Who Killed The Intellectuals? (READ)
vigil...@my-deja.com
Abdullah Al Amin (from NFB)
Every year when the victory day (16th December, 1971) knocks on our
door we recall the intellectuals who were murdered in 1971-- just when
it was becoming crystal clear that East Pakistan was surely going to
gain independence. It is alleged that the mass murder of intellectuals
of Bangladesh was a last ditch attempt by the brutal West Pakistani
forces and their collaborators to make the nascent Bengali nation
devoid of her intellectual people whose contribution would be sought
for the reconstruction of the war-devastated country.
A group of people always spews their utter hatred unjustly (without any
proof) on the rajakers (collaborators to the West Pakistani forces) for
taking part in the mass murder. However, truth seems to be coming out
with the passage of time. One of the intellectuals killed just before
the independence of Bangladesh was Prof Munir Choudhury. Prof Choudhury
was opposed to any Indian intervention in Bangladesh. Munir Choudhury
was that person who translated Present Ayub Khan's autobiographical
book, "Friends, Not Masters". That tells a volume as to why he was
targeted. The fact that RAW-operated Mukti Bahini killed Prof Choudhury
can be concluded from the writings of his sister Dr. Neelima Ibrahim -
"On the left side of the road going from University to New Market,
there lies a petrol pump. We named it 'Joi bangla Pump'. That pump
station was our rendezvous to exchange information amongst ourselves
till the very end of liberation war. Towards the first week of
November, the doctor said with a grave mood, 'Choudhury saheb will put
us in trouble.' I asked, 'Which Choudhury?' He replied, 'Your brother
Munir Choudhury.' Today four young people boys from our locality called
me at the back of the pump station to inform me, 'There is still some
time left. Tell our sir to get away from this place.' In November of
1971, threats to kidnap Prof Munir Choudhury were given out. And on the
14th December he was murdered. Munir Choudhury believed in the non-
separation of Pakistan. So, he had to face an unfortunate fate at the
hands of some vested interest group who can now be easily identified."
[The Daily Ajker Kagoj (Independence Day issue), 1994].
Another intellectual killed right after the independence of Bangladesh
was Zahir Raihan. The murder of Zahir Raihan seems to the work of
Indian conspiracy although for too long Jamat-I-Islami Bangladesh had
been made the scapegoat to attribute the blame without revealing any
evidence. He was a legendary figure in the history of East Pakistan's
film industry. After the independence of Bangladesh, in January 31,
1972 he was declared missing. Later, his dead body was recovered from
the mass-murder graveyard in Mirpur. The events leading to his
disappearance and murder remained shrouded in mystery for long time.
But recently, noted film actress Babita recalled her memories
pertaining to her deceased brother-in-law Zahir Raihan in the following
words,'Zahir wanted to divulge all the ugly activities of many people
[hinting tothe Awami League leaders and workers who took shelter in
Calcutta during the liberation war of 1971] during their nine month
long sojourn. It was because of this crime Zahir was caught in a trap
and taken to Mirpur where he was murdered as per a premeditated plan.
During the nine months of war, Zahir bhai stayed in Calcutta. He was
not overtly involved in politics. Only secretly did he get involved in
politics. Many people used to come to see him. He returned to
Bangladesh right after the independence. I found him very depressed
during those days One day Zahir bhai went to Mirpur without informing
anything to anyone. He only said, "Today all of you make dua
(supplications) for me. I shall do something extraordinary to surprise
all of you." Saying so he went out. And never did he return. He was
accompanied by an Indian Brigadier. That Brigadier was invited for a
dinner in our house that night. At night, Brigadier sahib phoned us to
let us know that he won't be able to make it since Zahir Raihan was
missing. We asked him, "Why? He went out with you." He replied, "That's
right, but after we arrived there [Mirpur], we were separated. He was
never again found." He put down the receiver of the telephone after
this.
