Criminal Salim Samad is at it again
Tarek Ali
Two foreign journalists, Zaiba Naz Malik and Lio Poldo Bruno
Sorentino, both working for a British television company, were
detained by the immigration officials at Benapole land port in Jessore
while trying to cross the border to India.
They were shown arrested in a case filed with Motijheel Police Station
in Dhaka for carrying out anti-Bangladesh activities clandestinely.
They were escorted to Dhaka in the evening,
According reports from our correspondent in Jessore, police seized a
video camera, video films and some "propaganda materials" against the
alliance government.
Zaiba Naz(33), a British woman of Pakistani origin (passport no
1002147) and Sorrentino(35) carrying an Italian passport (no 159384)
came to Bangladesh on November 6 as tourists. Their profession was
mentioned as "teacher".
According to police, both the foreigners were engaged in making video
films, collecting anti-government propaganda materials and
interviewing opposition leaders and members of the minority
communities during their stay in Bangladesh.
It is learnt that, in September last, they applied for visa at the
Bangladesh High Commission in London to visit Bangladesh with the
purpose of making a film titled "unreported world" focusing ethnic and
communal issues.
According to foreign office sources, the couple submitted a
recommendation letter from the Mentor Television Corporation in London
stating the purpose of their visit: making video reports for Channel
4, an allied TV channel of the BBC.
They mentioned the name of a Bangladesh journalist Saleem Samad as
their contact person here. Motijheel police confirmed that Salem Samad
was also implicated in the case.
When contacted over telephone, Salem Samad said that he came in
contact with the couple in Dhaka and worked as their guide since
November 17. He accompanied them from Dhaka to Chittagong and left
them after a couple of days.
UNB adds: Another woman identified as Pricila Raj (31) was taken into
custody from Goalando in Rajbari. She was returning to Dhaka after
reaching Zaiba and Lio to Benapole border point.
Police seized 10 video cassettes and US dollar 300 from Pricila, a
resident of Sukrabad in Dhaka.
Benapole police said a joint team of intelligence agencies
interrogating them ascertained that the couple was engaged in
anti-Bangladesh activities.
They admitted their contacts with certain opposition political
leaders. During their stay in Bangladesh they visited different parts
of the country and gathered information and photographs of so-called
repression on minority.
The couple told the interrogators that one of their Indian colleagues
crossed the Benapole border four days ago with ‘valuable
documents’.
An intelligence officer said they were closely following the two
foreign nationals for the last few days. They were staying in Hotel
Sheraton on Sunday night.
Meanwhile, a sedition case was filed with Motijheel thana against 4
persons, including the arrested three. The fourth accused is Selim
Samad, a freelance journalist of Dhaka.
Dhaka Metropolitan Police Commissioner Abdul Quaiyum told UNB that
preliminary investigation revealed that the foreign nationals visited
Bangladesh as part of vilifying campaign against the country. (The
Independent)
Tarek Ali
Their motive was to harm Bangladesh's image: DB
Staff Correspondent (Daily Star)
The two foreign journalists and their local guide arrested on charge
of sedition on Monday were remanded yesterday for five days each for
questioning.
Italian Led Poldo Brono Sorrentino and British Zaiba Naz Malik of the
British Channel 4 TV network were held as they were about to cross
over to India through the Benapole border at about 2:30pm Monday.
Their local guide Moniza Pricilla Raj was arrested in Rajbari while
she was returning from Benapole after seeing off the journalists.
The two journalists told the Benapole police that they were teachers
and were travelling on tourist visas. All the three were extensively
interrogated before they were brought to the capital early yesterday
morning.
Police also seized from the journalists passports, a video camera, 10
videocassettes and some other documents. Police kept them at the
Detective Branch (DB) headquarters at Minto Road in the city before
producing them before the Chief Metropolitan Magistrate's (CMM) Court,
Dhaka at about 1:30pm.
Additional police forces were deployed at the court premises from
early morning to avoid any untoward incident. Tight security was there
at the courtroom during the hearing.
Police prayed to the court for a 10-day remand for each of them. DB
inspector Mizanur Rahman told the court that the two journalists had
flown in at Zia International Airport (ZIA) on November 6 concealing
their professions and real identities.
"They showed fake ID cards to the immigration officials on arrival at
ZIA. They interviewed and took video footage of one Habibur Rahman at
the North Gate of Baitul Mokarram on November 15," he further
informed.
Before leaving Dhaka for Chittagong, Rahman continued, the two
journalists also recorded statements of several people and took
footages of the Baitul Mokarram National Mosque.
They also gathered information about the mosques and madrassahs in
Dhaka.
The DB inspector further informed the court that Sorrentino and Zaiba
Malik left Dhaka for Chittagong on November 18 and stayed at Faisal
Hotel. During their stay, they went to the residence of slain college
principal Gopal Krishna Muhuri, talked to his family members and
relatives, and recorded their statements. They also exchanged views
with a Chittagong correspondent of the Daily Janakantha.
He said, "The two journalists and their local guide also visited Cox's
Bazar, Kutubkhali of Ukhia and Manikchhari of Khagrachhari and
collected various information."
"They also met some religious devotees of the areas and recorded their
information tactfully. Their motive was to give a distorted image of
the present political, social and religious situation of Bangladesh
and to portray the religious devotees as fundamentalists like the
Taliban and Al-Qaida to the foreign media."
The DB inspector added that the local guide Moniza Pricilla Raj worked
as an interpreter for the foreign journalists and helped them gather
all the information. The arrival and activities of the two journalists
were mysterious, he also said.
Defence counsels Barrister Rokon Uddin Mahmud and advocate Khondakar
Abdul Mannan submitted two separate petitions seeking bail and
cancellation of the remand prayer of the police for the three
arrestees.
They submitted another petition seeking relevant documents of the case
and asking for allowing the arrestees to sign the Vokalatnama. The
counsels alleged that police did not allow them to see the First
Information Report and the forwarding report of the case. "Even police
did not allow us to take signature of the arrestees on the
Vokalatnama," Barrister Mahmud said.
The defence lawyers also stated that the foreign journalists came to
the country as tourists and they had no evil motive. "They came here
to visit various historical places. The prosecution did not produce
documents showing reasons for their arrest," Barrister Mahmud added.
He further said some officials of British and Italian embassies came
to the court to see their nationals which means that the journalists
are not involved in any such evil design. He also said Pricilla is a
local NGO activist and she worked for the two journalists on a daily
basis.
British-born Zaiba Naz Malik told the court that they never went to
the residence of slain college principal Muhuri. "We came to know
about him through newspapers," she added.
When the defence lawyers prayed to the court to grant the arrestees
bail and set aside the remand prayer of the police, Court Inspector
Abdus Sobhan opposed both. He argued that the arrestees were involved
in anti-state activities and trying to project Bangladesh as a Taliban
state.
On hearing both sides, Magistrate Khankadar Atiar Rahman rejected the
bail petition and placed the each of three on a five-day remand. The
magistrate also directed the police to allow the defence lawyers to
see the FIR and forwarding reports, and provide them with all the
documents.
Sources said the three were being questioned at the DB headquarters.
Police yesterday sent letters to British and Italian missions in Dhaka
to know their true identity.
Talking to the journalists, Italian Sorrentino said, "We are innocent.
We are freelance journalists. We are not even allowed to talk to our
consulate. This is totally wrong and a violation of international
norms."
Zaiba Malik urged the journalists to inform her consulate office in
Dhaka. "Please inform our consulate offices, the British and Italian
embassies. We are being denied of legal aid."
Pricilla said she worked as interpreter for them only for two days.
Replying to a question, she said, "I do not know why they hid their
identities. The court will determine what wrongdoing they did. But
what wrongdoing have I done?"
Earlier on Monday, one Didarul Islam of North Airport Road in the city
filed a sedition case against four persons including the two foreign
journalists and their local guide with the Motijheel Police Station.
The other accused is Saleem Samad, a freelance journalist and country
representative of the Reporters sans Frontiers (RSF). Saleem is
absconding.
When reached over telephone last night, Saleem told The Daily Star
that he was implicated in the case as part of a conspiracy. "The
rightist group in the ruling party has been conspiring against me for
long since I am the country representative of the Reporters sans
Frontiers (RSF) and is highlighting the rights of local journalists
through my writings."
"Disturbed by my activities, the rightist group is trying to portray
me to the government as an anti-state agent," he alleged.
Our Khulna correspondent reported that two local journalists
representing two Dhaka-based Bangla national dailies accompanied the
two foreign journalists in Khulna.
Sources said the two foreign journalists visited the Bagerhat
district, gathered information and took photographs of the members of
the religious minority.
A Channel 4 spokesperson told Reuters in London yesterday that Malik
was a producer/reporter and Sorrentino a director/cameraman and that
both were experienced journalists.
"We are very concerned about the situation," the spokesman said.
tare...@MailAndNews.com (Tarek Ali) wrote in message news:<94830f9.02112...@posting.google.com>...
Tarek Ali
Residence of Salim Samad raided
Detective police raided the residence of Salim Samad at Pallabi on
Wednesday evening in search of the journalist for his alleged link
with the two arrested foreign freelancers, says UNB.
He was not at home when the plainclothes police cops made the raid,
but they interrogated his mother and family members about him.
Meanwhile, the two foreign journalists who entered into the country
disguised as teacher and architect passed their first day of 5-day
remand under the detective branch of police.
The detectives interrogated them on a lot of issues, including how
they hid their real identities for activities in Bangladesh.
They also wrote their professions as teacher and architect in filling
in embarkation cards at the Zia International Airport on November 6.
The investigators also examined their documents, including videotapes
and cassettes especially on minority situation.
Police also interrogated Prisila Raj, an NGO activist who worked as an
aide of the foreigners during their movements in the country.
"Their motives were not good as they entered into the country
concealing their identities," said one police official.
Police sources said that they would also examine all recorded versions
taped by the foreigners on alleged "repression on minorities".
Zeba Naz Malik, 32, a British national with Pakistani origin, and Lio
Poldo 38, an Italian, Priscila Raj, freelance NGO consultant, and her
driver Meser Ali were held on Monday on charges of seditious
activities.
Statement of driver recorded
BSS report adds: The Chief Metropolitan Magistrate (CMM) court on
Wednesday recorded the judicial statement of Meser Ali, the rent-a-car
driver who carried the two arrested foreigners from Dhaka to Benapole
border on November 25, as witness to the case registered against them.
Meser Ali was arrested along with Ms Monija alias Prisila Naz,
identified as interpreter of the two arrested foreigners, from
Goalundo in Rajbari district also on November 25 while British
natioanl Ms Zaiba Naz Malik and Italian born Leopoldo Bruno
Sorrentino, who visited Bangladesh as teachers, were arrested from
Benapole border.
Detective Branch (DB) produced the driver Meser Ali before the court
of Abdul Haq in Dhaka at about 11am and released him after taking his
judicial statement.
Another CMM court in Dhaka sent Ms Zaiba Naz Malik, Leopoldo Bruno
Sorrentino and Ms Prisila Naz who were arrested on charges of anti-
state activities, on five-day remand yesterday.
In his statement before the court, Meser Ali said he was hired after
maghreb prayer on November 23 and started journey from 9/A Dhanmondi
residence for Satkhira. They reached Satkhira at about 2.30 am.
He said the two foreign nationals and their guide stayed at Hotel
Samrat in the Satkhira district headquarter, where they held meetings
with two local journalists of daily Prathom Alo and daily Manob Zamin
next morning.
Later, they visited the residence of one slain UP member's residence
at Tala upazilla in Satkhira district where they talked to the UP
member's wife and recorded her statement. He said UP member was killed
a few months back over a dispute about a local mosque there.
After recording the statement of UP member's wife at Tala, he (Meser)
said they returned to district headquarter in the afternoon and
visited a place named 'Gol Pukurer Mela' where a bomb exploded a few
months back. They talked to the local people there and they had taken
their photographs on the spot before recording verbal statement of
some people from there.
Later, they went to another residence with Dilip, district
correspondent of the daily Manab Zamin, in the town.
On the same night, they went to Jessore where they stayed in a rest
house of a local NGO adjacent to the Police Line there.
On the next day (November 25), he stated that they started for Dhaka
after dropping the two foreigners at Benapole border. Police arrested
him (driver) and Monija alias Prisila Naz, the guide of the two
arrested foreigners from Goalundo in Rajbari district.
Ms Zaiba Naz Malik and Leopoldo Bruno Sorrentino, who visited
Bangladesh as teachers, were arrested on November 25 while they were
crossing over to India through Benapole border with anti-state
propaganda materials.
Police recovered some anti-Bangladesh propaganda materials and a
number of videocassettes from them.
tare...@MailAndNews.com (Tarek Ali) wrote in message news:<94830f9.02112...@posting.google.com>...
