Commandant of the Defence Staff College, Karen, (1984-86) to Deputy
> Army commander ( 1986 -90), Army Commander (8 months), Deputy Chief
> of Staff (1994-96). He was appointed chief of staff in November
1996.
>
> Tonje was educated at Kabarnet and Chewoyet high schools before
> joining the Kings African Rifles as a cadet in 1962. His
> sophistication arises from the military training he has undergone,
> from among others, the prestigious Sandhurst Military Academy in
> Britain (1962-63), the Staff College, Canada (1970-71)and Higher
> School of War, India (1982). He was a captain commander of an
> artillery unit in 1978 when Moi took over. Two months later, in
> November 1978, Moi made him a Brigadier and commander of the Armed
> Forces Training College, Lanet. Tonje, was one of the soldiers who
> suppressed the 1982 military coup by the Kenya Airforce and was
> involved in the court martial of the soldiers at Lang'ata. He is
> perhaps the most enlightened of the four chiefs of staff so far
since
> Kenya achieved independence.
>
> Since his appointment, Tonje has tried to modernise the army by
> introducing new curricula in the training of senior officers,
moving
> away from the first generation of independence soldiers with little
> education. His urbane posture has not, however, endeared him to the
> corrupt coterie around Moi, and he is regarded as a generally
honest
> man in the company of schemers. In fact, one of his troubles with
the
> forces surrounding Moi is that he appears relatively clean and
> innocent when in the midst of people who stink with dirt. His purge
> to reduce the civilian service within the armed forces, and
clampdown
> on the army as a commercial avenue for unscrupulous politicians
> through illegal procurement and delivery systems incensed many
> powers. Just as his reformation of the army, creating two divisions
> under two commanders has not gone down well with his detractors,
who
> see him as having ruffled the otherwise calm army.
>
> But perhaps the most fatal one was his policy to allow junior
> officers in the army to reside outside the military barracks and
take
> allowances. The decision alarmed the Commander-In-Chief, President
> Moi, who wanted it reversed, leading to the threats of mutiny by
> disaffected soldiers in December. Angry at that "dangerous"
decision,
> Moi demanded that the soldiers be returned to the camps, a process
> which has been painful and costly to the economy.
>
> Although it is obvious Tonje is on his way out and the heir has
been
> identified(see below), he remains a crucial man of the
establishment
> by virtue of his political and military connection. He is still the
> chairman (since 1997) of the Kenya Ordnance Factory Corporation
> popularly known as the Eldoret Ammunitions Factory whose
construction
> and ownership is both dogged by controversy and shrouded in
mystery.
> The factory, located inside the 9th Kenya Rifles and training
school,
> was constructed by the Belgian arms firm, Fabrique Nationale
Herstal,
> with the guarantee of the Kenya government. The Belgian company has
> since been bought by Giat Industries of France.
>
> The Belgians have since pulled out of the company whose board
> comprises key retired and serving military personnel, including the
> previous two army commanders and presidential confidants, Lt. Gen.
> Augustine Cheruiyot and Lt. Gen. J. Lenges.
>
>
> 9. Zakayo Cheruiyot
>
> Every seat has its powers and Zakayo Cheruiyot's are plenty. The
> permanent secretary in the Office of the President in charge of
> Internal Security has understudied the wielders of the buttons that
> control the entire security network as well as the executive branch
> of government. Previously a personal assistant to the former
powerful
> provincial commissioner, Hezekiah Oyugi, the urbane Cheruiyot has
> followed suit in his footsteps to the office of the President where
> he served as undersecretary in the directorate of personnel. The
1978
> graduate of the University of Nairobi is the youngest powerful
person
> in the civil service chain after the head of the civil service. He
> presides over the powerful provincial administration and directly
> monitors security countrywide.
>
> Although younger than all his peers in the corridors of power,
> Cheruiyot has become increasingly visible as a power-broker to
reckon
> with in the past two years. He is more sophisticated and modern,
but
> still cannot steer clear of petty ethnic politics in his Kipsigis
> home land. His name has featured prominently in the current
political
> tussle between ministers Kipkalya Kones and Isaac Ruto. As the man
> who has the levers to the Provincial administration, he can
instruct
> Police to interrupt, stop or allow a rally to progress. He displays
> flashes of political ambition. Because of his key portfolio, he
> enjoys proximity to the President and is in the inner circle of
> things. Perhaps his interest would be in seeing how to maintain his
> spiral of influence going up by pulling strategic moves that expose
> or dispose some in the succession scheme.
>
>
> 10. George Saitoti
>
> Born George Kinuthia Kiarie, the current Vice-President has never
> been highly regarded by many observers for the simple reason that
he
> is not a man of his own. His adopted Maasai parents migrated from
> Gikambura in Limuru, Kiambu District in 1930s to settle in Kajiado
> near Ngong Town where he was born, and acquired his nickname,
> Saitoti, from his playmates. But Saitoti adopted it to enable him
go
> to high school during the emergency period when a Kikuyu living in
a
> closed district such as Kajiado was then, would have had a rough
time
> from the colonial education authorities. The fact that Saitoti has
> not publicly acknowledged this background and his Kikuyu ethnicity
> has tended to expose him as a sham even politically.
>
> Saitoti's admirable academic profile does not equal his political
> resume. From Mangu High School he joined Brandies University in
U.S.A
> where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (mathematics) in1967
> before moving to Sussex University in the UK where he obtained his
> Masters. He got his Ph.D. from Warwick University in the UK before
> retiring to Kenya to teach at the University of Nairobi where he
rose
> through the ranks to senior lecturer and finally professorship and
> chairman of the department of mathematics at Chiromo Campus in
1978.
> From then on, he was a appointed to multiple directorships in
public
> bodies and organisations until his nomination to parliament in
1983.
> H
Dr Matunda Nyanchama
You are right in all you say. There is more that could be said, including
the decline in life expectancy and school enrolment; the rise of crime and
entrenchment of corruption; the disregard of systematic planning based on
sound knowledge and the rise of "matatu" culture in the governing of the
nation.
My concern and that of the organization I lead, the Kenyan Community Abroad
(KCA), www.kenyansabroad.org, is that we Kenyans have talked about these
things for more than 15 years and have watched the decline come with little
more than complaining. What is missing is necessary action that will change
the order of things.
Moi and co are NOT interested in change as this change directly threatens
their hold on power and their continued exploitation of the country. And
anyone who though that change will happen under Moi had rather forget it!
There is a need to create a front targeted at bringing fundamental change in
the country. This front would target Kenyans of all shades of life, plan and
execute action intended at real change.
That this has not happened is because of lack of leadership because, as Hon
Orengo remarked a while back, the old order is dead, the new has yet to be
born.
Kenyans are calling for a Moses!
Matunda Nyanchama
"chifu2222" <chif...@aol.com> wrote in message
news:20010331204825...@ng-mb1.aol.com...