I believe, Zahir bhai was murdered. Upon returning from India, he once
said in a meeting, "During the nine months of war while I was staying
in Calcutta I witnessed who did what there, who worked for the country
and who fulfilled their worldly desire. I have all the records I shall
disclose all of that." This bold statement was responsible for cutting
his life short.' 'Zahir Raihan declared in the press club, "I have all
the photographic proofs as to who did what in Calcutta. Pictures never
tell lies. Tomorrow there will be an exhibition of those pictures in
this press club." But that tomorrow never came in the life of Zahir
Raihan. Zahir Raihan had in his possession the proofs of widespread
corruption, unbridled embezzlement of money, illegal businesses, sex
scandals, drinking orgy - all kinds of immoral activities committed by
many Awami League leaders and workers. He captured many rare scenes
with his camera.
How could the vested interest groups spare Zahir Raihan of his guilt of
tarnishing the image of Awami League's very dear liberation war?
Therefore, Zahir Raihan had to be eliminated from the surface of the
earth after the independence.' [Arakhkhito Shandinotai Paradhinata
(Unprotected Independence Brings Subservience) by Major (ret'd) M. A.
Jalil, p.43, 4th edition]. Committee to investigate the murder of
intellectuals including Zahir Raihan was formed during the regime of
then ruling party, Awami League. But the report of investigation was
never made public. What was the reason behind this? The daily Ajker
Kagoj, on its December 8, 1993 issue, published a report with the
headline -- "Where is Rafiq? -- murderer of Zahir Raihan. The report
went on to state, " ... After the newspapers started clamoring about
the disappearance of Zahir Raihan, Sheikh Mujib called on Nasima Kabir,
the elder sister of Zahir Raihan and threatened in these words, "If you
continue to cry out loud over Zahir's disappearance then you will one
day disappear" ... Zahir Raihan disappeared while trying to search for
his elder brother Shahidullah Kaiser. He was probably murdered. ... Why
was Rafiq, murderer of Zahir Raihan, sent out to America with his
family right after the disappearance of Zahir Raihan? Who was Rafiq?
What was his political affiliation? The answers to these barrage of
questions might shed enough light to solve the Zahir Raihan murder
puzzle. [Ref:Bangladeshi Culture Under the Grip of Evil Influences by
Sarker Shahabuddin Ahmed, a book published from Dhaka in 1994, page
108.]
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Before you buy.
Zafar Chowdhury
a pakistani, ex-muslim league or bihari family. He is trying to distort
history and insulting the memory of our shahid intellectuals ?
Almost all of the these intellectuals were picked up from their home or
work by Razzakars in front of eye witness. Razzakars only went after well
known figures-famous doctor, engineer, university head of the departments.
Very few of these intellecuals were involved in the independent movement.
They were killed for one reason-pure revenge. Revenge against Bengali people
for breaking up Pakistan in the hope that the nation will suffer. They were
all found murdered in Rayer-bazar area. They were all killed during few days
before the surrender of Pak army. At the time they were killed (between 12th
and 14th December) Indian Army did not enter Dhaka. There were some secret
Mukti Bahini activity but the city was openly occupied by Pak Army and their
collaborators.
Yes Munir Chowdhury did translate Ayub Khan's 'Friend, not Master'. Maybe
he wanted a united Pakistan. Hey, before 1971 every bengali including Sheik
Mujiber Rahman wanted a united Pakistan.
Lets come to the issue of Zahir Raihan. Everybody know he was killed by our
government at that time to protect their interest. It was terrible and I
pray someday the truth come out. I am sure there are more incidents like
that happened around that time.
Statement like 'Who killed the intellectuals?' only bring out sadness. Its
painful enough to see how their real killers (pakistani military planners)
got way free.