Alok Dishari
From: Baa...@baperbari.where-else (Baajan)
Newsgroups:
soc.culture.bangladesh,soc.culture.pakistan,soc.culture.indian
Subject: Re: Saleem Samad: An Identified RAW journalist
Date: Sun, 18 Aug 2002 12:37:00 GMT
Spooky Stench’: Light a Matchstick or two!
by Maqsoodul Haque (Mac)
Response to: "Musharraf Chasing Terrorists In Chittagong" of 29th July
2002 in www.tehelka.com.
http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2002/july/29/ca072902mush.htm
It is always a ‘treat’ to have pieces like this one from Mr. Saleem
Samad or his fellow ‘co-scoopist’ Mr. Subhir Bhowmick, for they
have this amazing knack of weaving facts, fiction and fabrications
which, combined, makes for excellent ‘toilet reading’ or is it ‘toilet
necessity’?
For those with dreadful constipation these stories works as a miracle
drug as it scares readers to a state of ‘defecating in fear’ - the
stench, no ‘minor aberration’! However, for those of us not afflicted
with the cruel bowel malady or are ‘not so very scared’ this is a
chance to ‘light a matchstick or two’?
Readers, it works!
If any of you have had the misfortune of an access to ‘heavily
overused’ public or private toilets in Bangladesh and are ‘force
majeure’ compelled to SIT (or crouch) on the ‘throne’ immediately
after somebody has ‘eased’ him or herself OUT - try burning a
matchstick or two, and blow them OFF right away. Relief to the
‘senses’ is guaranteed, and I stake my reputation or the lack of
it to this claim. Even in the inadvertent situation when one ‘breaks
wind’ in public, the result is just as effective. Let me know!
Despite knowledge of such ‘native miracles’, we Bangladeshi have an
obsession for anything ‘foreign’ and it has all to do with our rather
long colonial legacy. While our generation might not have tasted this,
it remains nonetheless, firmly ingrained in our psyche. Therefore, our
‘first port of call’ on Mr.Samad’s ‘story’ is the TIME report of
Al-Qaeda fighters and Taliban being shipped into Chittagong port from
Karachi.
Guidance -- it has to be ‘an American news magazine’ to give Mr.Samad
this very important ‘chin up’ to lunge into his fairy tales, for
benefit of readers in yet another very important ‘foreign (read
Indian) website’: www.tehelka.com
Let ‘s ask ourselves?
Are reports in TIME sacrosanct? Mistakes can happen and do happen -
whether willingly or unwillingly is quite another matter. However,
there seems to be some cohesiveness in the TIME report and Mr.Samad’s
hallucinatory fairytale, especially in the use of the word ‘source’
that he often conjures at a drop of the proverbial hat. It was of
course nameless, affiliation-less ‘Bangladesh intelligence sources ’
that neither TIME nor Mr.Samad will ever reveal and came up with this
very ridiculous claim. That is well within the domain of what is
termed ‘journalistic prerogative’, or so we think. Hang loose!
But what about common sense?
Anybody with the most basic knowledge of the workings of transport
industry’s (I was in it for 15 long years) know for a fact that the
romantic notion of ‘stowaways’ in ships is now history. Any
International transport company, whether aviation or shipping, has to
produce a mandatory ‘manifest’ of its cargo, human or otherwise, to
the authorities at every port of call. Therefore, to assume that ‘a
Saudi-owned vessel smuggled 150 Al-Qaeda and Taliban out of
Karachi to the Bangladeshi port of Chittagong’ is nothing but a
‘seaway heist’ on our cumulative imagination.
With computerized reservation and tracking systems in place worldwide
it is now, not only possible to let the public at large know about the
contents of the cargo of a vessel, but exactly when, where, why and
how and importantly to whom, consignments were discharged at any given
time and this can be done on a minute by minute basis anywhere in the
world, including SURPRISE Bangladesh. Any takers?
There are, of course, individual stowaways and sometimes ship full of
refugees, heading out to freedom. Most of the time they are caught and
that makes news. To imagine that 150 Al-Qaeda fighters on a US hot
pursuit were in one ship and ‘got away’ is really pushing it a bit too
far. Also with the high US vigil at all seaports in November of last
year, it is very unlikely that such a thing could happen and therefore
this ‘great scoop’ falls flat on its face.
If Mr.Samad believes in the authenticity of the TIME reports, I
challenge him to let me only have the name of the Saudi vessel, and
the date of its call in Chittagong port, and I will make sure he has
the right answers. Also in his overheated narco-fantasia, it seems his
geographical sense has also taken a pathetic yet convenient leave.
Imagine a Saudi ship, all the way from Karachi to Chittagong, by sea
lapping the entire length of India’s coastline and slipping away
without the knowledge of the Indian authorities, is anything but
hogwash.
But what is of concern is the manner Mr.Samad, taking a queue from the
TIME report and without a breather, rambles on in the next paragraph:
"Diplomatic and official sources said that questioned by Pakistan
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) at several interrogation centres,
the Bangla-speaking mercenaries disclosed that they were recruited and
trained by fanatic Islamic organizations at 17 camps in Chittagong
and Cox's Bazar, at the southern tip of Bangladesh."
This is a highly misleading stunt, because anybody reading the
www.tehelka.com report and not the one from TIME will be led to
believe that the above is only a continuation of the TIME report?
Time to light the first matchstick!
To view the full TIME report click:
http://www.time.com/time/asia/magazine/article/0,13673,501020729-322672,00.html
to find out for yourself:
TIME reports:
"According to diplomats, a few al-Qaeda fugitives may have been given
money and transport to get out of Pakistan by sympathetic staff at
an Arab consulate in Karachi. Bangladeshi intelligence sources say
that in the same month, a Saudi-owned vessel smuggled 150 al-Qaeda and
Taliban out of Karachi to the Bangladeshi port of Chittagong"
Please note the words ‘may have been given money’, preceding the
sentence, only confirms that TIME was merely being speculative and the
next sentence of ‘Bangladesh intelligence sources’ was only its
continuation. There was nothing in the TIME report on ‘Bangla-speaking
mercenaries’ and this ISI ‘speak all’ information that Mr.Samad weaves
so intrinsically is only to garner validity to the recent propaganda
in the Indian media that www.tehelka.com is an ISI not a RAW outfit..
‘Blowing the cover’ in intelligence parlance was Mr.Abdul Ghaffar
Chowhury’s article on these exact same lines in the Dhaka Bengalee
Daily Protham Alo on the 2nd of August 2002 making it a signed,
sealed, and delivered case that Mr.Samad’s ‘sensational scoop’ was
nothing short of a ‘RAW feed’ that wished public opinions in
Bangladesh ‘the way to be guided’ - prior or post the Musharraf visit
to Bangladesh.
Now on to our second ‘port of call’ - the case of ‘jihadi camps’ in
Chittagong.
Who on earth are the ‘diplomats’ that Mr.Samad seems to quote - if not
INDIAN diplomats? These stories of ‘clandestine camps’ are well known
to him for in his career as an ‘eminent’ journalist, he had managed to
infiltrate behind the lines (albeit the other way around), enter, stay
over night, photograph, and interview RAW backed Shanti Bahini
guerilla’s in their camps in the Indian side of Chittagong Hill Tracts
when very few people could. 17 ‘jihadi camps’ in comparison within the
territory of Bangladesh should be a piece of cake!
With this great talent at ‘sniffing out’ clandestine activities, why
is it that, despite the repeated propaganda about such so-called camps
circulating for as long as our memory can serve us, {even during the
long Awami League tenure, when the Government of the day was part of
the propaganda chorus), has Mr.Samad failed to do a ‘Shanti Bahini’
out of ‘ Al Qaeda jihadis’? The answer to that is - they do not exist,
period.
If the ‘jihadis’ at all exist in the territory of Bangladesh, it is
within the hallowed precinct of the Indian High Commission in the
bulging ’disinformation files’ of Mr. Mathur, the Dhaka station chief
of the RAW, whose selective contents - Mr.Samad has been
‘commissioned’ to disseminate.
Time to burn the second matchstick. Ummmmmhmmmmhn!
Mr. Samad refers to ‘contemporary history’ to further elucidate his
point on the existence of ‘jihadis’ when he says:
"After several plots by the hard-line Islamic fanatics were unearthed
to assassinate former prime minister "Shiekh Hasina, the security was
further tightened. The parliament last year passed a bill to provide
elite bodyguards, Special Service Force (SSF), to protect Hasina even
she is voted out of the government."
(Typos are Saleem Samad’s not mine!)
But is that the truth?
Sheikh Hasina’s paranoia on security had more to do with her hunger to
hang on to power and reduce Bangladesh to an Indian backed ‘dynastic
fiefdom’ - something her father had attempted and had to pay a price
with his life back in 1975. That story of an attempt on her life in
Kotalipara, Gopalgunj by a time bomb, turned out to be a dud and the
well-woven ‘conspiracy theory’, fizzled out in due course. To give a
‘foreign nod’ to my above contention - a FBI team that came to
investigate the incident left Dhaka without making any comments.
No one has tried to find out why - not even Mr.Samad.
What Mr. Samad very sinisterly, has tried to conjure up this instance
is nothing more than a by now hackneyed attempt, to once again vilify
Bangladesh, assuming that each and every of its citizen has somehow
slipped back to collective mass amnesia.
Irrespective of whose interest he serves and his ‘Ashoka fellowship’
on counter intelligence in India notwithstanding- I do hope that Mr.
Samad is a patriot. Without sounding unpatriotic on my part, I for one
will not dispel the fact that Bangladesh militants had ‘not gone’ to
fight for Al Qaeda in Afghanistan or to Kargil, and Chechnya. Yes they
have and they will continue to do so as it was none else but the
Americans who, back in the eighties, helped preach the sermon of
‘obligation of Muslims’ to volunteer for any ‘jihad’ call.
There is yet another reason. Contrary to popular misconceptions,
Bengalees are a martial race, and in the eighties, in the ‘US backed
jihad’ in Afghanistan against the Soviets, thousands of Bangladeshis
perished without a trace, as they did in the Israeli siege of Beirut
when they fought shoulder to shoulder with the PLO. Back then despite
their Islamic identity, the world snapped its finger and tapped its
feet and considered them ‘heroes’ even when they fought under Usama
Bin Laden.
Today they are ‘necessary villains because again it is the Americans
that wants us to believe that way. Fair enough, beggars may not be
choosers we have no choice. Lest we forget in 1971 our Mukti Bahini
guerillas were also ‘miscreant terrorist’ in the US/Pakistan schemes
of things.
The information’s provided by Mr. Samad is nothing new nor authentic,
but to espouse propaganda fed by ‘intelligence’, ’diplomatic’, or
‘informed sources’ that Bangladesh has somehow become the training and
breeding ground for ‘global jihadis’, and that a blueprint for Pan
Islamism is being designed here, is not only untenable but outright
treachery. Toeing that line for any Bangladesh citizen means that the
ultimate price has to be paid is by none else but its fellow citizens
already condemned to being amongst the poorest in the world.
What is hurtful is when apparently responsible citizens of Bangladesh
get involved in pre-emptive propaganda exercises for one or the other
side never ever thinking once for the interest of Bangladesh. They
have all the time to ‘inform the world’ through a notorious Indian
intelligence website the existence of ‘jihadis’ out to make massacre
when they themselves could become part of a slaughter. Can Mr. Samad
furnish proof that he has informed the authorities in Bangladesh the
privileged information’s he seems to habitually receive? No he has not
- because the interest of his sponsors will not be served by his so
doing.
On the so called ‘jihadi camps’, just a few months back the Bangladesh
Foreign Minister not only vehemently denied their existence he
volunteered to provide helicopters to help locate them! I guess for
responsible journalist, suffering from ‘fear psychosis’ of the Saleem
Samad variety this is an opportunity that could be well seized upon
and one up for grabs even as I close this piece.
Should Mr. Samad consider a helicopter trip for a ‘jihadi camp
sighting’ mission at GoB expense, I would very much like to hop in
to the seat next to hi. I have never flown a whirly bird!
********************
‘Fasten your seatbelts Ladies and Gentlemen don’t burn
matchsticks and remember there are no toilets in this helicopter'!!
‘That smell Mr.Samad...... must be the ‘jihadi’ pilot"?
Maqsoodul Haque (Mac) 44, is a radical columnist and a
jazz musician based in Dhaka, Bangladesh.
Dhaka 5th of August, 2002
Comments: jazzban...@hotmail.com
On Fri, 12 Apr 2002 13:13:40 GMT, shakil...@email.com (Shakil
Sarwar) wrote:
>On 10 Apr 2002 15:20:01 -0700, asif_h...@hotmail.com (Asif Hasan)
>wrote:
>>Read an article of this "Ashoka fellow" Salim Samad:
>>http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex/ssamad_Bangaldesh.html
>
>For the convenience of the readers (Does the title of the article ring
>a bell about chanakya dream of akhand bharat aka ram rajya?):
>
>State of Minorities in Bangladesh:
>From Secular to Islamic Hegemony
>by Saleem Samad*
>
>THRICE-PARTIONED:
>
>Bangladesh or East Bengal is a historical reality. In 1971 it has been
>curved out of political boundaries of what was East Pakistan after a
>bloody civil war by the nationalists, and of course the secular
>forces. The reign of terror unleashed in 1971, and the consequent
>persecution of the Bangalee masses in the name of defending Islam and
>the Islamic bond between the two provinces of Pakistan had already
>made the future of Islam as a basis of state-policy uncertain in the
>new state brought into being by the secular forces in the teeth of the
>fiercest opposition by the obscurantist elements. (Husain, 1997, pp.
>83)
>
>The first partition of Bengal took place in 1905 under British rule
>and resulted in the amalgamation of East Bengal and Assam into a
>separate Muslim-dominated province. It was justified by the imperial
>powers on grounds of both administrative convenience and the separate
>interests of Bengal's Muslim from those of its Hindus, but it has
>also been interpreted as another example of British divide-and-rule
>tactics in India. The British scholars and historians, and those
>trained by them divided the ancient history of Indian sub-continent
>into Buddhist era, Hindu era and Muslim era. It was opposed by a
>combination of high-caste Bengali Hindus whose landed interests in
>East Bengal were directly undermined by the partition as well as of a
>common Bangla language. literature, history, tradition and way of life
>(Kabeer, 1997, pp. 59).
>
>Historically Bengal spearheaded racial politics, which ultimately led
>to birth of Pakistan. Muslim League was born in early 20th century at
>Dhaka, leaders from Bengal proposed the controversial two nations
>theory, separate homeland for Indian Muslims. All India Muslim League
>adopted the Lahore Resolution, 1940 that the Muslims are majority in
>the "North-Western and Eastern Zones of India should be grouped to
>constitute independent states" shall be "autonomous and sovereign"
>(Hashim, 1974, pp. 169). Instead only one Muslim nation was born as a
>conspiracy of the British imperialist. Pakistan, born in 1947 from the
>concept of the leaders from Bengal tore the Bangalee communities
>apart.
>
>Throughout their rule, the British consciously exploited Hindu-Muslim
>antagonisms in a divide-and-rule strategy. At first the British
>favoured the Hindus, distrusting the Muslim from whom they had seized
>the power (Hartmann & Boyce, 1983, pp. 15). But the nationalism took
>hold among the Hindu middle classes in the late 19th Century, the
>British tried to win the support of well-to-do Muslims by offering
>them more government jobs and educational opportunities. This strategy
>culminated in the 1905 Partition of Bengal, creating the new
>predominantly Muslim province of East Bengal with Dhaka as its
>Capital. The partition exacerbated Hindu - Muslim tension, and,
>although revoked six years later, it foreshadowed events to come
>(Hartmann & Boyce, 1983, pp. 15).
>
>Racial conflicts beginning in the twentieth century have become a
>reality in the region for the last fifty years of British colonialist.
>Since politics came to be increasingly dominated by communal issues,
>there was hostility and ultimately violence. Since the countries were
>to be dominated on the basis of demographic supremacy of one
>nation or another, the people fearing hostility started to migrate
>(Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 213).
>
>The mass racial-migration by the Urdu and Bangla speaking Indians to a
>promised land were never socially integrated into Pakistan. Neither
>did the migrants accepted the customs and rituals of what was West and
>East Pakistan. The political recourse of the people of East Bengal has
>been tormented from the birth pangs of once Pakistan and then
>Bangladesh. Similarly, large population of Hindus abandoned their
>hearts and homes left for neighbouring states of India due to lack of
>insecurity in East Pakistan.
>
>Between 1946 (East Bengal) and 1992 (Bangladesh), there was a number
>of incidence of racial violence which resulted in deaths and
>encouraged migration. Racial riots wrecked the traditional secular
>image of Bengal, on the eve of the second partition of Bengal in 1947.
>The racial violence is often blamed to the British colonialists, which
>tore the silence in otherwise quite Bengal. Hindus and Muslim were
>killed in Calcutta, Noakhali and Comilla. Peace-loving Hindus and
>Muslims had little or nothing to do with the riot (Hashim, 1974. pp.
>117). Trauma of racialism till bears in the mind of many, mostly
>political activists and thousands of families who fled into East
>Pakistan. Similar is the case of the Hindus migrating into India.
>
>The two-nation theory, which created Pakistan, the homeland of the
>Muslim communities was born with strings of religion and racism. The
>inter migration was productive for some but for the poor who were the
>overwhelming majority on both sides, it turned out to be a disaster.
>Bangalee's was discriminated despite being the majority in Pakistan,
>doubly discriminate were the minorities in East Pakistan (Shaha, 1998,
>pp. 5). The political elites described Bangla, as a language of the
>Hindus. Therefore, the state language of Pakistan was made Urdu, which
>was violently protested in 1952 by the nationalists who favoured the
>state language of East Pakistan should be Bangla. The then government
>of Pakistan soon after the Indo-Pakistan 1965 war banned Rabindranath
>Tagore songs in state Radio and official functions, which was later
>revoked.
>
>Muslim leaders of Bengal who later dominated and dictated politics in
>East Pakistan persuaded their anti-secular believes. This phenomenon
>spilled over into post-liberation Bangladesh. Another school of
>progressive intellectuals, radicals and young political activists
>rejected the politics of racism. Alas, they were mostly unsung
>heroes of Bengal. Thus the minorities who ever was the majority by
>caste, religion, ethnic and language dominated the minorities as
>privilege.
>
>The Urdu-speaking linguistic community known as the Bihari's or
>Mohajirs (refugees) are presently stateless in Bangladesh as they
>opted to be repatriated to Pakistan. They came in thousands to
>Bangladesh after the 1947 partition were later stranded in Bangladesh.
>Thousands of them were repatriated but suddenly it stopped accusing
>them for creating racial tensions in Pakistan. They Bihari's in
>Bangladesh are languishing in make-shift camps in several town in
>Bangladesh flying Pakistan flags.
>
>CONSTITUTION
>Dr. Amena Mohsin in "The Politics of Nationalism: The Case of the
>Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh" argues that the Bangladesh
>liberation movement was an intensely nationalist one. This nationalist
>zeal continued even after the country's attainment of independence. At
>the political level the cause of Bangalee's, in the form of their
>language, culture or religion has been promoted by the state. The rule
>of majority reflects in the constitution as tampered by reactive
>elites who politicised "Islam" for their own gain.
>
>The new state of Bangladesh emerged as a secular polity with a
>constitutional embargo on religion in politics. The first Constitution
>passed on November 4, 1972, abolished: (a) all kinds of communalism;
>(b) political recognition of religion by the state; (c) exploitation
>of religion for political purpose; and (d) discrimination on religious
>ground (Article 2 of the Bangladesh Constitution). The preamble of the
>Constitution emphasised secularism as one of the fundamental
>principles of state policy. It is obvious that Islam, or for that
>matter, any other religion, as an individual belief system was not
>interfered with, but its political use and or abuse was barred
>(Husain, 1997, pp. 82).
>
>Article 1 Part 1 declared Bangladesh to be a unitary state. Through
>Article 3 Part 1 Bangla was adopted as the state language and Article
>6 Part 1 declared that the citizens of Bangladesh were to be known as
>Bangalee (Mohsin, 1997, pp. 61). Bangladesh Constitution (1972) in
>Article 9 defined Bangalee nationalism as:
>
>The unity and solidarity of the Bengali nation, which deriving its
>identity from its language and culture, attained sovereign and
>independent Bangladesh through a united and determined struggle in the
>war of independence, shall be the basis of Bengali nationalism.
>
>The insertion of the above clauses ensured the political and cultural
>dominance of Bangaleeís within the state. The imposition of Bangalee
>nationality over all the citizens of Bangladesh marginalised the
>ethnic communities of Bangladesh for Bangalee, above all is a cultural
>category. It was a denial of the cultural distinctiveness of the other
>group (Mohsin, 1997, pp. 92).
>
>Article 12, through which communal political parties were banned in
>Bangladesh, was also dropped. Article 9 which stressed the lingual and
>cultural unity of Bangalee nationalism was omitted. In place of
>"Bengalis" the citizens of Bangladesh through Article 6 Clause 2 were
>now to be known as "Bangladeshi". These changes were given
>effect through Fifth amendment to the Constitution.
>
>Other religions are, however, recognised under Article 41 of the
>Constitution, which gives citizens the right to practise and promote
>religious beliefs. Further provisions of Article 41 guarantee in
>individual's right to refuse to practise a religion, or to be
>compelled to be educated in a religion other than their own. Sections
>295, 296, 297 and 298 of the Penal Code deal with offences against
>religious places or practices (Timm, 1991, pp. 9).
>
>Raja Devashish Roy, a Barrister and Chief of Chakma Circle in CHT
>maintain that the Advasis of Bangladesh have been denied their
>identity in the Constitution of the country. The grievances of the
>Advasis have deepened all the more as the Constitution has undergone
>repeated amendments and thus gone far away.
>
>The Raja firmly protested the much articulated idea that if the
>Advasis were given constitutional recognition it will weaken the
>solidity of the state. "Rather, the recognition will shield against
>the secessionist tendency" (Earth Touch, 1998, pp. 41).
>
>The only protective provision for the ethnic minorities that the
>policy makers often refer to in the context is Article 28 (4), which
>states that:
>
>Nothing.....shall prevent the state from making special provision in
>favour of women and children or for the advancement of any backward
>section of the citizens.
>
>The above provision indeed is an ambiguous one. It does not define who
>or what constitutes "backward", question's Dr. Amena Mohsin. The
>Bangladesh Constitution does not mention the existence of the cultural
>and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh. It seems that the Constitution is
>for a homogenous cultural nation, the Bangalee population governed by
>the majority Muslim as the provision speaks.
>
>SECULAR TO ISLAMIC TREND
>In Bangladesh the nationalist movement began to exert itself very
>strongly from the sixty and the language based identity overcame
>religious identities which meant that Hindu-Muslim hostility, weak
>among the Bangla speaking people almost died. Instead, hostility
>against the non-Bengali population who were opposed to the nationalist
>movement increased (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214).
>
>In 1971, the communal conflict took a new turn as the entire
>population was considered seditious by the Pakistanis and the
>hostility went beyond communities and became a national issue. Thus
>disaster engulfed the entire people. Hindus, however, particularly
>targeted by the Pakistan army. After the nationalist forces won the
>war they took revenge on the non-Bengali migrants for the support to
>the Pakistan army and their participation in eliminating nationalists.
>
>To assert that the Islamic content in Bangladesh politics has been on
>the increase for some time past should sound normal to many because
>this happens in a country where the majority of inhabitants are
>Muslims. But to say that religion of a majority community determines
>politics of a country may not always be historically true (Husain,
>1997, pp. 80).
>
>The first government that took power in the new state of Bangladesh
>contained a dichotomy. On the other hand, Bangladesh appeared on the
>map of the Muslim world as the second largest state with a
>preponderant Muslim population. Rather paradoxically for other members
>of the Muslim `Ummah', it was a secular polity. Such a secular
>orientation was as much a matter of ideological mooring of the ruling
>elite in 1972, as it was of historical inevitability (Husain, 1997,
>pp. 83).
>
>In fact the will of the majority continued to dominate the political
>scene both democratic and authoritarian regimes. The will of the
>majority in Bangladesh began to be characterised in racial or
>religious terms, namely, by giving attention to the Muslim identity of
>the people. (Ahmed, 1997, pp. 318).
>
>Shiekh Mujibur Rahman, first President of Bangladesh who was popularly
>recognised as Bangabandhu (Friend of Bengal) and father of the nation
>revived Islamic Academy (which was banned in 1972) and upgraded to
>Foundation (in March 1975) and increasingly attended Islamic
>gatherings. He also banned sale and consumption of liquor, though
>production of liquor continued and ban on betting with specific
>reference to horse-race. The recognition of OIC membership (February
>1974), sudden decision to participate at OIC conference in Lahore,
>Pakistan (1974), diplomatic ties with Pakistan, unconditional pardon
>of the occupational forces of Pakistan involved in war crimes on
>innocent people, especially women and their subsequent safe
>repatriation, securing the founder membership of Islamic Development
>Bank (1975), were interpreted by political critics that Mujib stood
>at a confused crossroads.
>
>Two social scientists and political analyst Dr. Talukder Maniruzzaman
>and Dr. Syed Anwar Husain have a similar view in separate articles
>explain that Mujib had significantly shifted from secular attitude
>towards sentiment of the majority. Dr. Maniruzzaman made an
>observation in "Bangladesh Politics: Secular and Islamic Trends" (New
>Delhi: 1990), pp.'s 73-74:
>
>Towards the end of his rule, Mujib made frequent references to Islam
>in his speeches and public utterances by using terms and idioms which
>were peculiar mainly to the Islam-oriented Bangladeshi - like Allah
>(the Almighty God), Insha Allah (God willing), Bismillah (in the name
>of God), Tawaba (Penitence) and Imam (religious leader). As days
>passed on Shiekh Mujib even dropped his symbolic valedictory
>expression Joy Bangla (Glory to Bengal) and ended his speeches with
>Khuda Hafez (May God protect you), the traditional Indo-Islamic phrase
>for bidding farewell. In his later day speeches, he also highlighted
>his efforts to establish cordial relations with the Muslim countries
>in the Middle East.