<vigil...@my-deja.com> wrote in message
news:8j95oe$ep2$1...@nnrp1.deja.com...
fo...@my-deja.com
born. You old bangladeshis are confused. thats why we new generation
suffering. You people love india or pakistan not bangladesh. thats why
everytime oppposing each other which clearly shows some ofya support
india and some of ya support pakistan.
regarding pakistan we shouldnt have given it up. we bangladeshi instead
of giving up should have ruled it. Pakistanis are happy as we gave it
away other wise pakistan belongs to bangladesh. coz maulna abul kalam
ajad first asked for sovereign muslim cuntry in dhaka which is pakistan.
And stop calling youself bengali you are bangladeshi if you are.
bengali relates to calcuttan bengalis who are hindus.
In article <8jd32k$7mc$1...@mailint03.im.hou.compaq.com>,
j_h...@my-deja.com
"Zafar Chowdhury" <zafar.c...@compaq.com> wrote:
from a pakistani, ex-muslim league or bihari family. He is trying to
distort history and insulting the memory of our shahid intellectuals ?
========================================================================
THREE MOVIES OF FRENCH COLLABORATORS OF NAZI GERMANY
----------------------------------------------------------------
The Sorrow And The Pity (1971):
Director: Marcel Ophuls
260 minutes
It's hard to make a Nazi look good But in "The Sorrow and the Pity,"
Marcel Ophuls' monumental documentary about a French town during the
German occupation, one of the most appealing interview subjects is
Helmuth Tausend, a former Nazi captain. Tausend doesn't come off as a
hero—he's cheerfully unapologetic about his years of service to
Hitler—but simply as a human being who chose a course of action because
he believed in it. This is not to say that Ophuls agrees or even
sympathizes with the ex-Nazi, only that he leaves the final verdict up
to the audience.
Originally released in 1971, "The Sorrow and the Pity" consists almost
entirely of interviews with people who lived in the town of
Clermont-Ferrand (located near Vichy) during World War II. Resistance
fighters, Nazis, knowing (and unknowing) collaborators are all present
to offer their personal takes on a very confusing period in France's
history. But this film is far from a collection of talking heads; even
though it clocks in at just under four-and-a-half hours, it's a very
tight narrative that leaves you wanting more.
The faces and stories from Marcel Ophuls' epic film of France in defeat
and under Nazi Occupation: the farmers who shrug off their betrayal by
neighbors; former Premier Pierre Mendčs-France, his prison escape
blocked by a couple's romantic tryst; the cabaret performer who
attributed his courage to the desire to show that homosexuals could be
as brave as other men; the former member of the French SS; a co-founder
of the Resistance who admits, "I think that you joined the Resistance
only if you were in some way maladjusted;" the son-in-law of
collaborationist Pierre Laval straining to explain why the executed
former Prime Minister got a raw deal. Newsreels and film clips are
intercut throughout, giving both a concrete sense of the period, but
also allowing us to see many of the principals then and 30 years later,
never more strikingly than in the juxtapostion of a middle-aged TV-store
owner with the legendary "Colonel Gaspar," saluting DeGaulle at the
moment of Liberation. Originally refused by French TV, Ophuls' classic
moved from a single engagement at a tiny Left Bank arthouse to
international success and acclaim - including an Oscar nomination for
Best Documentary and a recurring homage in Woody Allen's Annie Hall -
while ending the myth of an undivided and universally resistant France,
but with a humanity that transcends vengeance. Says former British P.M.
and wartime Foreign Minister Anthony Eden: "No one who has not lived
through an occupation by Germany can possibly judge." Approximately 4
hours, 20 minutes (plus 15-minute intermission).
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Lacombe, Lucien
France 1974. Director: Louis Malle Cast: Pierre Blaise, Aurore ClÚment,
Holger Lűwenadler
Colour, 16mm, in French with English subtitles.
135 mins
One of Louis Malle's most powerful, personal, and profound works,
Lacombe, Lucien touches on territory the director would return to again
in 1987's Au Revoir les Enfants: "the situation of Jewish children under
the Occupation and the people who hid or denounced them" (Alan
Williams). The film offers an incisive, disquieting, cooly objective
portrait of a young French peasant's drift into Fascism. Its protagonist
is Lucien (Pierre Blaise), a casually brutal, largely amoral 17-year-old
governed chiefly by his instincts. When his efforts to join the French
Resistance are rebuffed, he slowly falls in with the Gestapo -- only to
then fall in love with a Jewish girl. Coming four years after Marcel
Ophuls' monumental documentary The Sorrow and the Pity (1970), Malle's
film was one of the first French features to address the always-thorny
issue of French collaboration with the Nazis; many credit the flack
Malle received over the work with being instrumental in his subsequent
decision to migrate to the U.S. "Malle's film is a long, close look at
the banality of evil; it is -- not incidentally -- one of the least
banal movies ever made. . . Without ever mentioning the subject of guilt
and innocence, Lacombe, Lucien, in its calm, leisurely, dispassionate
way, addresses it on a deeper level than any other movie I know"
(Pauline Kael). "A masterful job" (James Monaco).
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Au Revoir Les Enfants:
France 1987.
Director: Louis Malle
Cast: Gaspard Manesse, RaphaÎl Fejtű, Francine Racette
Colour, 35mm, in French with English subtitles.
104 mins.
Louis Malle's deeply affecting tale of innocence lost, based on an
incident in the director's own childhood, chronicles the friendship
between two boys in a Catholic boarding school during the German
occupation of France. Julien is an 11-year-old from a well-to-do family;
Jean is a new boy in class whose sensitivity and intelligence set him
apart from the other students. Julien is drawn to Jean and the two
become fast friends. Gradually, however, Julien discovers a momentous,
life-threatening secret: Jean is Jewish, and has been given refuge from
the Nazis and their collaborators by the school's headmaster. While the
two chums struggle with the typical schoolboy problems of homework, peer
pressure, and puberty, the danger to Jean is never far from the surface,
and Julien must resist his childish impulse to share his secret
knowledge with others. Reminiscent of Vigo's ZÚro de conduite and
Truffaut's The 400 Blows in its evocation of the anarchic, often brutal,
world of schoolboys, yet at the same time a work of singular -- and
devastating -- emotional power, the film won the Golden Lion at Venice
in 1987, three French CÚsars (Best Film, Director, Screenplay), and was
nominated for two Oscars (Foreign Film, Original Screenplay). "Au Revoir
les Enfants is Malle at his best" (David Thomson).
_______________________________________________________________________
The1971...@egroups.com
Tarek Ali
by Sharif Islam (published in NFB)
Abdullah Al-Amin points to a very important aspect of the
history of 1971. The background of the people who were killed
just before and sometime after the surrender of the Pakistani
army, and the circumstances under which they were killed still
remain a mystery. A blanket assumption has been made that they
were killed by the defeated Pakistani army and their cohorts
just prior to their surrender. The theory was that the defeated
forces and their associates resorted to this killing in order to
suppress the Bengali nation so that they can never succeed and
raise their heads as an independent country. It was also
theorized that the killing was done in order so that Bangladesh
would never be able to compete with Pakistan.
On the surface, they appeared quite reasonable theories at the
time when we were still in the excitement of our independence.
But a closer look at the facts and the circumstances raise
serious questions as to who really were behind this heinous
crime. Lets start with some of the people who were killed
duringthe middle of December 1971.
Munir Chowdhury He was quite possibly the most favored
intellectual of East Pakistan to the rulers in the West. He was
awarded the coveted job translating the famous book by Ayub Khan
Friends not Masters. He comes of a very religious family.
Personally, he was not religious, but he never opposed the
integrity of Pakistan. He had a left leaning with pro- Peking
bias. He was known to be a dalal in some quarters because of his
stand on Pakistan in 1971. He was admonished several times in
Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra as being a collaborator. His brother
(Name most probably Munim Chowdhury) was in West Pakistan, and
was well known for his staunch support for Pakistan s integrity.