>
>Thus Bangladesh polity during 1972-1975 was a peculiar dichotomy. It
>was certainly secular as the constitutional provision making
>Bangladesh untampered. At the same it was turning towards a
>pseudo-religious stewardship of Mujib himself. However, whatever
>religious ebullience could be seen, these were rhetoric, and not
>reality (Husain, 1997, pp. 86).
>
>The process of using Islam for leadership legitimation purposes
>gathered momentum during the military regimes of General Ziaur Rahman
>(1975-1981) and General H.M. Ershad (1982-1990). During the regime of
>Zia, the Constitution was doctored, scraped secularism from the four
>state principles and insertion of "Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim" (in the
>name of Allah, the beneficent, the merciful). The principle of
>secularism was replaced by the words, "Absolute trust and faith in the
>Almighty Allah shall be the basis of all action."
>
>In a subtler approach Ziaur Rahman regime, the school curricula by
>state-owned Textbook Board came under increasing pressure from
>different quarters to Islamise the books. "Islamiyat" was introduced
>as compulsory from classes I to VIII with option for minority students
>to take similar religious courses of their own.
>
>Between 1982 and 1990, Ershad made systematic efforts to continue the
>policy of Zia, rehabilitating anti-liberation elements and the
>parallel Islamisation culminating in the disputable Eighth amendment
>to the Constitution declaring "Islam" as a state religion. Earlier
>short-lived government of Mustaque Ahmed (August 1975 - November 1975)
>brought to power at a behest of young military officers, declared
>Peoples Republic of Bangladesh as "Islamic Republic of Bangladesh"
>over the state radio, which however fetched recognition of Saudi
>Arabia, Libya and China.
>
>POLITICS OF HEGEMONY:
>Dr. Imtiaz Ahmed, a social and political scientist maintains that the
>divisive nature in the organisation of linguistic unity need hardly be
>stressed, except for the fact that language, if politicised, could
>produce racism as well (Ahmed, 1996, pp. 86). Despite a sentimental
>issue of the majority of people of Bangladesh, he further elaborates
>that once language is used to organise unity for political purpose, as
>in Sri Lanka and elsewhere in South Asia, and that again, in the light
>of the experience of the West, it ceases to be secular category,
>instead becomes a powerful tool in the organisation and reproduction
>of linguistic racism favourable to the power of the dominant
>linguistic community vis-‡-vis other linguistic communities of the
>country.
>
>With the rise of Hindu fundamentalism in India, politicians found it
>convenient to counter it with their own brand of religious politics
>which has made the Hindus very insecure (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214).
>This has been observed from the trend in the pseudo-Islamic political
>culture introduced by all mainstream political parties. Some radical
>and left politicians shifted from their traditional progressive
>doctrine and turned champion of Islamic politics. In fact they
>understood that they were not heard while in progressive politics. The
>catch-phrase "Islamic nationalism" in politicking works likes a
>miracle.
>
>Bangladesh had not observed the 1994, a year of the Indigenous Peoples
>as was declared by the United Nations. On the other hand it has
>categorically maintained that there were no Adivasis or indigenous
>people in Bangladesh (Mohsin, 1997, pp. 93). The debate continues
>whether the ethnic minorities are Adivasis or migrants. Most
>Bangladeshi believes that the ethnic minorities are migrants and not
>"Bhumiputra" (son of the soil). Reactive intellectuals and politicians
>promote these views.
>
>Different regimes introduced political dichotomy, which never
>accommodated the minorities of Bangladesh. Shiekh Mujib (1972-1975)
>era by constitutional guarantee introduced "Bangalee nationalism" as
>the spirit of the nation. After assassination of Mujib in a military
>putsch in 1975, General Ziaur Rahman (1976-81) by a military
>degree introduced "Bangladeshi nationalism" with a bias to Islam.
>General Ershad forcibly changed the Constitution and introduced
>"Islam" as state religion and took the nation towards "Islamic
>nationalism".
>
>The Islamic fanatics "Jamaat-e-Islami" an ally of BNP attempted to
>move "Blasphemy" law in the parliament in 1994 to victimise minority
>communities and secular sections for alleged trading of insults
>against Prophet Mohammed and Holy Koran. The Blasphemy law was a copy
>of the law in Pakistan.
>
>Dr. Amena Mohsin argues that there was no room for accommodating the
>minorities within this new state discourse. After an amendment to the
>Constitution declaring Islam as state religion. The ethnic minorities
>found themselves to be minorities both in the ethnic and religious
>sense.
>
>Subsequent regimes of Khaleda Zia and Shiekh Hasina came to power
>through popular mandate through free and fair election process under
>two consecutive neutral governments (in 1991 and 1996), too continued
>the policy and dichotomy of previous government which they rejected.
>Dr. Amena Mohsin writes in The Journal of Social Studies (October
>1997, pp. 98), that though General Ershad was looked as usurper, and
>his regime was termed as undemocratic and autocratic by both Khaleda
>Zia led Bangladesh Nationalists Party (BNP) and Shiekh Hasina led
>Awami League, yet none of these parties even after assuming power had
>been, or it is posited here would be able to retrench the Islamisation
>measures taken by Ershad. The Constitution of Bangladesh, despite
>Awami League in power today, remains an Islamic one, comments Dr. A.
>Mohsin. It is then logical here to assume that democracy is a
>prerogative of the dominant majority only.
>
>So-called politicking of nationalism and politics for the elites'
>classes failed to provide sense of security, dignity, welfare for the
>stakeholder groups bracketed as minorities in Bangladesh. The
>political parties despite electoral promises written in election
>manifestos, failed to stand shoulder to shoulder with the minorities.
>Not a single political party has come forward for a cause of the
>minorities (Shaha, 1998, pp.5).
>
>DISCRIMINATING LAWS:
>Several months after the riot (1990-1992), in mid -1993, the popularly
>elected government of BNP issued two orders, which were interpreted as
>government policy of persecution of the religious minorities. The Home
>Ministry asked the commercial banks to control withdrawal of
>substantial cash money against account holders of Hindu community. The
>commercial banks were asked to stop disbursement of business loans to
>Hindu community in the districts adjoining the India-Bangladesh
>border.
>
>The government in 1993 initiated to conduct survey vested properties,
>human rights organisations treat these as alibi to persecute religious
>minorities, especially the Hindu community (State of Human Rights,
>1993). Corrupt government officials at district level were listing
>properties whose owners are alive and still living in Bangladesh.
>
>One of the factors resulting in loss of traditional lands has been the
>Vested Property Act, which has been applied unjustly against both
>Hindus and ethnic communities. Local officials and law enforcement
>agencies usually side with the majority against the minorities in land
>cases, and they are gradually becoming disposed (State of Human
>Rights, 1992, pp. 21).
>
>Research shows that the Vested Property Act, a continuation of the
>Enemy Property Order which makes Hindu held property insecure because
>ownership has to be proven at various sorts and levels, is used
>extensively to appropriate property (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214).
>
>The Enemy Property (Custody and Registration) Order under dreaded
>"Defence of Pakistan Rules Ordinance" was promulgated soon after the
>seventeen days war with Pakistan and India in 1965. All the large
>establishments including industries, trading centres, landed
>properties belonged to the Hindu community who were bracketed as
>abandoned were nationalised. The law says that the properties of
>Indian nationals residing in Pakistan or Pakistan citizens residing in
>India will be identified as "enemies of Pakistan".
>
>In political terms the properties were confiscated by the state
>because they were Hindus. However the government did not seize
>properties of Christians and Buddhists. Properties belonged to Indian
>Muslims residing in Pakistan or exchanged properties illegally with
>fleeing Hindus to India were not listed as abandoned or enemies
>of Pakistan. The discrimination was deliberate and obvious to deprive
>the Hindus who have made an exodus to India or elsewhere. There were
>hundreds of India Muslims who migrated to East Pakistan and never
>bothered to take domicile certificate, therefore they were not
>registered as Pakistani citizen where not declared as enemies.
>
>Those so-called enemy properties seized were later gifted to
>"tabedars" (stooges) of the government. The autocratic government and
>beneficiaries were locked in "client and patron relationship" for
>decades. Though most of them formerly belonged to Muslim League, and
>later the turn-coats joined Awami League, BNP and Jatiya Party,
>according to two in-depth studies titled "Impact of Vested Property
>Act on Rural Bangladesh: An Exploratory Study" - 1995 and "Vested
>Property Act: Towards a Feasible Solution" - 1997 by Dr. Abul Barkat
>et al.
>
>Anti-autocratic, autonomy seeking Awami League and other opposition
>political groups strongly demanded to repeal the discriminatory law
>and return the properties to just owners. After the war of liberation,
>the Hindu and of course the freedom loving people thought that the law
>will be scrapped in matter of time in the war-torn Bangladesh.
>Surprisingly two new laws were adopted in the parliament which was
>tabled by a senior politicians and Minister for Law and Parliamentary
>Affairs who was a Hindu.
>
>Despite a popular mandate, Shiekh Mujibur Rahman, the first President
>of Bangladesh to advocate of a secular nation and a true homeland of
>the Muslim, Hindu and Christian Bangaleeís, he surprised many by
>keeping the hated law with an amendment. In 1974 two laws were
>adopted, "The Enemy Property (Continuance and Emergency Provisions)
>[Repeal] Act" and the other one was "The Vested and Non-Resident
>Property (Administration) Act". Since 23 March 1974 the controversial
>Enemy Property Order seized to exercise.
>
>There was no strong protest, criticism, or disagreement against new
>wine in old bottle formula to deliberately discriminate the Hindus.
>The new law enacted in 1974 also holds rights to properties, either
>abandoned and left behind by Pakistani and Indian owners.
>Nevertheless, most of the properties the Pakistani's appeal to the
>court for redress, got back their properties. There are several
>instances, that the Pakistan citizens obtaining false citizenship
>documents, bought a section of government officials and won the
>litigation. Later all the properties were sold at a fetching price to
>influential persons who would able to retain the ownership legally.
>Such case of a Hindu property is rare in the history of Bangladesh.
>
>General Ziaur Rahman in 1976 amended the Vested Property law and
>rested the ownership right to the government as administrator and
>controller of the abandoned properties. The same year, the second law
>has been scrapped. The government issues notices in favour of the
>vested properties by a judgement of the Appellate Division, Supreme
>Court of Bangladesh. The law is itself illegal as it does have a locus
>standi and it is contradictory, describes Dr. Abul Barkat.
>
>The Bangladesh parliament was told that on 4 July 1991 that there were
>a total of 827,705.28 acres of land listed as vested property (State
>of Human Rights, 1992, pp. 22). A Bangla daily "Bhorer Kagoj" reported
>on 4 April 1993 that there are 17 shops under the Ministry of
>Commerce, 757,704 acres of land under Ministry of Land and
>28,768 houses listed as vested property. Besides these, few jute
>mills, textile mills, and other industries and factories under
>Ministry of Jute, Textile and Industries separately.
>
>It is evident from practices and customs evoked by the state machinery
>and the government which has turned into unwritten laws, that the
>religious minorities could not be given sensitive positions, like head
>of state, chief of armed forces, governor of Bangladesh Bank,
>Ambassador in a Bangladesh Mission, secretary in the ministry of
>Defence, Home, Foreign Affairs and Finance. Minorities are
>deliberately discriminated in recruitment in civil and military
>jobs, business and trade, bank loans and credit (Shaha, 1998, pp. 5).
>The mainstream political parties equally failed to demonstrate that
>their leader could be from among the minority community. It is rare to
>find a religious minority at the helms of affairs in Bangladesh.
>
>As Dr. Imtiaz Ahmed describes, it is rule of the majority, which
>evolved from Bangalee nationalism, Bangladeshi nationalism and Islamic
>nationalism by enigmatic national leaders. It is obvious that the
>dominate factor is enshrined in the state Constitution.
>
>Nation, for them thus constituted a culturally homogenous population.
>In this formulation the political elites chose the dominant/majority
>community as a model of nation, while the minority/weaker communities
>were expected to assimilate themselves with the 'mainstream' i.e. the
>dominant majority community. (Mohsin, 1997, pp. 2)
>
>RELIGIOUS MINORITIES:
>According to Bangladesh government 1991 census, the religious and
>ethnic minorities stood at 12.6 per cent. The Hindus are 10.5% (12.5
>million), Christian (0.3%), Buddhist (0.6%) and other religious
>minorities (0.3%) in Bangladesh. Hindus, mostly Bangla speaking is the
>biggest religious minority community and they are scattered all over
>the country. Similarly Christians are also scattered all over the
>country, except for the Buddhist population which largely concentrate
>in Chittagong, Chittagong Hill Tracts and Patuakhali.
>
>Hindus are most likely to live in Barisal, Khulna, Faridpur and
>Jessore (and similarly in West Bengal Muslims are most likely to live
>in areas towards the Bangladesh border). The highest proportions of
>Hindus to Muslims in Bangladesh live in the city of Comilla, close to
>the border of Tripura. A large proportion of the Zamindar class
>(large, semi-feudal landlords) and moneylenders were Hindus. The
>scenario has, however changed in the last few decades. Today the
>socio-economic differences between the Muslim and Hindu communities
>are much less marked than previously (Timm, 1991, pp. 9).
>
>The vanishing minority population is understood from researching the
>census documents published the government. Fifty years ago in 1941,
>28.3 per cent of the total population was minorities. The population
>of Hindu was 11.88 millions, while 588 thousand was other religious
>and ethnic minorities (Buddhist, Christian and animist). Evaluation of
>government statistics of 50 years, from 1941 to 1991, indicates a
>large drop in the figure for minorities. A comparative picture shows
>that the number of the Muslim majority increased 219.5 per cent while
>the Hindu community increased by 4.5 per cent.
>
>If normal increase rate prevailed, the number of the Hindu community
>in this country would have been 32.5 million, but the Hindu population
>in Bangladesh stood at 12.5 million in 1991 Census (State of Human
>Rights, 1994). Therefore the missing population is 20 million.
>
>LOW INTENSITY VIOLENCE:
>Afsan Chowdhury, a historian and social activists describe low
>intensity violence against religious and ethnic minorities as silent
>disaster. He writes that the independence of Bangladesh has not bought
>much peace for Hindus who numbered about 10 million in Bangladesh. The
>sense of a common cause has is now gone and in the absence
>of a new one, a section of the people have reverted to traditional
>practices of ousting a minority to enrich themselves in using
>communalism as a weapon.
>
>While economic literature does not clearly distinguish between `pull'
>and `push' factors in explaining migration, the term has been in
>common usage and refers to socio-economic factors that effects singly
>the migrants' home country conditions (Chakrobarty, et.al, 1997, pp.
>274) Lack of socio-economic opportunities, low intensity hostility at
>all socio-economic levels including the state and greater
>opportunities across the border are the push-pull factors which have
>led to more than 500 Hindus crossing over the border every day
>(Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214). Thus the Hindus are passing through a
>disaster situation as their life, property and peace have all been
>made to feel insecure by the lack of security and existing state
>policies and public action which are forcing them to exit to another
>land.
>
>Hindus here, were the victims of violence as an echo of the Babri
>mosque demolition incident but the incidents were sporadic despite
>political patronage of the violence. The declaration of Islam as the
>state religion may not have much institutional or formal ramifications
>but it has made the minorities in Bangladesh distant from the core of
>the state. This illustrates how low intensity violence against the
>minorities can push millions into a state of silent disaster
>(Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 214). The Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian
>Unity Council in their yearly council meeting in 1992 claimed that
>about 500,000 (Fifty Lakh) took refuge in India in the last 20 years
>(State of Human Rights, 1992, pp. 96).
>
>The Anglo-Indian population in Bangladesh has literally vanished in
>the last 25 years. Most of them came to work in state-run
>establishments and British trading companies during the colonial era.
>However, among the minorities, the tendency of leaving the country is
>among the Hindus. The second groups are Santals from the Barind area
>of Rajshahi region for oppression and uprooting them from their
>ancestral lands.
>
>Apart from the persecution of Hindus at a low intensity, the Christian
>community came under attack several times. In 1991-1992 during the
>Gulf War, supporters of Saddam Hossain, the authoritarian leader of
>Iraq, Muslim fanatics in Bangladesh attacked foreigners and Christian
>community, as if responsible for attacking Iraq during the Gulf War.
>Several churches were attacked, they demonstrated in sensitive places
>in Dhaka and elsewhere. Panicked and bewildered Christian community
>petitioned General Ershad and later met Prime Minister Khaleda
>Zia to express their grievances. However, the racial tension defused
>after Bangladesh troops joined the United Nations for peace-keeping in
>the Gulf.
>
>An exclusive monthly magazine "Shorgomarta" in Bangla for the
>Christian community regularly carries incidence of attacks, looting,
>property grabbing and prejudicial writings. Also couple of books have
>been published in both English and Bangla on the atrocities,
>persecution and hegemony upon the Christian communities, especially
>among the converts in the ethnic minorities.
>
>The "ethnic" problem of the Chittagong Hill Tracts is another example
>of the minorities being marginalised and forced to take up position of
>confrontation. The Kaptai Hydro Electric Project which benefited the
>plain land majority but it swamped the lands of the ethnic communities
>destroying their very foundation of living and livelihood. It showed
>how callous state power could be when it handled problems of the
>indigenous people (Chowdhury, 1998, pp. 215).
>
>Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS), the political body of
>Shanti Bahini engaged in two decades of bush war demanding autonomy
>for the ethnic communities in Chittagong Hill Tracts in their
>publications often refers to the rule of the "Bangalee Muslim" state
>in CHT as "internal colonialism".
>
>Built in early 1960's, the Kaptai Dam submerged 40% of the rice bowl
>of the Hill Tracts and displaced one-sixth of the indigenous
>population. Thousands of hill people migrated into sparsely populated
>regions of Mizoram, Tripura, Assam and Arunachal. Perhaps 40,000
>"environmental refugees" migrated to India and another 20,000
>migrated to Burma. Where today, they live in the Arunachal Pradesh in
>northeast India. Citizens neither of India, nor of Bangladesh, and
>without citizenship rights in either country (Samad, 1994, Holiday,
>pp. 2).
>
>Military operations, insurgency and forced settlement of 400,000 (Four
>Lakh) Bangalee peasants from the plain lands into the hill forest of
>CHT, the region, very important environmentally, have ethnically and
>culturally suffered and in addition tremendous deforestation of
>resources has occurred. With the peace treaty signed in December
>1997 between Bangladesh government and autonomy seeking insurgents
>which reduced hostility and social tensions, things are expected to
>improve (Chowdhury, 1998. pp. 215). Though the parliament has endorsed
>the peace accord in midst of opposition political action against the
>"shady treaty ", the constitution does not extends guarantee clause
>for the peace accord nor has the ethnic and cultural minorities have
>been recognised as citizens of Bangladesh.
>
>The racial violence in December, 1992 was the worst in terms of damage
>and destruction (State of Human Rights, 1992, pp. 95). Incidences of
>loot, arson, rape, demolition of "Mandirs" (temples) by the majority
>community was not condemned by the government. Neither the opposition
>political parties agitated for justice and rational approach towards
>communal harmony. The parliament failed to adopt resolution condemning
>such acts. The criminals were not brought to justice. This has
>encouraged the Islamist forces throughout 1993-1995 to harbour
>racial tensions, vilifying progressive forces, intellectuals and
>social activists for maligning Islam and Prophet Mohammed.
>
>Government administrative and law enforcing agencies remain
>mysteriously silent in rural Bangladesh and district towns, when
>complaints were lodged by religious minorities or killings, extortion,
>rape, arson, forceful eviction from properties, raiding places of
>worship such as "Mandirs", destruction of idols and other statues,
>disrupting, religious festivals, "Pujas" or "Melas" (State of Human
>Rights, 1993, pp. 78). The sustained racial tensions were accompanied
>by death threats, pressure to sell or abandon properties of mostly
>Hindu community. In most case the victims remained silent in fear of
>further persecution.
>
>The year 1993 can also be termed as the first year of organised
>protest from the Hindu community against unabated repression and
>oppression. During the biggest religious festival of "Durga Puja", the
>Hindu community demonstrated in anger and protest by hoisting black
>flags in all religious temples and places of worships. No deity or
>idols were set up, no decoration was made. The call was given by
>Hindus performed the Puja without any religious fervour. Bangladesh
>Puja Uddjapan Parishad (Puja Festival Observance Council).
>
>The Parishad also urged the government to accept their charter of
>demands. They demanded to revoke the Vested Property Act, repeal of
>the Eight amendment of the Constitution, and provision for reserve
>seats for the minorities in the parliament (State of Human Rights,
>1995, pp. 128).
>
>On the other hand, the Religious Minister in a statement in the
>Parliament in November 1993 stated that a sum of Taka 20.77 million
>has been allocated for the fiscal year of 1993-1994 for reconstruction
>of damaged "Mandirs" and other places of worships. This in fact
>reflects the official confirmation that damages of temples and other
>places of worships were damaged during racial tensions.
>
>ETHNIC COMMUNITIES:
>About 27 minority ethnic communities live mainly in four regions of
>Bangladesh. One is the Chittagong Hill Tracts, north-west, mid-north
>and in the districts of north Bangladesh. According to latest
>population census the total population of the ethnic communities is
>1.2 million in the country, which constitutes 1.13 per cent. From a
>couple of isolated and limited surveys it is anticipated that the
>actual population of the minority ethnic communities are considerably
>higher that it is accounted in the government census (Gain, 1998, pp.
>39). It has been observed that the ethnic people who are converted
>into Christianity are often listed in the government official
>documents under the category "Christian," while those who use
>Sanskrit/Bangla names similar to the typical Hindu names are often
>grouped under the category "Hindu" (Khaleque, 1995, pp. 12). One can
>easily make such mistakes if one does not have adequate knowledge
>about the ethnic people and their ethnic, religious, and linguistic
>background.
>
>Philip Gain, social researcher and environmentalist in his key note
>paper "Adivasi Question in Bangladesh", 20-21 March 1997 argue, "The
>principal cause of the political and economic disturbances in the
>Adivasi areas are its soil, forest and the local resources." The
>foreign aid dependent development programmes failed to bring
>substantial benefit to the Adivasi communities. Instead, these
>development programmes caused them to lose their possession over their
>own land, forest and resources.
>
>Raja Devashish Roy in a seminar "Adivasi Question in Bangladesh"
>explained that the nation state system, the expansion of the market
>economy into the Adivasis or limited the scope to practice their
>rights. (Earth Touch, 1998, pp. 41).
>
>There were great hopes among the ethnic minorities when the new
>government of Shiekh Hasina took power in June 1996. The principle of
>secularism embraced by the ruling Awami League meant that the ethnic
>communities could expect not to be discriminated against on the basis
>of race or ethnic origin. Thus far, the optimism of the ethnic
>communities has not been justified (State of Human Rights, 1996, pp.
>98).
>
>RELIGION OF ETHNIC COMMUNITIES:
>The Marma, Chakma, Rakhaing and Tanchangya are Buddhist and there are
>few Buddhists among the other small ethnic groups of the CHT. Most
>people in the smaller ethnic communities of the interior parts of the
>CHT were animists. Some of these animists have been converted to
>Christianity by the missionaries working in this area. Thus many of
>the Bawms, Lushai, and Pankho are now Christians. A process of
>Christianisation is presently going on among these as well as other
>ethnic communities like the Murongs and Mros.
>
>The Garos have their traditional religion, which is a form of animism.
>But the majority of them have been converted to Christianity. The
>Koch, Hajong, Pathor, and Manipuri are Hinduised ethnic communities.
>The Santals retained their traditional religion, which is based on
>belief in spirit (animism). However, they have been influenced by
>Hinduism and some of them are converted to Christianity (Khaleque,
>1995, pp. 16).
>
>Ever since the British withdrawal from the subcontinent in the 1947
>there has been ethnic explosions in the hills. Evidences would show
>that the imperial government created the so called "excluded" or "
>partially excluded" zones in these hills to allow unhindered
>propagation of Christianity amongst the backward tribes mostly animist
>far away from modern religion (Quarishi, 1987, pp. vii). It is
>interesting to note that the floodgate of conversion into
>Christianity opened up only after the British withdrawal!
>
>On the other hand it has also been urgued that sudden withdrawal of
>the British rule created a power vacuum in this region as a whole and
>the tribals (ethnic communities), suspicious and indignant of their
>plain land neighbours for generations, got simply alarmed. (Quarishi,
>1987, pp. viii)
>
>A process of Christianisation has been going in the ethnic areas since
>the British period (Khaleque, 1995, pp. 16). Before Christianisation,
>however, most of the ethnic groups of the northern and north-eastern
>borders had been influenced by Hinduism, while those in the borders
>had been influenced by Hinduism, while those in the CHT by
>Buddhism. The rate of if Islamisation is very significant compared to
>that of Christianisation. There are a few converted Muslims among the
>Rajbansis and also among the Garo, but their number is very
>insignificant in both cases.