(In fact, he never relinquished his allegiance to Pakistan. He
still lives in Pakistan). One has to wonder if the Pakistani
quarter had to plan for this gruesome murder, why should they
target a person like Munir Chowdhury?
Mohammad Mortaza He was the medical officer of Dhaka University
living in the university quarters. He was a staunch supporter of
Pakistan till the last day, and he was most vocal about it. He
always used to argue with people in favor of Pakistans
integrity. He was a die-hard pro- Peking leftist which was
probably the reason behind his stand on Pakistan. Anyone knowing
him personally would just bewildered why he should bear the
wrath of the Pakistani forces.
Scrutiny of background of several other intellectuals will
reveal that they were people of left leaning. That included
Anwar Pasha, Rashidul Hasan of Dhaka University. So the question
is: when the Pakistani army is at the verge of their decisive
defeat, and they do not have enough time to cover their own
back, why would they embark upon such a crime? What logic would
convince them that by killing two dozens intellectuals, they
will ensure crippling consequences for the Bengalis? Why should
they target, of all people, some who were totally loyal to
Pakistan? Why most of the intellectuals targeted were left
leaning? How would the elimination of those intellectuals help
Pakistan in any way? Who could be really benefited by the
killing of these intellectuals? When the Pakistani army and
their associates were not having enough time to save their own
tails, why such an odd adventurism should be on their to do
list?
Then came the Zahir Raihan episode. Zahir Raihan was a young and
extremely talented film-maker by any measure with huge promise.
He was in India during the nine months in 1971. His brother
novelist Shahidullah Kaiser was among the intellectuals killed
just before the defeat of the Pakistani forces. Both of them had
left leaning also. (We must remember that Awami League was not a
left party until well after independence. The leftist force of
the country considered Awami League a reactionary force and a
foe in their strive for establishing Socialism in the country).
After Zahir Raihan came back from India, he could gather
significant information regarding the intellectual killings. He
had his interest in the matter as his brother was among the
victims. He got such information which would have made popular
ideas about the killing reversed. He held a press conference in
the Dhaka Press Club either in late December or early January
declaring that he is going to divulge the critical information
about the intellectual killing among other things very soon. He
even was carrying a portfolio bag under his arm which he said
contained critical leads for the intellectual killing mystery.
This press conference got due coverage in the local media.
Within a couple of days of that press conference, Zahir Raihan
got the fateful phone call which promised him more information
on the intellectual killing. Adamant to solve the mystery, he
went to meet the unknown party in Mirpur with the protection of
Indian army contingent. It was late morning in a sunny day, and
Zahir Raihan was never seen again. The full contingent of Indian
army came back safe and sound without Zahir Raihan! The
authority totally ignored the event and hushed it up with a
traditional enquiry commission. Since then, he has been painted
as a victim of the rajakars.
Nobody has ever found any slightest proof that he was abducted
by the rajakars. How could the rajakars be so brave during that
time is beyond comprehension of most people. Why the government
chose to cover up the event is still the big mystery. Who could
have been at risk of getting exposed by Zahir Raihan? What
critical information he possessed that could have changed many
popular myths about the events of 1971-72? What happened to the
portfolio of documents that he had gathered before his
disappearance? Why is he not remembered separately but lumped
with the intellectuals killed before 16 th December?
The inevitable question is that who were behind the intellectual
killings and disappearance of Zahir Raihan? Should we just
accept at face value what Awami League authorities wanted us to
believe? Awami League was totally subservient to India all
along. Specially after independence, they felt like totally debt-
bound to them. They ignored all the looting of Indian army, and
persecuted those who opposed that at the order of India. It is
very natural and possible that they have done the same on many
other matters.