>
>The Copenhagen based Chittagong Hill Tracts recorded evidences of
>Islamisation conversion in places of CHT among ethnic groups (Life is
>Not Ours, 1991. IWGIA). Challenging the statement, Life: In the
>Chittagong Hill Tracts, 1994 (pp. 46) argues that it is surprising
>that the CHT Commission deems conversion to Islam as religious
>persecution. "As for conversion to Christianity, as the statistics
>show, this far outnumbers the conversion to Islam. Economic reasons
>and benefits attached to the association with the missionaries often
>lead to the conversion to Christianity". It further maintain that
>several Christian-based NGOs and missionaries are actively working in
>CHT.
>
>CONCLUSION:
>The situation of minorities in Bangladesh is a human rights issue.
>Status of minorities all over the world has demonstrated a pattern of
>discrimination and insecurity. Bangladesh is no exception. However,
>the example of minorities in Bangladesh has a typical trend (Shaha,
>1998, pp. 5). Overall situation of the minorities in Bangladesh will
>not improve unless total fundamental rights laid down in the state
>constitution as well as by United Nations Human Rights Declaration are
>not implemented. With out the political will of the government, it
>would be difficult to see a society of racial harmony.
>
>It is evident that the true spirit and essence of democracy remains an
>illusion for the minorities in Bangladesh. In the name of majoritarian
>rule or democracy they have been marginalised politically,
>economically as well as culturally (Mohsin, 1997, pp. 103). The state
>constitution extends guarantee for the majority, the Bangla Muslims.
>The Bangladesh Constitution does not reflect the existence of the
>cultural and ethnic minorities.
>
>Religion has been used as a tool by the political parties and
>politicians in Bangladesh to consolidate their power base. It is time
>that our elected representatives take cognisance of the fact that
>Bangladesh is not homogenous state rather it is a multi-national
>state, this reality ought to be incorporated into the Constitution.
>
>Dr. Amena Mohsin urges the society that we must practice a culture of
>tolerance and respect towards each other. Bangladesh is not a land of
>the Bangla speaking people alone. The Hill people, the Garos, the
>Malos, the Santals and all the other communities have contributed and
>participated in their own ways towards building up this society.
>Their contribution and sacrifices during the war of liberation also
>need to be recorded and acknowledge in our national history (Mohsin,
>1997, pp. 104).
>
>REFERENCES:
>1. Ahmed, Dr. Imtiaz. 1997. Indo-Bangladesh Relations: Trapped in the
>Nationalist Discourse, in Barun De and Ranabir Samaddar (ed.) State,
>Development and Political Culture: Bangladesh and India. New Delhi:
>Har Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd.
>2. Ahmed, Dr. Imtiaz. 1996. Communal Conflict in Modern Sri Lanka:
>Search for a Resolution, published in International Journal of Peace
>Studies, Vol. 1 No 2, 1996, Taiwan.
>3. Barkat, Dr. Abul, Dr. Sharif uz Zaman and Dr. K.M. Akbar Hossain.
>1997. Vested Property Act: Towards a feasible Solution, presented at a
>seminar organised by Association of Land Reforms and Development
>(ALRD).
>4. Chakraborty, Prof. Debesh, Dr Gautam Gupta, Ms Sabari
>Bandyopadhyay. 1997. Migration from Bangladesh to India, 1971-91: Its
>Magnitude and Causes, in Barun De and Ranabir Samaddar (ed.) State,
>Development and Political Culture: Bangladesh and India. New Delhi:
>Har Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd.
>5. Chowdhury, Afsan. 1998. Disasters: Issues and Responses, in Philip
>Gain (ed.) Bangladesh Environment: Facing the 21st Century. Dhaka:
>Society for Environment and Human Development.
>6. Earth Touch, Number 4, 1988. Dhaka: Society for Environment and
>Human Development (SEHD).
>7. Hartmann, Betsy and Boyce, James. 1983. A Quiet Violence: View from
>a Bangladesh Village. London: Zed Press.
>8. Kabeer, Naila. 1997. A thrice-partitioned history, in Ursala Owen
>(ed.) INDEX on Censorship 6/1997. London: Index on Censorship.
>9. Life is Not Ours, 1991. The Report of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
>Commission. Copenhagen: IWGIA.
>10. Life: In the Chittagong Hill Tracts. 1994. Dhaka: PROBE News
>Agency.
>11. Khaleque, Dr. Kibriaul. 1995. Ethnic Communities in Bangladesh, in
>Philip Gain (ed.), Bangladesh Land Forest and Forest People. Dhaka:
>Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD).
>12. Mohsin, Dr. Amena. 1997. The Politics of Nationalism: The Case of
>the Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh.Dhaka: University Press Ltd.
>13. Mohsin, Dr. Amena. 1997. Democracy and the Marginalisation of
>Minorities: The Bangladesh Case, in Prof. B.K. Jahangir (ed.), The
>Journal of Social Studies (# 78, October 1997). Dhaka: Centre for
>Social Studies.
>14. Hashim, Abul. 1974. In Retrospection. Dhaka: Subarna Publishers.
>15. Hossain, Dr. Syed Anwar. 1997. Bangladesh Politics: From Secular
>to Islamic Trend, in Barun De and Ranabir Samaddar (ed.), State,
>Development and Political Culture: Bangladesh and India. New Delhi:
>Har Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd.
>16. Quarishi, Ferdaus A. 1987. Christianity in the North Eastern Hills
>of South Asia: Social Impact and Political Implications. Dhaka:
>University Press Ltd.
>17. State of Human Rights 1991. 1992. Father R.W. Timm and Philip Gain
>(ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.
>18. Samad, Saleem, 12 November 1994. Environmental refugees of CHT,
>weekly Holiday, Dhaka.
>19. Shaha, Prof. Dr. S.S, 22 July 1998. Manabodhikar O' Bangladeshíer
>Sangkhalogudíer Shamasya, Dainik Ittefaq, Dhaka.
>20. State of Human Rights 1992. 1993. Dhaka: Coordinating Council for
>Human Rights in Bangladesh.
>21. State of Human Rights 1993. 1994. Father R.W. Timm, CSC, Brother
>Jarlath D'Souza, et al (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human
>Rights in Bangladesh.
>22. State of Human Rights 1994. 1995. Father R.W. Timm, Brother
>Jarlath D'Souza, et al (ed.). Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human
>Rights in Bangladesh.
>23. State of Human Rights 1995. 1996. Father Dr. R.W. Timm (ed.).
>Dhaka: Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.
>24. State of Human Rights 1996. 1997. Father R.W. Timm (ed.). Dhaka:
>Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.
>25. State of Human Rights 1997. 1998. Father R.W. Timm (ed.). Dhaka:
>Coordinating Council for Human Rights in Bangladesh.
>26. Talukder, Dr. Maniruzzaman. 1990. Bangladesh Politics: Secular and
>Islamic Trends, in Rafiuddin Ahmed (ed.), Religion, Nationalism and
>Politics in Bangladesh. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers.
>27. Timm, Father Dr. R.W. 1991. The Adivasis of Bangladesh. London:
>Minority Rights Group.
> _________________
>Country Paper presented at "Regional Consultation on Minority Rights
>in South Asia", 20-22 August 1998, Kathmandu, Nepal. Organised by
>South Asian Forum for Human Rights (SAFHR), Kathmandu.
>
>* SALEEM Samad, an Ashoka Fellow (USA) is a media activist
>specialising on freedom of press and writes on the political crisis
>of the ethnic minorities in Chittagong Hill Tracts since 1980.
Alok Dishari
From: Alochona eForce <eforcecampaign@u...>
Date: Fri Oct 4, 2002 1:07 pm
Subject: Our response to Mr. Saleem Samad on Alochona's Media Watch
Thank you Mr. Saleem Samad for your letter to Alochona eForce
recently published in Shetubondhon and NFB. We would appreciate
if you would send your response directly to Alochona eForce in
the future.
The media and journalists have a great role to play in our
society to look after misrepresentation and misconduct by
politicians, government or special interests in our society.
But they are not above the law and neither is Alochona eForce.
Since the media has a very delicate responsibility, it also has
plenty of perks and opportunities to abuse it. Just the way
responsible journalism can help build our nation, irresponsible
and shoddy journalism can harm our nation. For this reason, we
believe that even media needs to be watched after for
activities against the interests of the people of Bangladesh,
just the way media has taken up the moral responsibility of
watching after the politicians, government and special
interests. Alochona Magazine has published numerous articles on
responsible journalism in our August issue
(http://magazine.alochona.org/magazine/2002/august/home/home.asp
).
While Alochona eForce is not limited to just "Media Watch", our
Media Watch Team is. And we take great pride in ourselves in
serving our nation selflessly. We are very aware of the media's
freedom, as well as our own freedom of expression. We sincerely
believe that without freedom of press democracy can not
flourish, as long as this freedom is practiced responsibly. We
also believe that protecting our country which supports and
promotes freedom, is more import for freedom of press to
flourish.
In your letter you have termed our activities as "anti-
democratic stance". We respectfully disagree. All the protest
mails sent from the Alochona eForce website portal are sent by
the individual protesters themselves. They choose to protest
against shoddy journalism. We do not force them to protest or
send letters. Our only task is to just make people aware of the
existance of such shoddy journalistic works.
We take your suggestion of developing a code of responsible
conduct for media with great delight. In fact, we are in the
process of developing such a guide. We hope we will be able to
serve our people and nation better in future. Let us all join
hands to build a better Bangladesh.
Alochona eForce
Alochona Network For Building a Better Bangladesh
Http://www.alochona.org
____________________________
Message 4307 of 4616
From: Saleem Samad <saleem@B...>
Date: Sat Sep 28, 2002 11:00 am
Subject: Re: MEDIA WATCH: Protest Against Asian Times Online's
Anti-Bangladesh Article
In response to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Shetubondhon/message/4300
=======================================================
Dear Alochona eForce
I deeply appreciate the Alochona eForce "Media Watch" activity. In
fact I support the team for its objective to creating awareness. But
when I continue reading the next few lines, of course alarms me and
possibly many others. It seems to me the Alochona eForce are critical
of writers, authors and journalists on an emotional yardstick of
"misrepresentation" of Bangladesh issue. Are you also doing the same
exercise on the political leaders of both ruling and opposition
parties? Do you think the Bangladesh missions abroad are anyway
promoting or undermining the image of Bangladesh? Why target media
practitioners? Because it is soft target?
This exercise would be flagrant violation of freedom of press, freedom
of expression and anti-democratic stance of the Media Watch Team. The
scope of work contradicts Bangladesh constitution Article 39 (a), (2
a, b). It also contradicts International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights which is signed by Bangladesh and also Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, signed and ratified by Bangladesh. All
articles more or less guarantees absolute freedom of thought and
conscience, and of speech. Are you prepared to challenge the
Bangladesh constitution and the international statutes?
What I would appreciate if the team instead of protesting, could
develop media ethics for journalisms and code of conduct for media
practitioners and then engage in monitoring the media. With the tool
of ethics and code of conduct the team would have legitimate tool to
warn/caution media practitoners (writers, poets, authors and
journalists) for violating ethics. Presently you do not have any
yardstick to measure their "misrepresentation". Please take my
suggestion you would immensely contribute to the unethical practices
in media in Bangladesh and elsewhere. You can also count my
contibution too!
Best wishes
Saleem Samad
Press Watchdog and Social Justice Researcher
Bangladesh
__________________________
Message 4195 of 4616
From: Saleem Samad <saleem@B...>
Date: Sat Aug 31, 2002 11:10 am
Subject: Re: The ongoing plights of minorities in Bangladesh and
HRCBM
In response to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Shetubondhon/message/4188
==============================================
Dear Moderators (and also to the attention of fellow Shetubondhoks),
Please do not allow postings on personal attacks, inflamatory
rhetorics, emotional outbursts and vilification against a subscriber
who is expressing his/her mind. This posting below is addressing the
issue and is not backed up by credible facts. It is a clean case of
"intollerance" and undemocratic practices. This should not be allowed
to percolate within the discussion group.
I am totally against censorship of any sort and on all media. I fully
understand violation of "freedom of expression" ventaliting vengenace
and infer violence against others. Of course every subscriber has the
right to criticise, argue, debate or add to any postings with credible
facts and links to other weblinks or reference materials or quotes
from published materials. Those postings should of course be
encouraged.
I have found several times when a subscriber does not find rational
arguements or fails to justify his/her thoughts, an emotional outburst
are vetilated through this discussion forum which tantamounts to
defamation and libelous. You should understand that some subscriber
are using this forum to meet personal vengeance against subscriber
they either know or does not know each other. This is highly
contentious and libelous. Remember, gradually courts in different
countries even in Asia are going online are accepting legal notices on
email for legal redress. One day Shetubondhon will have to share the
legal implications.
I am over sure, the postings of personal attacks, vilification,
inflamatory rhetorics and emotional outbursts have discouraged many
subscribers to refrain from interacting or posting in Shetubondhon. I
have found it is nerve wrecking to post issues of war crimes, state of
human rights, not to speak of the plights of religious, ethnic or
cultural minorities, revivalism of Islamists in Bangladesh. Anybody
writing on this issue are RAW agents.
I strongly suggest that you also put in signature box a notification,
that Shetubondhon would not post personal attacks, mud slinging,
vilification. In addition Shetubondhon should review the guideline and
repost it again.
By the way, Mr Moderator please do to feel I am undermining the
quality of moderation or have personal problem with the moderator. I
am speaking my mind to encourage many other subscribers to interact
and merge into free flow of information facilitated by Shetubondhon.
NOTE: By the way, I do not mind to be RAW or ISI agent in Bangladesh.
I would prefer to be PAID and not on "voluntary basis". If anybody has
any source, please pass it to me, eh! Do I need to send my CV or they
recruit on face value?
Saleem Samad
Press Watchdog & Knowledge Management Specialist
Dhaka, Bangladesh
______________________________
Message 4190 of 4616
From: Saleem Samad <saleem@...>
Date: Fri Aug 30, 2002 10:50 am
Subject: RSF protest closure of ETV
[Sending two press statements by ETV Limited and another by
Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) on the "sad day for
independent electronic media" as Daily Star writes on 30 August
edition]
EKUSHEY TELEVISION LIMITED
A Statement- Thursday, August 29, 2002
The Supreme Court Appellate Division has today rejected the Review
Petition of Ekushey Television Limited. However, the Court noted that
Ekushey Television Limited has applied for licenses under the new
Bangladesh Telecommunications Act of 2001.
Today’s Judgement, the Court declared, would not have any bearing on
the consideration of such applications by the Bangladesh
Telecommunications Regulatory Committee, (the BTRC). The BTRC, the
Judgement said, is free to decide on these matters in accordance with
the law.
On the advice of its Legal Counsel, the Management of Ekushey
Television Limited said, in a statement this afternoon, that in view
of the observations of the Court, its broadcasts would continue as
normal until these matters are resolved by the BTRC. But in the
meantime the authorities have cancelled the terrestrial transmission
of Ekushey Television.
The statement confirmed Ekushey Television Limited’s position to act
in accordance with the law and thanked Barrister Ishtiaque Ahmed;
Barrister Dr. Kamal Hossain; Barrister Rafiqul Huq; supported by
Barrister Moniruzzaman Khan, who represented the petitioners in Court.
We would like to thank all our many millions of viewers in Bangladesh
and around the world especially in the UK.
EKUSHEY TELEVISION LIMITED
Thursday, August 29, 2002
---------------------------------------------------------
Press freedom
August 29, 2002
International Secretariat
Asia-Pacific Desk
Reporters Sans Frontières
BANGLADESH
Government closes leading Ekushey Television after court withdraws
licence
Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontières) has protested
against the government's closure of Bangladesh's leading TV station,
Ekushey Television (ETV), just one hour after the Supreme Court today
upheld the withdrawal of its licence.
"The intransigence and haste of the authorities responsible for
implementing this judicial decision seems to have been an act of
revenge against an overly independent television channel", Reporters
Without Borders secretary-general Robert Ménard said in a letter to
Information Minister Tariqul Islam.
Ménard noted in his letter that just a few months ago, the report of a
Reporters Without Borders investigation had hailed recent progress
made by Bangladesh in radio and television plurality. "Today, ETV's
disappearance is a dramatic backward step for viewers in Bangladesh",
he said. The letter urged the minister to find a way to let ETV
continue broadcasting while it obtains a new licence under last year's
telecommunications law.
Technicians of the state-owned Bangladesh Television cut off ETV's
broadcasts within one hour of the Supreme Court's decision today (29
August) to reject ETV's appeal and confirm the cancellation of its
licence. Hundreds of people, including performers and human rights
activists, had gathered outside the court in a show of solidarity with
ETV.
The Supreme Court's decision upholds the 27 March decision of the
Dhaka High Court cancelling the licence of ETV on the grounds that it
had obtained it under "illegal conditions" from the previous
government of the Awami League, now in opposition. This decision was
issued in response to a suit filed by two university teachers and a
journalist close to the ruling BNP.
ETV's lawyers had appealed against the High Court's decision before
the Supreme Court, which had in turn rejected the appeal. As a result,
ETV's lawyers had appealed again to the Supreme Court to reconsider
its own decision, and it was this appeal that was rejected today,
leaving no further legal recourse available to ETV.
ETV had obtained its licence in 1998, becoming the country's leading
private news channel. It had drawn a large audience thanks to a
variety of programming that broke with the state-owned television's
monotonous, pro-government style of broadcasting.
--
Vincent Brossel
Asia - Pacific Desk
Reporters Sans Frontières
5 rue Geoffroy Marie
75009 Paris
33 1 44 83 84 70
33 1 45 23 11 51 (fax)
as...@rsf.org
www.rsf.org
___________________________
Message 3913 of 4616
From: "Sohail Ahmad" <sohail99@h...>
Date: Tue Jul 2, 2002 3:12 pm
Subject: Re: [Shetubondhon] Further Update on HC Verdict on Ekushey
TV Petition
Dear Readers:
The news flash ends with a sentence stating that "Further details from
the Supreme Court are awaited at the time of this news flash.". So it
is not complete.
Even a child of 5 years old does have the minimum level of intellect
to realize that "ETV" is just over ! What is going on for last couple
of months is "a lengthy legal process".
We don't need to read Reporters sans frontieres (RSF) report for
knowing about ETV. Most of the internet readers have read Jaijaidin's
report on ETV. We know what we should know !
As a matter fact (time and again ) I would like get readers attention
towards the activities of organization like RSF etc.
I do personally salute those honest journalists who work in
professional manner in our media circle. Any threat to their life and
property should be condemned as much as we could.
However, the government of Bangladesh should also be careful towards
the activities of Indian intelligence agency namely RAW ( Research and
Analysis Wing ) in our beloved motherland in the name free
journalism. RAW has intruded into our media circle.
We, the non-Resident Bangladeshis, do wish that the present 4 party
government will teach a good lesson the RAW agents working in media
circle.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
From: Saleem Samad <saleem@B...>
Date: Tue Jul 2, 2002 11:06 am
Subject: [Shetubondhon] Further Update on HC Verdict on Ekushey TV
Petition
To: Shetub...@yahoogroups.com
Dear Friends
I am afraid the news flash represents only partial fact, as there has
been subsequent development. The details news story which was filed
for Paris-based Reporters sans frontieres (RSF) is below:
ETV license cancelled, stayed
On 2 July, within four hours of cancellation of the license of Ekushey
Television (ETV), the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court stayed
the implementation of its verdict for five weeks and allowed the
private TV channel to file a review application, says United News of
Bangladesh.
Chief Justice Mainur Reza Chowdhury, upholding the High Court verdict,
dismissed two leave applications thus ordering the closing down of the
channel.
But at midday following a prayer for stay to allow ETV to file review
application, the highest court stayed the operation of its verdict for
five weeks.
Earlier, in April, a High Court division bench comprising Justice
Nazmun Ara Sultana and Justice Hamidul Huq declared granting of
license to ETV as malafide and the whole process not transparent. The
bench made its rule absolute, but stayed the operation for two weeks
upon a prayer.
After hearing the prayers for leave to appeal preferred by ETV and an
intervenor, the full bench of the Appellate Division with Chief
Justice Mainur Reza Chowdhury in the chair first upheld the verdict of
the High Court and later granted five weeks to file review application
only by ETV.
The other judges of the Appellative Division are Justice M Ruhul Amin,
Justice KM Hasan, Justice Abu Sayed Mahmud and Justice Kazi AT
Monowaruddin.
Praying for a stay of the verdict, Dr Kamal Hossain, appearing on
behalf of the US banking giant Citicorp, said that if one license is
found defective, it can be replaced by another.
“Option should be there and it is curable,” he submitted saying that
the message of closing down the channel would be vulnerable for the
foreign investors, as over Tk 100 crore has been invested in the
venture.
The Appellate Division accepted the application of ETV, moved by
Barrister Syed Ishtiaq Ahmed, granted five weeks time to file the
review petition.
Attorney General AFM Hasan Arif appeared for the State while Barrister
Abdur Razzak argued as one of the writ petitioners. #
><((((º> .·´¯`·.¸¸.·´¯`·.¸ ><((((º><º))))>< .·´¯`·.¸.·´¯`· .¸ <º))))><
SALEEM Samad
Ashoka Fellow, USA
Press Watchdog & Social Justice Researcher
phones +(88).017.530207 mobile, +88.02.8015874 home, +88.02.8620539
work
fax +88.02.9561040, efax +001.775.213.0449
eMail , website www.AshokaBangladesh.org/saleem_samad
_____________________
Message 3607 of 4616
From: Saleem Samad <saleem@B...>
Date: Fri Apr 19, 2002 3:09 am
Subject: Re: An Identified RAW journalist
[From the Moderation Desk:
Shetubondhon welcomes and appreciates this posting from Mr. Saleem
Samad, a well-known Bangladeshi journalist, in response to some recent
sweepingly generalied portrayal of journalism in Bangladesh. We also
take this opportunity to remind our readership that let us all try to
elevate our discourses to a more objective and factual level. We hope
that our readership will self-exercise a higher standard on themselves
in writing to this forum, as the Moderation itself commits to do its
due share. We particularly urge our contributors to exercise extreme
care in referring to any individual in the form of any allegation. We
appreciate the understanding and cooperation of all in this regard.]
In response to:
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Shetubondhon/message/3450
========================================================
Dear Mr Sohail Ahmed
This response is not a rebuttal of your posting. I thought I would
never respond and instead let others react or respond. I hope you
would have time to read and you of course have the liberty to retort.
I would be glad to answer if you wish.
You claimed how RAW agents have infiltrated in Bangladesh press in the
name game of vague profession called "journalism". By the way I also
contribute regularly to The Daily Times (Lahore), edited by acclaimed
journalist Najam Sethi which made its debut from second week of this
April. I believe you would not be again upset because if someone
brings evidence that I am an ISI agent too? Will you?
Incidentally labelling me as RAW agent does not excites me any more,
it is old story of nailing down an opponent. Earlier I felt disgusted
if somebody labelled me as an agent of some agency or other. Nowadays
I feel, I am ignored! I am a professional journalist, who never
comprised on emotional agenda only. I condemn people engaged in
hate-speech and war-mongers. Please bear with me, I do not hate people
who hate people.
I fully respect your judgement labelling others or me as RAW agents.
Your premise from where you are reacting is possibly because
Bangladesh Nationalist Party and its four-party coalition partners are
in power. Would you believe I was also branded as an ISI agent when
Awami League was in reign. I was a "working for foreign agency" during
the regime of Khaleda Zia (1991-1996). I admire your instincts too!
Why I am stating that your accusation is nothing new, because Dainik
Inqilab, the pro-Islamist newspaper on 30 March 1995 wrote under a
double column reverse headline in the first page (not a matter of joke
to get such publicity) which was a deliberate attempt to instigate the
government of Khaleda Zia's that I was working for RAW and therefore I
must be investigated. Please trust me, I did not send any rebuttal to
the newspaper, nor did I react in public. I believe in absolute
freedom of expression, even if you were a Razakar (most of my friends
hates me for my argument). Rather I stayed cool and behaved as if I
have not read it, which possibly they felt frustrated.
On 18 April 1994, Dainik Sangram, a mouthpiece of Jama’at-e-Islami, in
a rare opportunity in a first page item identified me as a "foreign
agent". Because I was coordinating an environmental activists group
which opposed the World Bank coordinated water management project. The
project was however, bulldozed. I am not discussing the environmental
campaign here.
Another popular weekly Saptahik Robbar in 1995 published an interview
of a leader of a human rights organisation who explicitly said Saleem
Samad has been distorting information on the situation of Chittagong
Hill Tracts, confusing the donor community which is making them
(donor) hesitant. (What an influential and powerful person I am)
Eh, the self-proclaimed human rights leader was recently exposed by a
Bangla daily that he was issuing fake investigation reports regarding
different persons and claimed that they are in grave danger in
Bangladesh and are hunted and haunted by Islamic fanatics. He sold
these certificates at exorbitant price to facilitate political asylum.
I have nothing against political asylum!
You see the credibility of the persons and institutions is important
who is trading accusation.
I was reporting on the political crisis of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
since 1980 and presently researching on the conflict management. I was
the first journalist (working for a pro-American newspaper then) to
expose my “valiant” Bangladesh military are engaged in atrocities in
the hills. Which led to international uproar and rest is history. It
was of course a crime to expose internal affairs. I had to pay a
price. I was illegally detained by the military intelligence and
languished in a "safe house" in a bid to establish whether I am a
foreign agent? I was however rescued by Major General Manzur, Bir
Uttam, then GOC of 11 Infantry Division at Chittagong.