Who really stood to gain most by the killing of the
intellectuals? Pakistan? It does not add up. They should not
have time for such a thing at that juncture, also their gain
seems to be zero. The rajakars also would not create a new
problem for themselves by this kind of madness before their
defeat and risk the wrath of the people. They were already in
big trouble. A couple of dozen intellectuals killed would not
buy them anything in independent Bangladesh.
Who was the mastermind of killing the intellectuals? Who pulled
the strings from background? They are the same people who saw a
potential competition from independent Bangladesh and who wanted
to see an obedient Bangladesh. They also wanted to make sure
that the leftists do not get any upper hand in Bangladesh once
the Islamists are easily defeated. They wanted to make sure that
the Naxalbari movement did not get any currency in Bangladesh
like in West Bengal. They wanted to see that the Pakistani
forces and their cohorts became even more hated (if that was
possible) to the people of Bangladesh, and create a field to
crush the Islamic force in the name of rajakar nidhon. This
heinous act is enough to shut the mind of anybody convinced of
the association to the crime. But remember, leftists and the
talented people in cultural arena would not be any problem for
the post-1971 Pakistan. It was going to be problem for India.
About this intellectual killing of 1971, the facts are more
exciting than fiction. Will anybody have the courage to come
forward and unearth the mystery with an objective mind? Will we
be ready to accept the results irrespective of who we find
guilty?
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j_h...@my-deja.com
Tarek Ali <kollolN...@post.com.invalid> wrote:
> Re. Who Killed The Intellectuals?
>
> by Sharif Islam (published in NFB)
>
> Abdullah Al-Amin points to a very important aspect of the
> history of 1971. The background of the people who were killed
> just before and sometime after the surrender of the Pakistani
> army, and the circumstances under which they were killed still
======================================================================
NEWS FROM BANGLADESH / Readers' Opinion / July 6, 2000
Fire in the soul: the predicament of the millions.
By Jamal Hasan
The twentieth century, more than any other, was witness to the most
tumultuous events in the history of the subcontinent. And to many of
us, 1971 was the year that proved to be the most momentous of the
century in shaping our subcontinent. Other cataclysms of the century
like the fulfillment of the vision of "two-nations" in 1947 and the mass
killings and migrations that followed, pale into insignificance when
compared to the bloodletting, inflicted on Bangladesh in 1971, that
forged its 75 million people into a nation. That is why it is so very
important to accurately document the events of 1971 for a proper
understanding of the history of the subcontinent.
The survivors of 1971 have a lot to say of those days of fire and
blood in 1971. Unfortunately we, Bengalis, have never been media
savvy enough to do justice to our history, in general, and to the
events of 1971, in particular. Furthermore, to those that suffered
personal tragedies in 1971, it is often as distasteful as it is painful
to recapitulate all the butchery and treachery that culminated in the
largest genocide since the days of Hitler. Not surprisingly, all these
have served to leave an unfortunate gap in our understanding of the
history of Bangladesh.
Recently, I had the privilege of meeting Dr. Rafiqul Islam, a professor
of Bangla at Dhaka University. He was in USA to attend a Conference on
Nazrul in Florida. He was kind enough to invited me for a meeting with
him at his sister's residence in Maryland. It was my opportunity to come
face to face with history. My visit turned out to be more fruitful than
I had ever dared to imagine. I met not just Dr. Rafiqul Islam but also a
number of other Bengali-Americans who were activists in 1971 and had
lived dangerously in the days of fire and blood. They were men of
resolve who had chosen to be led by the fire in their soul even through
the thickest gloom.
Professor Nurul Islam is one of them. I found Dr. Rafiqul Islam
respectfully addressing him as sir. In fact he seems to be one of the
most respected Bengalis among the expatriate folks. Dr. Nurul Islam was
kind enough to reminisce about those days for our benefit.