Regarding the article Northeast extremists seek political asylum in
Bangladesh in Tehelka.com, I stand by all the information published
under my name. All information in each paragraph were published
earlier in weekly Holiday, Dainik Prothom Alo, Dainik Janakantha and
Tehelka.com during the past several weeks. I have rechecked each
information from the government officials. Of course I had to drop
some information, when I could not confirm. The copy of the article
after being uploaded in Tehelka.com was posted to officials to seek
their opinion whether any error has crept into the article. None of
them contested, rather appreciated and expressed. My question what is
your dispute? Your have any debate I can forward it to the government
officials.
I am used to all these seesaw judgement from over-enthusiasts persons.
You definitely have your opinion, but you cannot and should not make
sweeping remarks about a person on face value. That is last bit of
goddamn advice for people like you.
Let me reiterate that I would continue to appreciate your contribution
in the discussion groups.
Best wishes
Saleem Samad, Bangladesh
website:
http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2002/mar/25/ca032502bangla.htm
Northeast extremists seek political asylum in Bangladesh
Bangladesh is increasingly becoming hostile territory for Northeast
groups, says Saleem Samad
_____________________
Message 3450 of 4616
From: "Sohail Ahmad" <sohail99@h...>
Date: Tue Mar 26, 2002 1:48 pm
Subject: An Identified RAW journalist
Dear Readers:
I have mentioned lots of times that RAW agents are extremely active in
Bangladesh in different profession. Here is an example of Bangladeshi
RAW agent. Please read this article and try to understand how RAW
agents are working in Bangladesh. Bangladesh government is NOT able to
even touch them. They work uder a vague profession called "jounalism".
Our Bangladeshi journalists are spending their days and nights in
fulfilling the assingments that have been assigned to them by India's
RAW. They are very very known face ! Even hard to touch !!
Do you have any suggestion regarding this ?
website:
http://www.tehelka.com/channels/currentaffairs/2002/mar/25/ca032502bangla.htm
Northeast extremists seek political asylum in Bangladesh
Bangladesh is increasingly becoming hostile territory
for Northeast groups, says Saleem Samad
New Delhi, March 25
After Khaleda Zia's pro-Rightist Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP),
along with her Islamist partners, swept into power in October 2001,
the fate of the militant leaders from the Northeastern states of India
incarcerated in Bangladeshi prisons was taken up during diplomatic
parleys between India and Bangladesh.
India has demanded the extradition of these "most-wanted persons".
Several insurgent leaders belonging to the United Liberation Front of
Asom (ULFA) and the All-Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF) are in Bangladesh,
either languishing in jail, or simply in "hiding".
A strain in the India-Bangladesh relationship, never very firm to
begin with, has developed after Delhi specifically asked Dhaka through
diplomatic channels to hand over Sanjeev Deb Barman, a senior ATTF
member.
Barman was detained in 1998 from Khagrachari in the Chittagong Hill
Tracts (CHT) in eastern Bangladesh for staying without legal travel
documents. He had been illegally staying at his relative's house since
1993 during the BNP regime (1991-1996) and was arrested when Sheikh
Hasina took charge of the government.
With the return of Khaleda Zia, the fate of the most-wanted Indians
has changed dramatically, as it has for other militants, too. Advocate
Sigma Huda (wife of Barrister Nazmul Huda, minister of transport and
communication in the present cabinet), general secretary of the
Bangladesh Society for Enforcement of Human Rights (BSEHR), moved a
bail petition on behalf of the ATTF leader in High Court. The court
issued bail on January 27 this year. An angry New Delhi has strongly
protested this move.
Bangladesh apparently failed to block the bail petition. A senior
official of the ministry of home affairs (MHA) said he was aware of
the objection raised by the Indian government. "If the High Court
releases him on bail, what can the home ministry do in this regard?"
the official asked, on condition of anonymity.
Meanwhile, Anup Chetia, secretary of ULFA, who was arrested during
Sheikh Hasina's regime, sought political refugee status this month.
Similarly, Sanjeev Deb Barman, presently in custody of the BSEHR, has
also applied for political asylum. The influential law firm of
Advocate Sigma Huda has filed all the petitions.
Chetia is still in jail in Dhaka but as a "political prisoner", not
for illegally entering Bangladesh. Last week, for the fourth time, he
sent a petition to the MHA to reconsider its recalcitrant stand and
grant him refugee status. The ministry has always turned down his
applications.
On the other hand, ULFA military commander Paresh Barua's presence in
Bangladesh has persistently been denied by the Bangladeshi government
for the past three years.
Barua is managing his clandestine operations from Dhaka. Sources claim
that he operates a transport business and has invested in an English
school in Dhanmondi.
Barua recently escaped an attempt, the fourth this year, on his life.
The attempts were allegedly engineered by the "surrendered" ULFA
(SULFA) militants and "Seven Star", a notorious underworld don.
Although the clandestine operation was blamed on the Indian Research
and Analysis Wing (RAW), competent sources claim it was orchestrated
by the Assam police, which has become a law unto itself. What is clear
in this whole mess is that it would be foolhardy of the Indian
intelligence to capture Barua and smuggle him out for trial in India,
as such a move would cause a "diplomatic uproar". Delhi cannot afford
to jeopardise its relations with Bangladesh. Moreover, Bangladesh is
increasingly becoming hostile territory for ULFA and ATTF militants.
Responding to a question on whether the issue of insurgent leaders
stranded in different jails in Bangladesh had been taken up during
India-Bangladesh diplomatic parleys in recent months, Bangladesh
Foreign Secretary Shamsher Mobin Chowdhury said that the issue had
been discussed.
Thoot Kata
From: "Mac Haque"
Subject: Q&A: Free Saleem Samad - article on Daily Star 12-01-03
In response to: Free Saleem Samad
http://www.dailystarnews.com/200301/12/n3011202.htm#BODY3
This is a very passionate and hard-hitting article by Mr. Afsan
Chowdhury of Daily Star today.
While I am personally opposed to any form of torture and incarceration
of anybody - journalist or otherwise, the problem as far as I can
fathom in Saleem Samad's case is, he is a victim of his own alter ego
as also the sheer deceptions and lies he has routinely indulged in,
specially his filings to various Internet websites, e-forums and
on-line newspapers. His current state ironically is a clear case of
'what goes around - comes around'.
Not many people in Bangladesh have known Saleem Samad's 'journalistic
prowess', however for those of us on the Net, his 'efforts' seemed to
be clearly suspect. Acting on feeds from India’s intelligence RAW,
they were against any ethics of journalism - nor did they display
anything more than pro-India Brahminist Hindutva propaganda to malign
Bangladesh and its people - not necessarily its Government.
Mr. Afsan Chowdhury in this article raises several questions, which I
am obliged to answer as under - for obviously he is not aware of Mr.
Samad's 'Netscapades':
[Q1] The conspiracy charges made against him are vague and in fact in
his role he had no scope to do anything.
[A1} So were Saleem Samad ‘conspiracy theories’ on the Net! He had of
course many 'scopes' and 'sources' that many of us felt quite puzzled
digesting.
To cite two examples:
He was the ‘first Bangladeshi journalist’ to inform readers on the Net
the fabricated story of 100 fleeing Taliban fighters from Afghanistan
landing in Chittagong Port, long before Max Perry made 'history' of it
in TIME. The sequel to that report was ‘Deadly Cargo ’ – the language,
absurdity, concoction and fairy tales weaved by Mr. Samad - or at
least Max Perry and other Bangladesh bashers took a queue from it.
There was also this masterly 'theorizing' by him that the abject
reason for President Musharraf's visit to Bangladesh was to force the
Bangladesh authorities to 'shut down ISI run jihadi camps in
Chittagong'.
When I confronted him on the matter with logic and argument in my
article in NFB and other e-forums: 'Spooky Stench': Light a Match
Stick or two!
Link: <http://www.bangladesh-web.com/news/aug/05/g05082002.htm#A1>
Mr. Samad never responded to the same.
Why?
Because I had asked him embarrassing questions - which if he had even
attempted to answer would a) reveal that my allegations were TRUE,
b) he would have to engineer further fabrications which would then be
challenged by other Netizens getting weary of his constant nonsense of
citing 'sources', 'intelligence sources', 'diplomatic sources' et.al
without being able to prove a damn thing.
There is after all such a thing called ‘open source intelligence’ –
and it did not matter to Saleem Samad to churn those out as long as it
suited his agenda – whatever they might have been. Little did he
realise that they may be held against him.
[Q2] Apparently this is preventive detention. But in 30 years of
professional life, what has he done that can threaten the State?
[A2] I do not know if he had much of 'professional life' for I do not
know the man personally, but in some round about ways all he has done
as a ‘journalist’ is to maintain very close contacts with somebody
like the notorious Mr. Subhir Bhowmick, the North East correspondent
of BBC, a Bangladesh basher, and a known RAW operative who has been on
the 'hate list' of all Governments of Bangladesh regardless of the
party in power.
Saleem Samad took upon himself the 'fallen mantle' of Subhir Bhowmick
after an embarrassed BBC on the threat of ‘pain of unemployment’ made
him stop writing routine propaganda in newspapers and instead stick to
broadcast. Saleem to my estimation is a victim of Subhir’s
machinations, or will it be much 'politer' to suggest that he was
‘guilty of association’?
[Q3] Are people taking advantage of a man who stands fairly alone in
his own land?
[A3] Not at all.
Mr. Saleem Samad is a classic case of one that has isolated himself,
by willingly spreading partisan propaganda and RAW feeds from the
Indian High Commission in the Dhaka in the name of ‘news’ – which
remain archived on the Net. He is not the only one that does this nor
will he be the last - problem is how long will we be defending people
who are willing victims of their own creation?
The move to expose Al-Qaeda presence in Bangladesh by Saleem Samad was
no ‘anti-fundamentalist patriotic’ gesture on his part. Had he and the
Channel 4 ‘journalist’ masterminded by Ruchira Gupta, a RAW operative,
succeeded in what they had set about - they would have become
millionaires by now! It would be the first documented evidence of
Al-Qaeda presence anywhere in the free world. Let us give it some
thought!
[Q4] But in 30 years of professional life, what has he done that can
threaten the State? Saleem has broken stories on the CHT insurgency
for the New Nation and even after visiting Shanti Bahini camps and
describing their everyday life, he was not touched. Had he been
dangerous he would have been taken in.
[A4] This is a subject I had confronted him with as well in the same
article that I quoted above.
Forget Bangladesh - no other journalist had any 'access' to Shanti
Bahini that Saleem Samad had. But what we never questioned him then -
up until I took him on in my article in August of last year, is to
explain to us his ‘point of entry’ to establish contacts with the
Shanti Bahini. All indications are he caught up with the insurgents
from inside India, with the assistance and connivance of the RAW, and
his contact was established through the good office of Mr. Subhir
Bhowmick.
I quote two paragraphs from my article :
"These stories of ‘clandestine camps’ are well known to him for in his
career as an ‘eminent’ journalist, he had managed to infiltrate behind
the lines (albeit the other way around), enter, stay over night,
photograph, and interview RAW backed Shanti Bahini guerilla’s in their
camps on the Indian side of Chittagong Hill Tracts – when very few
people could. 17 ‘jihadi camps’ in comparison within the territory of
Bangladesh should be a piece of cake!
With this great talent at ‘sniffing out’ clandestine activities, why
is it that, despite the repeated propaganda about such so-called camps
circulating for as long as our memory can serve us, {even during the
long Awami League tenure, when the Government of the day was part of
the propaganda chorus), has Mr. Samad failed to do a ‘Shanti Bahini’
out of ‘Al Qaeda jihadis’?The answer to that is - they do not exist,
period."
Whether those 'covert' actions made him 'dangerous' to Bangladesh's
interest (if it has ANY) is anybody's guess.
[Q5] The irony of it all is that Saleem Samad has never been pro-Awami
League. If anything his friends are with the radical sections of JSD
of whom many are with the government today.
[A5] I have to hotly dispute this assertion. 'Friendships' are never
made on ideological or by sifting through political affiliations, and
having said that I must also point out that - it has become a fashion
these days among Awami Leaguers after they were voted out of power to
wear a facade of ex-officio 'neutrality' by claiming they were/are
'radical JSD' elements remniscent of the days post Independence (or
post 1996 when AL came to power) when suddenly everybody became a
Mukti Joddha!
Anybody with the slightest knowledge of Bangladesh's political history
will not deny the fact that the JSD was formed with the backing of
India's RAW only to annihilate radical elements from the remnants of
the Mukti Bahini of 1971. The JSD as it stands today is no more than a
B team to Awami League.
In any event, I hope Saleem Samad is released from prison soon. We
Netizens are looking forward to his next 'fairy tale' – harmless as
they were, it has unfortunately and regrettably caused him so much of
harm!
Mac Haque
eMail:jazzban...@hotmail.com
_______________________________________
Maqsoodul Haque (Mac) 45, is a radical columnist and a jazz musician
based in Dhaka, Bangladesh