During my university days in Bangladesh, I did not have a clue that
Dr. Rafiqul Islam had been jailed by the junta in 1971. I was aware
of the ordeal of a few martyrs who had been jailed (like Shaheed Altaf
Mahmud). They had ultimately met their end at the hands of a firing
squad. After listening to both Dr. Rafiqul Islam and Professor Nurul
Islam I came to the conclusion that but for the grace of God they could
not have lived through 1971 to tell their tales. I will now give readers
a few glimpses of the 1971 saga from what I heard from Dr. Rafiqul
Islam.
When Professor Nurul Islam was lobbying with Senator Kennedy and
others at the Capitol Hill to save the lives of Bengali intellectuals,
Dr. Rafiqul Islam and four other Dhaka University professors were
already in Pakistani prison at the Dhaka Cantonment. They were in
solitary confinement in small cells which looked more like cages than
anything else.
Fortunately, political pressure from Washington did have some effect.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto conveyed the thinking in Washington to Yahya Khan.
The army administrators in the erstwhile province of East Pakistan
thought it prudent to take token measures to reassure the world that not
every jailed intellectual would face the firing squad. In September,
Moulvi Farid Ahmed visited some of the jailed intellectuals. Late Moulvi
Farid Ahmed, who supported a united Pakistan, was not unaware of the
brutal measures of the junta. In spite of his ideological commitment
to a united Pakistan, he had given shelter to the family of Professor
Ahmed Sharif and to many other individuals who were in the bad books of
the junta.
Dr. Rafiqul Islam had known Moulvi Ahmed personally for quite some
time. Just before Moulvi Farid Ahmed's departure from the detention
center, Dr. Rafiqul Islam had whispered to Moulvi Ahmed, " Can you tell
me about the situation outside?" Moulvi Farid Ahmed replied, "Rafiq, we
are through. There are 10 to 12 Indian divisions encircling East
Pakistan. There is no way we can make it." This extraordinary
conversation took place in the month of September 1971.
Regarding the disappearance of Zahir Raihan, Dr. Rafiqul Islam said that
the late film maker went to Mirpur to see for himself the Al-Badr
killing field where his brother had been murdered. According to Dr.
Rafiqul Islam, Zahir Raihan was escorted by a group of Bangladeshi
soldiers. It may be mentioned that during the liberation war, a regular
Bangladesh Army had been formed on Indian soil. This army was destined
to fight conventional warfare with the Pakistani fouz. The present
prime minister's late brother Sheikh Kamal and Major General Jamil D.
Ahsan (currently Director General of Bangladesh Institute of
International and Strategic Studies) and Shaheed Lt. Ataus Samad were
products of this army that was born during the war. Dr. Rafiqul Islam
said he has visited the spot where Zahir Raihan was killed along with a
group of Indian soldiers at a later time.
In the occupied city of Dhaka during the days of blood and thunder,
the army administration left no stone unturned to keep track of all the
city dwellers suspected of pro-Bangladeshi political leanings. All
Bengali businessmen were also under constant scrutiny from Pak army
intelligence.
For most of the Ayub and Yahya Khan era (1958-1970), the DIB or Police
intelligence in the city of Dhaka had maintained dossiers on suspected
political activists. After the crack down of 25th March, the barbaric
Pak army had easy access to those files which came in very handy. A
veteran politician like ex-Awami Leaguer Abul Mansur Ahmed was in no
danger, but not because he had sold his soul to the devil. Thanks to the
dossier on him, the military rulers were in a position to make sure that
Mr. Abul Mansur Ahmed would find it prudent to acquiesce to the rule
from Islamabad.
One of my close relatives used to be a local leader of the National
Awami Party (Muzaffar) in Comilla town. During the war period he decided
not to flee the country. He first sought refuge in his village home. But
still feeling insecure, he came back to Dhaka and stayed at our house in
Dhaka which was lying empty after we had fled to Tangail.
In September when I came to Dhaka for a brief visit. I saw my relative
quite content with living in "exile" in the city under siege. He had
decided to turn inactive in the political sense. But, in the end, that
wasn't enough to save him. One fine morning, in October, the Pak army
surrounded our Dhaka house and arrested our relative. He was taken to
the Cantonment prison where he was detained indefinitely and tortured.
Another relative, the Chief Executive Officer of a gramophone record
company was luckier. He had not underestimated Pak army intelligence.
After the crack down, he took shelter on the outskirts of the city.
Later, he lived for a while in a cousin's house in yet another part of
the city. Fortunately, he had obtained a passport during the good old
days of Ayub Khan. After the army crack down on 25th March, 1971,
everyone had been made to fly via West Pakistan to go overseas. It
seems that the army junta had failed to anticipate that anyone would
dare to flee from its clutches by flying into West Pakistan! My relative
was astounded by what he saw when he landed in Karachi. Life was quite
normal in West Pakistan. There was no curfew in the evenings, no knock
on the door in the middle of the night. West Pakistan was oblivious to
what was going on in the East wing. My relative had no problem in
booking a flight to U.K. from Karachi. He stayed in U.K. till Bangladesh
was liberated. His departure from Pakistan proved to be just in
time - a few days after his departure, the army knocked at the doors of
his Dhaka shelter only to discover that "chireya bhaag gaya."
As I was writing this article, the Islamic Circle of North America
concluded its convention in Baltimore, Maryland. Ashrafuzzaman Khan, an
accused war criminal of 1971 graced the event with his presence. This
soft-spoken Islamic scholar is well respected in the Islamic circle of
this region. But his dark past is hard to ignore. He was accused of
killing seven Dhaka University professors with his own hands.
Mofizuddin, who had chauffeured the accused killer, has testified
against Ashrafuzzaman in a court of law.
One of the victims of Ashrafuzzaman was Professor Ghiasuddin Ahmed of
the History Department. On 24th September 1997, a complaint case ( case
no. 115/1997 Ramana Thana) was filed against Ashrafuzzaman Khan, now
resident in USA, and others, for alleged crime committed by him in 1971
during the Bangladesh Liberation War. Mrs. Farida Banu, sister of
martyred intellectual Professor Ghiasuddin Ahmed, filed the case at the
Ramana Police Station in Dhaka under the Penal Code of Bangladesh (
Sections: 120(b), 448, 364, 302, 201, 34, 114). In the complaint, it
was reported that on 14th December 1971 morning , Professor Ghiasuddin
was abducted by Asrafuzzaman Khan, Chowdhury Mueen Uddin ( now resident
in London) and others. Professor Ghiasuddin was never again seen alive
and his dead body was finally found at Rayar Baazar killing Fields on
5th January 1972.
The fire in the soul of millions of Shaheed families is still burning.
I mentioned Moulvi Farid Ahmed's name. Unlike many other supporters of
Pakistan's integrity, politics did not blind him and that is why he
saved a number of innocent lives during the war of liberation. His
membership in a local Peace Committee gave him some leverage in
influencing the auxiliary forces of the Pakistani killing machine. It
was almost like Oscar Schindler's scenario. His son recently mentioned
in a news group discussion about his father's role in 1971. According to
him, Moulvi Farid Ahmed made a number of phone calls to various places
after Professor Ghiasuddin Ahmed was abducted by "Pakistani paramilitary
force." And that paramilitary force is nothing but the infamous Al-Badr,
the military wing of Jamat-i-Islami, now a legitimate party of
Bangladesh. Moulvi Farid Ahmed's life died a horrible death. According
to his son, a faction of overzealous freedom fighters tortured Moulvi
Farid Ahmed to death. He didn't even get a decent burial.
We need to document more and more facts to get a broad perspective
of our liberation war. The pains and sorrows of all victims need to be
made known to the world. We have an obligation to tell the world about
our ordeal in 1971 so that our cry of, "Never again," takes on the
urgency that it deserves in a world that had watched from the sidelines
in 1971 as Islamabad's army junta perpetrated the most horrendous
genocide since the days of Hitler.
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